- CERI 56 RUE JACOB, 75006 Paris France
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Christophe Jaffrelot
Sciences-Po, Paris, Ceri, Faculty Member
Depuis la fin du xviiie siècle, l'Europe constitue le théâtre privilégié des passions révolutionnaires. Mais durant la même période, jusqu'aux événements qui marquent le début du xxie siècle, le monde non-européen résonne... more
Depuis la fin du xviiie siècle, l'Europe constitue le théâtre privilégié des passions révolutionnaires. Mais durant la même période, jusqu'aux événements qui marquent le début du xxie siècle, le monde non-européen résonne également d'attentes et de crises révolutionnaires. Comment comprendre les passions révolutionnaires ayant vu le jour hors du continent européen ? Dans quelle mesure ont-elles été conditionnées par les matrices européennes auxquelles elles se référaient ? Ont-elles, à leur tour, donné naissance à des modèles exportables ? À travers le « Tri-continent » - espace latino-américain, moyen-oriental et indien -, les trois auteurs interrogent le fait révolutionnaire dans un dialogue avec le maître-livre de François Furet Le passé d'une illusion, rétrospective sur « l'idée communiste » publiée en 1995 peu après la chute du Mur de Berlin. Nationaliste, religieuse, prolétarienne, internationaliste, anticoloniale, ou simplement libertaire et égalitaire, vécue pacifiquement ou réprimée dans la violence : au-delà de cette diversité de forme, la révolution, son passé comme son avenir, s'avèrent néanmoins un analyseur de nos sociétés.Hamit Bozarslan est directeur d'études à l'EHESS ; ses travaux concernent la sociologie historique et politique du Moyen-Orient. Gilles Bataillon est directeur d'études à l'EHESS et professeur associé au CIDE (Mexico) ; il est spécialiste des formes du politique en Amérique latine. Christophe Jaffrelot est directeur de recherche au CNRS/CERI ; ses recherches portent sur la théorie du nationalisme et de la démocratie, et leurs pratiques en Inde et au Pakistan
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India is gradually slipping into its new avatar of an emerging power. That this notion – power – is multifaceted is a well-known fact; but India today seems to be verifying all the criteria inherent to power: military strategy related,... more
India is gradually slipping into its new avatar of an emerging power. That this notion – power – is multifaceted is a well-known fact; but India today seems to be verifying all the criteria inherent to power: military strategy related, economic, demographic and even cultural and political. If India is asserting itself in this fashion in all the compartments of the game, it is largely thanks to a consummate art of voluntarism: it aspires for power at the same time for dominating the region and for carving for itself a place in what has come to be known as the court of the greats. But what does India want to do of this power? What is the vision that it holds of this quest? These questions are generally met with a deadening silence in India as if the answers are to be found in the unspoken words of an elite which is at once enamoured of realpolitik and nationalism.
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Jaffrelot Christophe. Deliège (Robert). Les Intouchables en Inde. Des castes d'exclus. In: Archives de sciences sociales des religions, n°92, 1995. L'islam en europe. pp. 100-101
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The 2014 election campaign of the BJP was unprecedented not only because, for the first time, a Chief Minister was the prime ministerial candidate of one of the national parties in the fray and tried to promote his state achievements in... more
The 2014 election campaign of the BJP was unprecedented not only because, for the first time, a Chief Minister was the prime ministerial candidate of one of the national parties in the fray and tried to promote his state achievements in terms of development across the nation, but also because the party relied on the personality of its leader more than any other party since the Congress under Indira Gandhi. Narendra Modi broke with the BJP's collegial tradition in several ways. He marginalised party veterans, short circuited the BJP apparatus to use a parallel support structure, and resorted to new techniques of communication that saturated the public space. However, these innovations were superimposed on older themes which had sometimes not been used by the BJP itself before, but by others – like caste politics or corruption. Modi's BJP also fell back on some alliances with other parties, the old RSS network, and revisited Hindutva politics to such an extent that ‘development' was definitely not the only theme of the Modi campaign.
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In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor.... more
In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor. Modi’s massive appeal to the poor is counterintuitive given the weakening of pro-poor policies like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the elitist character of BJP. If class has lost some of its relevance for explaining the results of the 2019 elections, caste is showing some resilience, not as aggregates in the garb of OBCs or SCs, but as jatis at the state level. In spite of the BJP’s claim that the party’s ideology was alien to any consideration which may divide the nation, its strategists have meticulously studied caste equations at the local level in order to select the right candidates. This caste-based strategy partly explains the above-mentioned class element as the small OBC and Dalit jatis that the BJP has wooed are often among ...
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L’Asie du Sud – l’Inde en tête – a réinventé le sécularisme, en l’adaptant à l’immense diversité religieuse de la région. Mais les dernières décennies ont vu cette réinvention subir, dans chaque pays, de sérieux coups de boutoir –... more
L’Asie du Sud – l’Inde en tête – a réinventé le sécularisme, en l’adaptant à l’immense diversité religieuse de la région. Mais les dernières décennies ont vu cette réinvention subir, dans chaque pays, de sérieux coups de boutoir – indépendamment de la religion dominante (hindouisme, islam ou bouddhisme) et des régimes politiques (démocratiques ou autoritaires). C’est ce processus que ce volume entend analyser à travers l’étude des dynamiques à l’œuvre dans chacun des pays concernés, de l’Inde à l’Afghanistan, en passant par le Pakistan, le Bangladesh, Sri Lanka et le Népal. Partout, la tendance est à une identification de l’Etat à la religion majoritaire qui, certes, varie beaucoup selon les pays. Les minorités religieuses sont naturellement les premières à ressentir l’influence de ce déclin du sécularisme ; là encore, certaines convergences apparaissent, se lisant en tout premier lieu dans la morphologie de la violence. Mais si le constat de cette évolution fait l’objet d’un consensus, sa nature et son ampleur restent largement débattues, comme le montrent les différentes tonalités des contributions ici réunies. Au-delà du sécularisme, ce numéro s’attache aussi à déconstruire le couple religion-politique à travers des études de cas où le lien de causalité est loin d’être systématique, même lorsqu’il est attendu, et où la relation entre les champs connaît des transformations inédites
Research Interests: Religion, Asian Studies, Political Science, Minority, Politic, and 9 moreSecularism, State, Politique, Pol, Rel, JPA, État, Hram, and Minorité
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In India, the hereditary nature of political functions is a tradition dating back to the beginning of the Republic. The princes who entered the electoral arena after 1947 were the first to observe a practice well in accordance with their... more
In India, the hereditary nature of political functions is a tradition dating back to the beginning of the Republic. The princes who entered the electoral arena after 1947 were the first to observe a practice well in accordance with their ancestors’ dynastical logic. These heirs were nevertheless dismissed from the political game when they demonstrateda lack of any political devotion to the state. Such a rule is perfectly well illustrated by the Scindia lineage who recently inaugurated its third generation of members of parliament. The Nehru/Gandhi family incarnates the resonance of the dynastical repertory in the Indian policy in a more continuous way. But then again, nothing is automatic in the perpetuation of generations in power, either because the heirs are rejected by the electorate or they do not wish pursue their ancestors’ activity. All in all, Indian politics seems to reflect a logic of lineage rather than dynasty, even if the modes of succession at the head of certain regi...
