Alan M Leslie

Six-month-old infants can store representations of multiple objects in working memory but do not always remember the objects’ features (e.g., shape). Here, we asked whether infants’ object representations (a) may contain conceptual content and (b) may contain this content even if perceptual features are forgotten. We hid two conceptually distinct objects (a humanlike doll and a nonhuman ball) one at a time in two separate locations and then tested infants’ memory for the first-hidden object by revealing either the original hidden object or an unexpected other object. Using looking time, we found that infants remembered the categorical identity of the hidden object but failed to remember its perceptual identity. Our results suggest that young infants may encode conceptual category in a representation of an occluded object, even when perceptual features are lost.

The presumption of innocence is not only a bedrock principle of American law, but also a fundamental human right. The psychological underpinnings of this presumption, however, are not well understood. To make progress, one important task is to explain how adults and children infer the goals and intentional structure of complex actions, especially when a single action has more than one salient effect. Many theories of moral judgment have either ignored this intention inference problem or have simply assumed a particular solution without empirical support. We propose that this problem may be solved by appealing to domain-specific prior knowledge that is either built-up over the probability of prior intentions or built-in as part of core cognition. We further propose a specific solution to this problem in the moral domain: a good intention prior, which entails a rebuttable presumption that if an action has both good and bad effects, the actor intends the good effects and not the bad ef...

Various theories of moral cognition posit that moral intuitions can be understood as the output of a computational process performed over structured mental representations of human action. We propose that action plan diagrams-"act trees"-can be a useful tool for theorists to succinctly and clearly present their hypotheses about the information contained in these representations. We then develop a methodology for using a series of linguistic probes to test the theories embodied in the act trees. In Study 1, we validate the method by testing a specific hypothesis (diagrammed by act trees) about how subjects are representing two classic moral dilemmas and finding that the data support the hypothesis. In Studies 2-4, we explore possible explanations for discrete and surprising findings that our hypothesis did not predict. In Study 5, we apply the method to a less well-studied case and show how new experiments generated by our method can be used to settle debates about how acti...

A robust empirical finding in theory-of-mind (ToM) reasoning, as measured by standard false-belief tasks, is that children four years old or older succeed whereas three-year-olds typically fail in predicting a person's behavior based on an attributed false belief. Nevertheless, when the child's own belief is undermined by increasing their subjective uncertainty about the truth, as introduced in low-demand false-belief tasks, three-year-olds can better appreciate another person's false belief. Inhibition is believed to play a critical role in such developmental patterns. Within a Bayesian framework, using meta-data, we present the first computational implementation of inhibition, as specified by the Theory of Mind Mechanism (ToMM) model, to account for both the developmental shift from three to four years of age and the change in children's performances between high-demand and low-demand false-belief tasks. A Bayesian framework enables us to evaluate the predictive po...

Do choices about which moral actions to take cohere with subsequent judgments of their outcomes? The first set of experiments (N = 60 preschoolers and 30 adults) directly compared whether moral choices and judgments reflect distinct considerations, and whether coherence varies based on the valence of the moral scenario. Participants' responses suggested that moral principles may be applied differently for moral choices and judgments, and that harm-based situations are particularly demanding for children. To determine whether children's difficulty with harm-based situations reflects demand characteristics, a second set of experiments presented forty-three preschoolers and thirty-nine adults with a moral dilemma wherein they could choose to omit an action and maximize harm or act to minimize harm. Both age groups acted to minimize harm when caused indirectly. These results suggest that making choices about harm are not unilaterally demanding for preschoolers, but they struggle...

This study investigated the motivational and social-cognitive foundations (i.e., inequality aversion, in-group bias, and theory of mind) that underlie the development of sharing behavior among 3- to 9-year-old Chinese children (N = 122). Each child played two mini-dictator games against an in-group member (friend) and an out-group member (stranger) to divide four stickers. Results indicated that there was a small to moderate age-related increase in children's egalitarian sharing with strangers, whereas the age effect was moderate to large in interactions with friends. Moreover, 3- to 4-year-olds did not treat strangers and friends differently, but 5- to 6-year-old and older children showed strong in-group favoritism. Finally, theory of mind was an essential prerequisite for children's sharing behavior toward strangers, but not a unique predictor of their sharing with friends.

Page 1. In D. Sperber (Ed.), Metarepresentation: A Multidisciplinary Perspective. (pp. 197-223). Oxford: Oxford University Press How to acquire a 'representational theory of mind' Alan M. Leslie1 Department of Psychology and Center for Cognitive Science Rutgers University ...

Following Leslie, Xu, Tremoulet and Scholl (1998), we distinguish between individuation (the establishment of an object rep- resentation) and identification (the use of information stored in the object representation to decide which previously individuated object is being encountered). Although there has been much work on how infants individuate objects, there is relatively little on the question of when and how

ABSTRACT Do victims’ emotions underlie preschoolers’ moral judgment abilities? Study 1 asked preschoolers (n = 72) to judge actions directed at characters who could and could not feel hurt and who did and did not cry. These judgments took into account only the nature of the action, not the nature of the victim. To further investigate how victims’ emotions might impact children’s moral judgments, Study 2 presented preschoolers (n = 37) with stories that varied in transgression type (Moral, Conventional, or None) and victim’s reaction (Crying Present or Crying Absent). As in Study 1, children’s judgments were affected primarily by transgression type, and not by emotion. In an analogous task, judgments of children with autism spectrum disorders (Study 3; n = 12) were affected by both transgression type and crying. Typically developing children’s moral judgments are thus concerned primarily with action type, not with emotional displays, but the judgments of children with autism spectrum disorders can be swayed by victims’ emotions.

What does an infant remember about a forgotten object? Although at age 6 months, infants can keep track of up to three hidden objects, they can remember the featural identity of only one. When infants forget the identity of an object, do they forget the object entirely, or do they retain an inkling of it? In a looking-time study, we familiarized 6-month-olds with a disk and a triangle placed on opposite sides of a stage. During test trials, we hid the objects one at a time behind different screens, and after hiding the second object, we removed the screen where the first object had been hidden. Infants then saw the expected object, the unexpected other object, or the empty stage. Bayes factor analysis showed that although the infants did not notice when the object changed shape, they were surprised when it vanished. This finding indicates that infants can represent an object without its features.

... SHAUN NICHOLS, STEPHEN STICH AND ALAN LESLIE Abstract: Kuhberger et al. ... For instance, experiment 3 in Langer (1975) is explicitly presented as a replication of the effects of choice on perceived control, and Wortman (1975) independently produced similar results. ...

Infants have a bandwidth-limited object working memory (WM) that can both individuate and identify objects in a scene, (answering 'how many?' or 'what?', respectively). Studies of infants' WM for objects have typically looked for limits on either 'how many' or 'what', yielding different estimates of infant capacity. Infants can keep track of about three individuals (regardless of identity), but appear to be much more limited in the number of specific identities they can recall. Why are the limits on 'how many' and 'what' different? Are the limits entirely separate, do they interact, or are they simply two different aspects of the same underlying limit? We sought to unravel these limits in a series of experiments which tested 9- and 12-month-olds' WM for object identities under varying degrees of difficulty. In a violation-of-expectation looking-time task, we hid objects one at a time behind separate screens, and then probed infants' WM for the shape identity of the