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The RSS as a movement for social reform (1925-1948) Nehru's secularist struggle the Jana Sangh - a party of the long term the competition for legitimacy the first Hindu political mobilization - the Cow Protection Movement of 1967 the... more
The RSS as a movement for social reform (1925-1948) Nehru's secularist struggle the Jana Sangh - a party of the long term the competition for legitimacy the first Hindu political mobilization - the Cow Protection Movement of 1967 the new Vajpayee Line precipitous integration the former Jan Sangh - a pillar of the Janata Party the return of the RSS and the strategy of Hindu mobilization a favourable context the rallying of the BJP.
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En Inde comme dans bien d’autres pays, la nation ne se definit pas seulement sur le mode ouvert de la citoyennete, mais aussi sur celui, ferme, de l’ethnicite. Le premier a longtemps ete represente par le parti du Congres de Gandhi puis... more
En Inde comme dans bien d’autres pays, la nation ne se definit pas seulement sur le mode ouvert de la citoyennete, mais aussi sur celui, ferme, de l’ethnicite. Le premier a longtemps ete represente par le parti du Congres de Gandhi puis de Nehru, et le second par les nationalistes hindous, pour lesquels la communaute majoritaire, faite de fils du sol, incarne l’Inde eternelle, tandis que les chretiens et les musulmans sont des pieces rapportees devant preter allegeance aux symboles hindous pour etre reconnus comme des Indiens a part entiere. Ne dans les annees 1920, le nationalisme hindou n’a pris son essor que dans les annees 1990 avant de conquerir le pouvoir en 2014. Ce tournant doit beaucoup au populisme de son leader, Narendra Modi, une personnalite atypique qui a d’abord gouverne la province du Gujarat – ou il s’est impose, suite au pogrom antimusulman de 2002, grâce a ses succes economiques et au soutien des milieux d’affaires, avant de conduire son parti, le BJP, a la victoi...
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L'ouvrage de M. G. porte sur une caste d'artisans du Nepal, les Curautes, hindous a l'origine mais de longue date convertis a l'islam et dont la fonction traditionnelle etait de fabriquer des bracelets et des perles de... more
L'ouvrage de M. G. porte sur une caste d'artisans du Nepal, les Curautes, hindous a l'origine mais de longue date convertis a l'islam et dont la fonction traditionnelle etait de fabriquer des bracelets et des perles de verre. La premiere partie du livre offre de ce groupe une analyse ethnologique tres minutieuse fondee, sur des enquetes surtout menees dans un village du Nepal central, Samjur, et dont la premiere remonte au milieu des annees 1960 (...).
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The changing caste realities in Haryana and their links with economic processes became visible in the protests of the Jats for Other Backward Class status. The concerns of the Jats are embedded in twin processes initiated in 1991: the... more
The changing caste realities in Haryana and their links with economic processes became visible in the protests of the Jats for Other Backward Class status. The concerns of the Jats are embedded in twin processes initiated in 1991: the “Market” and the “Mandal.” Led by economic liberalisation, the job market demands certain attributes and levels of education and social skills to profit from its growth process. The implementation of the Mandal Commission’s report has facilitated the relative mobility of lower castes such as OBCs and Dalits through reservations in government jobs and education. The Jats have responded to this crisis by changing the discourse from one of domination to one that highlights their deprivation to bolster their demands for OBC status.
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By the midpoint of his term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi could point to some achievements on the economic front, but jobless growth remained the order of the day in India in 2016. While the BJP was more successful in the state elections... more
By the midpoint of his term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi could point to some achievements on the economic front, but jobless growth remained the order of the day in India in 2016. While the BJP was more successful in the state elections than it had been in 2015, it still registered some setbacks because of the judiciary, especially because of the government’s use of President’s Rule. The year also saw increasingly conflictual relations in Kashmir.
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India, the ‘largest democracy of the world’ has also been known after 1947 for its attempts at establishing a secular regime and its success — quite exceptional — in maintaining it for decades despite ups and downs. Even though Indira... more
India, the ‘largest democracy of the world’ has also been known after 1947 for its attempts at establishing a secular regime and its success — quite exceptional — in maintaining it for decades despite ups and downs. Even though Indira Gandhi had the notion of secularism inserted in the Indian Constitution in 1976, almost twenty years after independence, the political system set up during the reign of her father, Jawaharlal Nehru, was already designed along those lines. Secularism has been understood in India not as a synonym for the French word laicite, which implies separation between church and state; rather, it designates the equidistance of the state vis-a-vis all religions and an equally positive attitude towards them all. For instance, Article 25 of the constitution emphasizes that ‘all persons are equally free to profess, practice and propagate religion’, and Article 30 states that ‘All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions’, which can also receive subsidies from the state.
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Ce dictionnaire entend donner les clefs necessaires pour comprendre le deuxieme pays le plus peuple de la planete : - Une serie de questions qui permettent au lecteur d’aborder un pays complexe a travers sa population, sa societe avec le... more
Ce dictionnaire entend donner les clefs necessaires pour comprendre le deuxieme pays le plus peuple de la planete : - Une serie de questions qui permettent au lecteur d’aborder un pays complexe a travers sa population, sa societe avec le systeme des castes, son economie en pleine expansion, ses multiples religions, sa place dans le monde ; - Des temps forts replacent les grandes etapes historiques − des grands empires de l’Antiquite a la lutte pour l’independance et la partition du pays en passant par l’Empire monghol et la colonisation britannique − qui ont abouti a l’Inde d’aujourd’hui ; - Animaux, Ascetisme, Bollywood, Cachemire, cremation, Litteratures indiennes, Medecines, vetements… Quelques exemples de notices qui montrent qu’aucun theme n’a ete oublie… Le lecteur y trouvera sans difficultes de quoi satisfaire sa curiosite.
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Page 1. L es É tudesdu CERI N° 36 - décembre 1997 Inde : l'Etat de droit en procès Christophe Jaffrelot Centre d'études et de recherches internationales Fondation nationale des sciences politiques Page 2. Les Etudes du CERI - n°... more
Page 1. L es É tudesdu CERI N° 36 - décembre 1997 Inde : l'Etat de droit en procès Christophe Jaffrelot Centre d'études et de recherches internationales Fondation nationale des sciences politiques Page 2. Les Etudes du CERI - n° 36 - décembre 1997 2 ...
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Session I: Democratisation and the making of ethno-religious communities under British rule Le colloque "Democracy, ethnicity and Conflicts in South Asia", du Programme International d’Etudes Avancees (PIEA), s'est tenu a la... more
Session I: Democratisation and the making of ethno-religious communities under British rule Le colloque "Democracy, ethnicity and Conflicts in South Asia", du Programme International d’Etudes Avancees (PIEA), s'est tenu a la Maison Suger en mars 2004. Le Programme International d’Etudes Avancees (PIEA) de la Fondation Maison des sciences de l’homme a ete lance en 2001 pour encourager la recherche conjointe mene par de petits groupes de chercheurs de diverses nationalites prets a travailler en residence. Le programme est conduit en cooperation avec l’Universite Columbia, qui a ouvert au meme moment un Institute for Scholars a Reid Hall, son antenne parisienne.
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Durante los ultimos seis meses, los acuerdos pactados entre Pakistan y Arabia Saudi, por una parte, y la India e Iran, por la otra, llevan a pensar que se estan constituyendo dos ejes bilaterales. No obstante, Iran y Pakistan se... more
Durante los ultimos seis meses, los acuerdos pactados entre Pakistan y Arabia Saudi, por una parte, y la India e Iran, por la otra, llevan a pensar que se estan constituyendo dos ejes bilaterales. No obstante, Iran y Pakistan se encuentran lejos de la ruptura y el acercamiento indo-saudi continua pese al golpe de fuerza del primer ministro indio en Jammu y Cachemira.
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The Patels, a dominant caste of Gujarat, rallied around the Congress in the 1920s and remained behind the ruling party until the 1980s, when they shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) because of the pro-Other Backward Classes (OBCs)... more
The Patels, a dominant caste of Gujarat, rallied around the Congress in the 1920s and remained behind the ruling party until the 1980s, when they shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) because of the pro-Other Backward Classes (OBCs) reservation policy of the Congress Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki. As evident from the 2015 local elections, rural Patels are getting back to Congress. They resent the fact that the BJP, the ruling party for almost two decades, refuses to include Patels on the list of the OBCs. This demand, articulated by Hardik Patel, and other youth leaders, reflects the growing socio-economic inequalities within this caste group, not only because of the gap between peasants and urban dwellers but also because of the scarcity of good jobs in the private sectors, one of the outcomes of the ‘Gujarat model’.
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Analyse: Indien hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren zu einer bedeutenden okonomischen und politischen Fuhrungsmacht in Asien entwickelt. Wahrend die wirtschaftliche und militarische Kooperation zwischen Indien, der ASEAN+3 und den... more
Analyse: Indien hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren zu einer bedeutenden okonomischen und politischen Fuhrungsmacht in Asien entwickelt. Wahrend die wirtschaftliche und militarische Kooperation zwischen Indien, der ASEAN+3 und den Vereinigten Staaten zunehmend enger wird, gerat die EU immer starker ins Hintertreffen. Trotz zahlreicher Bemuhungen, die Zusammenarbeit zu intensivieren, fallt die Bilanz bisher eher nuchtern aus:
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In June 1975 Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed a state of emergency, resulting in a twenty-one-month suspension of democracy. Jaffrelot and Anil revisit the Emergency to re-evaluate characterisations of India as the ‘world’s largest... more
In June 1975 Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed a state of emergency, resulting in a twenty-one-month suspension of democracy. Jaffrelot and Anil revisit the Emergency to re-evaluate characterisations of India as the ‘world’s largest democracy.’ They explore India’s first experiment with authoritarianism, which resulted in a constitutional dictatorship with an unequal impact across states. The impact was felt more strongly in the capital, its neighbouring states and in the Hindi belt than in states ruled by the opposition—the North East and South India. This was largely due to the resilience of federalism and local socio-political factors in these regions. India’s First Dictatorship focuses on Mrs Gandhi and her son, Sanjay, who was largely responsible for the mass sterilization programs and deportation of urban slum-dwellers. However, it equally exposes the facilitation of authoritarian rule by Congressmen, Communists, trade unions, businessmen and the urban middle class, as well...
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Session II: Democracy and the making of conflict in post-independence South Asia Mariam Abou Zahab, politologue specialiste de l’Afghanistan et du Pakistan, intervient sur la question des conflits Shia-Sunnites et les politiques... more
Session II: Democracy and the making of conflict in post-independence South Asia Mariam Abou Zahab, politologue specialiste de l’Afghanistan et du Pakistan, intervient sur la question des conflits Shia-Sunnites et les politiques electorales dans le Pendjab pakistanais. Le colloque "Democracy, ethnicity and Conflicts in South Asia", du Programme International d’Etudes Avancees (PIEA), s'est tenu a la Maison Suger en mars 2004. Le Programme International d’Etudes Avancees (PIEA) de la Fondation Maison des sciences de l’homme a ete lance en 2001 pour encourager la recherche conjointe mene par de petits groupes de chercheurs de diverses nationalites prets a travailler en residence. Le programme est conduit en cooperation avec l’Universite Columbia, qui a ouvert au meme moment un Institute for Scholars a Reid Hall, son antenne parisienne.
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This chapter examines the two major developments that led Mrs Gandhi to declare the Emergency: the JP Movement and the Allahabad judgment. It analyses how both these challenges to her regime emanated from structural issues, many of which... more
This chapter examines the two major developments that led Mrs Gandhi to declare the Emergency: the JP Movement and the Allahabad judgment. It analyses how both these challenges to her regime emanated from structural issues, many of which were a decade old. The chapter delineates the role of the Sangh Parivar and social discontent due to a serious socio-economic crisis in making the nation-wide JP movement. Similarly, the Allahabad judgment came after Mrs Gandhi side-lined the judiciary for years, thereby increasing the power of the executive. Therefore, the Allahabad judgment, like the JP movement, was a result of deep-seated resentment from the judiciary and the people.
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Mientras que el general y ex presidente Pervez Musharraf esta acusado de traicion por haber impuesto el estado de emergencia en 2007, el Tribunal Supremo de Pakistan lanza sus redes en todas las direcciones. Pero este, tras haber... more
Mientras que el general y ex presidente Pervez Musharraf esta acusado de traicion por haber impuesto el estado de emergencia en 2007, el Tribunal Supremo de Pakistan lanza sus redes en todas las direcciones. Pero este, tras haber consolidado el Estado de derecho, se arroga cada vez mas prerrogativas y preocupa a los democratas. Un juego peligroso en el momento en que la cohesion nacional sufre los enfrentamientos sectarios entre chiies y sunies.
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A country that has not gone through a revolution, India has been the crucible of several reform movements as early as the nineteenth century. But none of them intended to break with the past. They even sometimes prepared the ground for... more
A country that has not gone through a revolution, India has been the crucible of several reform movements as early as the nineteenth century. But none of them intended to break with the past. They even sometimes prepared the ground for revivalism. In parallel, Hindu traditionalism developed in reaction to social and cultural change. In the twentieth century, these schools of thought found political expressions in the Congress party where they inhibited the fights against the caste system and land reform. These trends continued after 1947, in reaction to Nehruvian views, till conservative Congressmen created the Swatantra party and then the Congress (O).
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In June 1975 Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed a state of emergency, resulting in a twenty-one-month suspension of democracy. Jaffrelot and Anil revisit the Emergency to re-evaluate characterisations of India as the ‘world’s largest... more
In June 1975 Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed a state of emergency, resulting in a twenty-one-month suspension of democracy. Jaffrelot and Anil revisit the Emergency to re-evaluate characterisations of India as the ‘world’s largest democracy.’ They explore India’s first experiment with authoritarianism, which resulted in a constitutional dictatorship with an unequal impact across states. The impact was felt more strongly in the capital, its neighbouring states and in the Hindi belt than in states ruled by the opposition—the North East and South India. This was largely due to the resilience of federalism and local socio-political factors in these regions. India’s First Dictatorship focuses on Mrs Gandhi and her son, Sanjay, who was largely responsible for the mass sterilization programs and deportation of urban slum-dwellers. However, it equally exposes the facilitation of authoritarian rule by Congressmen, Communists, trade unions, businessmen and the urban middle class, as well as the complacency of the judiciary and media. While opposition leaders eventually ended up in jail, many of them—especially in the RSS—tried to collaborate with the new regime. Those who resisted the Emergency, in the media or on the streets, were far and few between. The Emergency accentuated India’s political culture, which is reflected in the current zeitgeist, as the illiberal aspects of Indian democracy yet again resurface with the rise of Hindu nationalist authoritarian populism. This episode was neither a parenthesis nor a turning point, but a style of rule that is very much alive today.
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Religious minorities were bound to be treated as second-class citizens in Pakistan as the country was conceived as the homeland of Muslims from the British Raj and became an Islamic Republic. Hindus, Christians, and others were confined... more
Religious minorities were bound to be treated as second-class citizens in Pakistan as the country was conceived as the homeland of Muslims from the British Raj and became an Islamic Republic. Hindus, Christians, and others were confined to separate electorates for quite some time and on several occasions. A new minority, the Ahmadis, emerged in 1974 when the 1973 Constitution was amended for defining who a Muslim is. All these groups are victims of discrimination, including ghettoization. They are particularly affected by the anti-blasphemy law.
In the dominant imaginaire, Indira Gandhi is often portrayed as an absolutist dictator who eliminated free speech, dissent, and liberty. This view, in writing off agency on the part of the rest of the nation, omits mention of the role... more
In the dominant imaginaire, Indira Gandhi is often portrayed as an absolutist dictator who eliminated free speech, dissent, and liberty. This view, in writing off agency on the part of the rest of the nation, omits mention of the role that a motley coalition of classes and political parties on the one hand, and an ambivalent as well as divided opposition on the other, played in legitimising the Emergency. Contemporary accounts also present a romantic view of the underground – here agency is overdetermined – overlooking its chaotic nature and marginal influence to weave the narrative of a successful democratic movement eventually displacing an autocratic premier in 1977. A more revisionist repertoire, especially popular among Mrs Gandhi’s apologists, describes the Emergency as a social revolution that promoted progressive policies. The Emergency was in fact a far more complex phenomenon. Certainly, it was postcolonial India’s first experiment with authoritarianism. But of what kind? ...
With more than 150 million people, Muslims are the largest Indian minority but are facing a significant decline in socio-economic as well as political terms - not to say anything about the communal waves of violence that have affected... more
With more than 150 million people, Muslims are the largest Indian minority but are facing a significant decline in socio-economic as well as political terms - not to say anything about the communal waves of violence that have affected them over the last 25 years. In India's cities, these developments find contrasted expressions. While Muslims are everywhere lagging behind, local syncretic cultures have proved to be resilient in the South and in the East (Bangalore, Calicut, Cuttack). In the Hindi belt and in the North, Muslims have met a different fate, especially in riot-prone areas (Ahmedabad, Mumbai, Jaipur, Aligarh) and in the former capitals of Muslim states (Delhi, Hyderabad, Bhopal, Lucknow). These developments have resulted in the formation of Muslim ghettos and Muslim slums in places like Ahmedabad and Mumbai. But (self-)segregation also played a role in the making of Muslim enclaves, like in Delhi and Aligarh, where traditional elites and the new Muslim middle class se...
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The balance of global power is undergoing a tectonic shift, with “developing” countries such as India, Turkey, Brazil, Mexico, Indonesia, and South Africa now asserting their influence. These countries subtly redefine our notion of... more
The balance of global power is undergoing a tectonic shift, with “developing” countries such as India, Turkey, Brazil, Mexico, Indonesia, and South Africa now asserting their influence. These countries subtly redefine our notion of “strong” and “weak” economics and the relationship between political stability and international might, changing the rules of the international power grab to an extent unheard of since 1945. Emerging states share high growth rates and increasing institutional activities, and they equally pursue integration into the world economy. Yet each country differs in its forms of capitalism and overall economic and political trajectories. China has become “the world’s factory,” while India is known as “the world’s back office.” In light of these differences, there is now an urgent need to understand how our conception of “emerging states” corresponds to reality and the new configurations of power they might inspire. This richly documented volume, which contains mor...
Typically when we think of global powerhouses, countries such as the US, UK, Japan or Germany come to mind. But the world is in the midst of a tectonic shift in international economic and political power. Countries previously lumped under... more
Typically when we think of global powerhouses, countries such as the US, UK, Japan or Germany come to mind. But the world is in the midst of a tectonic shift in international economic and political power. Countries previously lumped under the general heading of 'developing' are fast becoming key players on the international stage. India, Turkey, Brazil, Mexico, Indonesia and South Africa, among others, are subtly altering our perceptions of what constitutes a 'strong' or 'weak' economy, while 'Emerging States' - a term once familiar only to economists - is entering common parlance. The Emerging States are reshuffling the cards of the international game in a manner unheard of since 1945. Never before have the dominant powers had to make room for new players, propelled forward by an astonishing economic momentum. The power struggle looming in multilateral organizations such as the UN and the IMF reflects a shift in the world center of gravity, in both g...
This course is an introduction to modern India, focused on the colonial moment. Lecture topics, indicated below, are organized chronologically. They will include discussions of social and cultural aspects at every stage. Assignments... more
This course is an introduction to modern India, focused on the colonial moment. Lecture topics, indicated below, are organized chronologically. They will include discussions of social and cultural aspects at every stage. Assignments Course requirement includes a written research paper. The maximum length of this essay is 5000 words. The topic of the essays will be decided in consultation with Christophe Jaffrelot and Malvika Maheshwari who will help the students in their bibliographical research.
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... Mukesh Ambani said about him: "Narendrabhai is a leader with a grand vision. ... As a result, one of the rss strongmen in the Gujarat unit of the organisation, Mukund Deobhankar, declared in the press... more
... Mukesh Ambani said about him: "Narendrabhai is a leader with a grand vision. ... As a result, one of the rss strongmen in the Gujarat unit of the organisation, Mukund Deobhankar, declared in the press that this time his organisation would not get involved in election work (Times of ...
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ABSTRACT Indian nationalist leaders developed a strong interest in Asia right from the early nineteenth century. Jawarharlal Nehru articulated an Asianist ideology based on the cultural affinities between India and China and the... more
ABSTRACT Indian nationalist leaders developed a strong interest in Asia right from the early nineteenth century. Jawarharlal Nehru articulated an Asianist ideology based on the cultural affinities between India and China and the geopolitical interest in Greater India. This approach, which culminated in the Bandung summit, was put into parenthesis after the 1962 war. The Cold War, during which India and South East Asia were in different camps, prompted differing paths towards in emulating the economic progress of Japan, Taiwan and South Korea, and different approaches towards the development of the ASEAN. India's Asianist policy met an uneven fate but, by and large, there has been a significant rapprochement between India and East Asia. This move materialized in the investments of several Asian countries – including South Korea – in India and the entry of India in the ARF. Yet the symbiosis between India and Southeast Asia remains hindered by the rather nationalistic view of the latter region that the Hindutva movement is still propagating: like in the colonial period, Asianism remains part of an instrumentalist strategy.
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In Gujarat, close relations between a robust business community, politicians and the bureaucracy crystallized at an early date and survived under the Nehruvian system. In the 1990s, Gujarat liberalized its economy more quickly than most... more
In Gujarat, close relations between a robust business community, politicians and the bureaucracy crystallized at an early date and survived under the Nehruvian system. In the 1990s, Gujarat liberalized its economy more quickly than most other states. In the 2000s, the economic policy of the new chief minister, Narendra Modi, gave a new dimension to the state’s business-friendliness because it benefited SMEs, the entrepreneurial basis of Gujarat, less than large corporate houses. This “model” had implications not only for the economy (as evident from the problems that the SMEs started to face—as well as the exchequer for fiscal reasons), but also for the society (big firms need fewer workers than SMEs), the polity (grand corruption was a corollary of this pattern), and the environment (big companies were allowed to breach rules and regulations in that domain too). These issues are illustrated by relations between Narendra Modi and Gautam Adani.
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... Mukesh Ambani, l'un des deux héritiers du premier groupe indien, Reliance, dit de lui : « Narendrabhai [bhai signifie frère] est un leader avec une ... responsable de la province) du RSS dans la région, mais en... more
... Mukesh Ambani, l'un des deux héritiers du premier groupe indien, Reliance, dit de lui : « Narendrabhai [bhai signifie frère] est un leader avec une ... responsable de la province) du RSS dans la région, mais en 2007 le principal homme du RSS au Gujarat, Mukund Deobhankar, a ...
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The paper looks into the causes behind various ethnic movements in Pakistan and finds that these identity movements do not stem from primordial collective bonds. Rather, they originate from a motivation to promote specific interests,... more
The paper looks into the causes behind various ethnic movements in Pakistan and finds that these identity movements do not stem from primordial collective bonds. Rather, they originate from a motivation to promote specific interests, political as well as socio-economic. Centralisation of the state is an additional factor contributing to the ethnic tensions in the country as it leads to a strong feeling of vulnerability among the smaller groups.
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An academic directory and search engine.
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... Titre du document / Document title. Processions hindoues, stratégies politiques et émeutes entre hindous et mulsumans = Hindu processions, political strategies ans hindu-muslim riots. Auteur(s) / Author(s). JAFFRELOT C. ; Résumé /... more
... Titre du document / Document title. Processions hindoues, stratégies politiques et émeutes entre hindous et mulsumans = Hindu processions, political strategies ans hindu-muslim riots. Auteur(s) / Author(s). JAFFRELOT C. ; Résumé / Abstract. ... Nagpur. ; Ganesh. ; Bhiwandi. ; ...
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... suite, même si cette Akhand Bharat reste l'une des utopies obsessionnelles du mouvement, mais ... et des femmes exécutant les danses des gopis (vachères accompagnant le dieu Krishna, autre divinité ... Le... more
... suite, même si cette Akhand Bharat reste l'une des utopies obsessionnelles du mouvement, mais ... et des femmes exécutant les danses des gopis (vachères accompagnant le dieu Krishna, autre divinité ... Le successeur d'Advani à la tête du BJP, MM Joshi, organisa ainsi dès 1991 ...
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... suite. » Et Prakash Sharma de conclure en définissant le Bajrang Dal comme la problem solving organisation du Sangh Parivar. ... Il fut alors suspendu par le président de l'université, Manoj Soni, 40... more
... suite. » Et Prakash Sharma de conclure en définissant le Bajrang Dal comme la problem solving organisation du Sangh Parivar. ... Il fut alors suspendu par le président de l'université, Manoj Soni, 40 ans, une créature du chef du gouvernement BJP du Gujarat, Narenda Modi. ...
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... Musharraf était en effet tenu d'organiser des élections trois ans après son coup d'Etat du 12 octobre 1999, pour respecter une décision de la ... Etats-Unis : il leur livra un leader d'Al Qaïda presque tous les deux... more
... Musharraf était en effet tenu d'organiser des élections trois ans après son coup d'Etat du 12 octobre 1999, pour respecter une décision de la ... Etats-Unis : il leur livra un leader d'Al Qaïda presque tous les deux mois, de Abu Zabaïda en avril 2002 à Khalil Sheikh Mohammed en ...
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The rapprochement between India and the US, under the government of Manmohan Singh, has translated into many collaborations and strategic deals—including the 123 agreement. It may be based on some quid pro quo though. While Washington... more
The rapprochement between India and the US, under the government of Manmohan Singh, has translated into many collaborations and strategic deals—including the 123 agreement. It may be based on some quid pro quo though. While Washington would like to transform India into a long-term ally to defend the American interests and values, New Delhi seems to be willing to partner with the US so long as this relationship serves its interests in economic and strategic terms, regarding Islamist groups and their Pakistani protectors especially. New Delhi, for instance, may not join hands with the US in the World Trade Organization at all and may also resist American attempts to instrumentalise her against China and Iran.But the economic and societal links that have been built between India and the US, because of massive investments and the growing role of the Indian diaspora in the US, may make it difficult for the Indian government to backtrack, even if it wishes. What may well be at stake is nothing more than the autonomy of the state vis-à-vis non-state interests, ranging from the corporate sector to the new Indian middle-class, which—during the Bush years—appeared to be more pro-American than any other public opinion.
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... differentiated. Chandra admits that he 'attempted to bridge these disparities by creating a common history of the Bahujan Samaj, drawing on personalities and symbols from across the categories included under the... more
... differentiated. Chandra admits that he 'attempted to bridge these disparities by creating a common history of the Bahujan Samaj, drawing on personalities and symbols from across the categories included under the label' (p. 150). ...
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... 7 Ambedkar, on the basis of his sociological analysis endeav-ored to ethnicize the identity of ... certainly aimed at giving the Yadavs an ethnic identity, but this ethnicization process was ... They were especially successful through... more
... 7 Ambedkar, on the basis of his sociological analysis endeav-ored to ethnicize the identity of ... certainly aimed at giving the Yadavs an ethnic identity, but this ethnicization process was ... They were especially successful through their schools among the sons of Agra Chamars who ...
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... 77. 78 L'Inde est aujourd'hui susceptible d'apporter au monde une conception renouvelée de la ... du Sud contre les Américains et les Européens, comme on peut l'observer depuis le début du ... Ce... more
... 77. 78 L'Inde est aujourd'hui susceptible d'apporter au monde une conception renouvelée de la ... du Sud contre les Américains et les Européens, comme on peut l'observer depuis le début du ... Ce positionnement a été institutionnalisé par la création de l'IBSA, un groupe formé par l ...
... afghans 90 musulmans constituant un autre épisode traumatique particulièrement saillant en 1924 Cf Spear The Nabobs 1932) Calcutta Rupa 1991 197 ... déjà évoquées sont en effet présentées comme de simples rééditions de... more
... afghans 90 musulmans constituant un autre épisode traumatique particulièrement saillant en 1924 Cf Spear The Nabobs 1932) Calcutta Rupa 1991 197 ... déjà évoquées sont en effet présentées comme de simples rééditions de l'assemblée réunie par l'empereur Harsha en 648 ...
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... differentiated. Chandra admits that he 'attempted to bridge these disparities by creating a common history of the Bahujan Samaj, drawing on personalities and symbols from across the categories included under the... more
... differentiated. Chandra admits that he 'attempted to bridge these disparities by creating a common history of the Bahujan Samaj, drawing on personalities and symbols from across the categories included under the label' (p. 150). ...
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ABSTRACT The growing importance of images in the age of television has created the conditions for Narendra Modi to evolve his nondiscursive populist mode of political communication as Chief Minister of Gujarat. Beyond television, he has... more
ABSTRACT The growing importance of images in the age of television has created the conditions for Narendra Modi to evolve his nondiscursive populist mode of political communication as Chief Minister of Gujarat. Beyond television, he has relied on techniques like mobile vans carrying TV sets and 3D holograms shown in many different locations simultaneously. In this type of high-tech populism, the dress codes and the body language have mattered lot, and hence Modi’s obsession with details, including the colors to wear and the length of his kurta’s sleeves. If Indira Gandhi’s brand of populism relied mostly on the radio, Narendra Modi, who has short circuited his party in the same proportion, belongs to the television era. But he has not used this medium only to promote his image (TV has also played a role in preparing the ground for the Gujarat pogrom after Godhra).
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... References to the four varnas do exist in the Rig Veda, the earliest of the vedic texts; in the hymn X-90, relating a famous foundation myth allegory, to be born out of the sacrifice of the primordial man ('Virat Purusha'):... more
... References to the four varnas do exist in the Rig Veda, the earliest of the vedic texts; in the hymn X-90, relating a famous foundation myth allegory, to be born out of the sacrifice of the primordial man ('Virat Purusha'): "the Brahmin (priest) was his mouth, his arm was made the ...
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... 29). Already, Purohit says, Major Parag Modak is in charge of our international office (26 January Conversation: 9). The case of Purohit is especially interesting because he mixed rather freely with Hindu nationalist leaders. ...
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After the socio-political crisis that had resulted from the Mandal affair in 1990, no central government in India had any inclination to relaunch affirmative action programmes for fifteen years. The government that was formed after the... more
After the socio-political crisis that had resulted from the Mandal affair in 1990, no central government in India had any inclination to relaunch affirmative action programmes for fifteen years. The government that was formed after the 2004 elections resuscitated this question by committing itself to apply positive discrimination programmes in favour of the lower castes and the tribes in the private sector and in the domain of higher education. This move stems from the political strategy of the Congress party which aspires to regain some popularity among the plebeians and from the pressure exerted by the leftist component of the ruling coalition (the communists as well as regional parties). It has generated a lot of hostility from the business community, the upper caste students and the judiciary, but most of the opposition parties have approved this decision lest to alienate large chunks of the voters. As a result, the government has given up the idea of applying its policy to the ...
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... Le chef de ce parti, NT Rama Rao, un acteur de cinéma très populaire, remporta les élections pour la première fois en 1983. ... rôle politique de subordonné provoquait amertume et ressentiment au sein de cette caste[12] [12] KC Suri,... more
... Le chef de ce parti, NT Rama Rao, un acteur de cinéma très populaire, remporta les élections pour la première fois en 1983. ... rôle politique de subordonné provoquait amertume et ressentiment au sein de cette caste[12] [12] KC Suri, P. Narasimha Rao, V. Anji Reddy, « Andhra ...
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... In northern India today, all the major states are governed by OBC chief ministers, whether from a socialist tradition (Mulayam Singh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh), associated with the BJP (Nitish Kumar in Bihar) or from the BJP itself... more
... In northern India today, all the major states are governed by OBC chief ministers, whether from a socialist tradition (Mulayam Singh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh), associated with the BJP (Nitish Kumar in Bihar) or from the BJP itself (Shivraj Singh Chauhan in Madhya Pradesh). ...
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ABSTRACT Nation is state-oriented, whereas nationalism is an ideology which may simply promote one’s own identity against Others. Therefore, theories of nation-building do not explain nationalism. Other theories adopting a materialist... more
ABSTRACT Nation is state-oriented, whereas nationalism is an ideology which may simply promote one’s own identity against Others. Therefore, theories of nation-building do not explain nationalism. Other theories adopting a materialist approach do, like Gellner’s model in which nationalism appears as resulting from socio-ethnic conflicts, but they ignore the inner mechanism of this ideology. Theories looking at nationalism as an export product from the West also miss this point too. In contrast, a convincing body of theories anchor nationalism in socio-cultural reform. The intelligentsia which undertakes it in order to resist the threat posed by some dominant Other - often from the West, that fascinates them - eventually develops a nationalist attitude, because it is not willing to imitate the West but strive to restore its culture by incorporating into it prestigious features of the West through the invention of a convenient Golden Age, the cornerstone of nationalism. This approach finds a parallel in the theories of ethnicity which do not apply the primordialist paradigm but focus on the making of group boundaries. Barth highlights the decisive role of the relationship to the Other and the little importance of cultural contents - compared to the maintenance of group boundaries - in the making of ethnic identities, in such a way that there are more affinities between his theory of ethnicity and theories of nationalism than between the latter and theories of the nation. However, one can construct an integrated model of nationalism by organising different theories in a sequence. While the ideology-based approach comes first, the creation of a nationalist movement implies the rise of socio-economic conflicts and the massification of nationalism, a process of nation-building. La nation regarde vers l’Etat tandis que le nationalisme est une idéologie qui se contente parfois de promouvoir l’identité d’un groupe en relation avec d’autres. Les théories du nation-building n’expliquent donc pas le nationalisme. D’autres théories matérialistes y parviennent néanmoins, comme celle de Gellner où le nationalisme est le résultat de conflits socio-ethniques, mais où les ressorts internes de l’idéologie restent dans l’ombre. Les théories présentant le nationalisme comme un produit d’exportation d’origine occidentale ne font pas mieux, à la différence de celles qui l’ancrent dans un processus de réforme socio-culturelle. L’intelligentsia, qui a engagé ce processus pour résister à un Occident qui la fascine mais qu’elle perçoit comme une menace, développe finalement une attitude nationaliste car il n’a jamais été question pour elle d’imiter l’Occident mais de réhabiliter sa culture en y incorporant des traits prestigieux de l’Occident à travers l’invention d’un Age d’Or, la pierre de touche du nationalisme. Cette approche trouve un parfait équivalent dans les théories de l’ethnicité, non pas celles qui appliquent le paradigme primordialiste, mais celles qui se concentrent sur la création des frontières entre groupes. Barth souligne à cet égard le rôle décisif de la relation à l’autre et le peu d’importance des contenus culturels - par rapport aux frontières des groupes - dans la formation des identités ethniques, à telle enseigne que sa théorie de l’ethnicité présente plus d’affinité avec certaines théories du nationalisme que celle-ci et les théories de la nation. Toutefois, on peut construire un modèle intégré du nationalisme en organisant les différentes théories en séquence. Si les théories fondées sur le rôle de l’idéologie viennent ici en premier, la création d’un mouvement nationaliste implique l’exacerbation de conflits socio-ethniques et la massification du nationalisme, un processus de nation-building.
... the formula evolved by the BPC in October 1954 when Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad (a ... He rejected the proposal of Yahya Khan regarding the meeting of a new Constituent Assembly ... The postponement sine die of this meeting led... more
... the formula evolved by the BPC in October 1954 when Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad (a ... He rejected the proposal of Yahya Khan regarding the meeting of a new Constituent Assembly ... The postponement sine die of this meeting led Mujibur Rahman to launch a general ...
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La construction de l'Union européenne, la mobilité croissante des Européens et la présence en Europe d'importantes populations originaires d'autres régions du monde ont ouvert sur le Vieux Continent un débat que les... more
La construction de l'Union européenne, la mobilité croissante des Européens et la présence en Europe d'importantes populations originaires d'autres régions du monde ont ouvert sur le Vieux Continent un débat que les États-Unis connaissent depuis longtemps. Je ne suis ...
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The students of transnational flows, including James Rosenau,1have pertinently highlighted the growing assertion of ‘sovereign free actors’ at the expense of ‘sovereign bound actors’ in what they call postinternational politics.2Dealing... more
The students of transnational flows, including James Rosenau,1have pertinently highlighted the growing assertion of ‘sovereign free actors’ at the expense of ‘sovereign bound actors’ in what they call postinternational politics.2Dealing mostly with the end of the Cold War era, they have tended to focus on the increasingly important role of not only the multinational firms but also of the financial companies on newly globalized markets, and not only law-abiding but also illicit traffickers (of drugs, arms etc.) which have prospered along with increasingly more effective means of communication.They have almost completely ignored the transnationalization of religions, except from the point of view of fundamentalisms and related terrorist networks. Sociologists have paid more attention to this development.3But these studies, which have mostly focused on the impact of migrations,4have tended to under estimate the resilience of state boundaries5and have often neglected the circulation of ...
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The rise of the other backward classes (OBCs) is certainly one of the main developments in the Hindi-belt politics over the last ten years. The OBCs are castes in the Indian social system that are situated above the Untouchables but below... more
The rise of the other backward classes (OBCs) is certainly one of the main developments in the Hindi-belt politics over the last ten years. The OBCs are castes in the Indian social system that are situated above the Untouchables but below the forward castes (the “twice born,” Brahmins, Kshatriyas [warriors] and Vaishyas [merchants]) and the intermediate castes (mostly peasant proprietors and even dominant castes). They form the bulk of the Shudras—the fourth category (varna) of the classical Hindu social arrangement. The OBCs, whose professional activity is often as field-workers or artisans, represent about half of the Indian population, but they have occupied a subaltern position so far. Their rise for the first time seriously questions upper-caste domination of the public sphere.
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Page 1. SPECIAL ARTICLE Economic & Political Weekly EPW february 25, 2012 vol xlvii no 8 77 Gujarat 2002: What Justice for the Victims? The Supreme Court, the SIT, the Police and... more
Page 1. SPECIAL ARTICLE Economic & Political Weekly EPW february 25, 2012 vol xlvii no 8 77 Gujarat 2002: What Justice for the Victims? The Supreme Court, the SIT, the Police and the State Judiciary Christophe Jaffrelot ...
Why are some parts of India -- such as the recently riot-stricken state of Gujarat -- plagued by communal violence while other parts are not? Ashutosh Varshney's new book finds an answer in civil society. ... Radha Kumar is Senior... more
Why are some parts of India -- such as the recently riot-stricken state of Gujarat -- plagued by communal violence while other parts are not? Ashutosh Varshney's new book finds an answer in civil society. ... Radha Kumar is Senior Fellow in Peace and Conflict Studies at the ...
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ABSTRACT The inclusion of Hindu nationalist parties in India's democratic process has not resulted in their moderation in a linear manner. Since 1947, the parties have oscillated between a sectarian strategy of religious... more
ABSTRACT The inclusion of Hindu nationalist parties in India's democratic process has not resulted in their moderation in a linear manner. Since 1947, the parties have oscillated between a sectarian strategy of religious mobilization and a more moderate one of abiding by democratic processes and liberal norms. While the former has led to radicalization, the latter has facilitated democratic coalition building. Whether the Hindu nationalist parties opted for the path of radicalization or that of moderation has chiefly depended on their relation with their mother organization, the perception of Muslims that prevails at a given time in India, and the electoral strategies of the other parties.
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... The process of democratisation that this triggered was marked by the ascension of Benazir Bhutto to the post of Prime Minister. ... during a meeting of his party, the Muslim League, that the constitution of Pakistan would be of a... more
... The process of democratisation that this triggered was marked by the ascension of Benazir Bhutto to the post of Prime Minister. ... during a meeting of his party, the Muslim League, that the constitution of Pakistan would be of a 'democratic type'.5 As for India, Jawahar-lal Nehru ...
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ABSTRACT The Congress Party's victory in India's 2009 general elections led to claims of a re-nationalization of the political party system and to increasing issue-based voting. This article demonstrates that, to the... more
ABSTRACT The Congress Party's victory in India's 2009 general elections led to claims of a re-nationalization of the political party system and to increasing issue-based voting. This article demonstrates that, to the contrary, the fragmentation of India's political party system and the electorate is still increasing and that “ethnic voting” continues to prevail over issue-based voting.
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... 7 Ambedkar, on the basis of his sociological analysis endeav-ored to ethnicize the identity of ... certainly aimed at giving the Yadavs an ethnic identity, but this ethnicization process was ... They were especially successful through... more
... 7 Ambedkar, on the basis of his sociological analysis endeav-ored to ethnicize the identity of ... certainly aimed at giving the Yadavs an ethnic identity, but this ethnicization process was ... They were especially successful through their schools among the sons of Agra Chamars who ...
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ABSTRACT The inclusion of Hindu nationalist parties in India's democratic process has not resulted in their moderation in a linear manner. Since 1947, the parties have oscillated between a sectarian strategy of religious... more
ABSTRACT The inclusion of Hindu nationalist parties in India's democratic process has not resulted in their moderation in a linear manner. Since 1947, the parties have oscillated between a sectarian strategy of religious mobilization and a more moderate one of abiding by democratic processes and liberal norms. While the former has led to radicalization, the latter has facilitated democratic coalition building. Whether the Hindu nationalist parties opted for the path of radicalization or that of moderation has chiefly depended on their relation with their mother organization, the perception of Muslims that prevails at a given time in India, and the electoral strategies of the other parties.
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This article, while it will pay attention to the opposition parties—the Congress and the GPP—intends, in its first part, to scrutinize the mainstays of Narendra Modi’s election campaign with special references to high tech populism, his... more
This article, while it will pay attention to the opposition parties—the Congress and the GPP—intends, in its first part, to scrutinize the mainstays of Narendra Modi’s election campaign with special references to high tech populism, his banalization of Hindutva, his notion of Gujarati patriotism and his defence of what he calls the ‘neo-middle class’. The second part that deals with the electoral results and the citizens’ voting behaviour, will show that Modi’s constituency is a by-product of an increasingly polarized pattern of social change and economic growth, the BJP receiving stronger support from urban dwellers, whatever their caste, gender and level of education may be.
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Page 1. Questions de Recherche / Research in Question N° 22 Octobre 2007 Centre d'études et de recherches internationales Sciences Po Le Sangh Parivar et la diaspora hindoue en Occident :... more
Page 1. Questions de Recherche / Research in Question N° 22 Octobre 2007 Centre d'études et de recherches internationales Sciences Po Le Sangh Parivar et la diaspora hindoue en Occident : Royaume-Uni, États-Unis et Canada Christophe Jaffrelot et Ingrid Therwath ...
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Business and politics in India have been closely connected since the colonial era, when entrepreneurs financed politicians who, in exchange, spared them some of the bureaucratic red tape. This proximity has endured after independence,... more
Business and politics in India have been closely connected since the colonial era, when entrepreneurs financed politicians who, in exchange, spared them some of the bureaucratic red tape. This proximity has endured after independence, even if Nehru’s official socialism subjected it to some constraints. Far from mitigating corruption, economic liberalization during the 1990s actually amplified it when large investors, attracted by the opening of the Indian market, paid huge bribes to political leaders, who often became businessmen themselves and forced public banks to lend to industrialists close to them, while businessmen were elected to Parliament, increasing insider trading. As it is observed in the modern era under Narendra Modi, be it at the national level and in his state of Gujarat, crony capitalism is well illustrated by Modi’s relationship to Gautam Adani, the rising star of Indian business. Crony capitalism has a financial cost (due to the under-taxation of companies and dubious debts on the banks’ balance sheets), a social cost (due to underpaid work and a reduction of the expenditure of education or health for lack of fiscal resources) and the environment (crony capitalists disregarding the most basic standards).
During the Cold War the US-Pakistan relationship was one in which the US considered Pakistan as a necessary part of its effort to contain communism in Asia while Pakistan considered its relationship with the US as strengthening its... more
During the Cold War the US-Pakistan relationship was one in which the US considered Pakistan as a
necessary part of its effort to contain communism in Asia while Pakistan considered its relationship with
the US as strengthening its position vis a vis India. The high point in this relationship was during the
Soviet-Afghan war. The US tried to renew this relationship after 9/11, although when Obama replaced
GW Bush he stated his intention to move US-Pakistani relations off the security agenda which the
Pentagone and the Pakistani army considered a priority. However, Obama rain into resistance from the
Pakistani army and from the national security establishment in Washington- as can be seen from the
security-oriented distribution of US aid. But not even in the area of security have the two nations been
able truly to collaborate. To begin with, the strengthening of US-India relations angered Pakistan. Then
Islamabad protected the Taliban in its fight with NATO. Finally, Obama violated Pakistani sovereignty
(the Drone strikes in the tribal belt and the Ben Laden raid). These conflicting interest, however, do not
necessary means the end of the relationship.
necessary part of its effort to contain communism in Asia while Pakistan considered its relationship with
the US as strengthening its position vis a vis India. The high point in this relationship was during the
Soviet-Afghan war. The US tried to renew this relationship after 9/11, although when Obama replaced
GW Bush he stated his intention to move US-Pakistani relations off the security agenda which the
Pentagone and the Pakistani army considered a priority. However, Obama rain into resistance from the
Pakistani army and from the national security establishment in Washington- as can be seen from the
security-oriented distribution of US aid. But not even in the area of security have the two nations been
able truly to collaborate. To begin with, the strengthening of US-India relations angered Pakistan. Then
Islamabad protected the Taliban in its fight with NATO. Finally, Obama violated Pakistani sovereignty
(the Drone strikes in the tribal belt and the Ben Laden raid). These conflicting interest, however, do not
necessary means the end of the relationship.
The best theories of nationalism borrow from theories of ethnicity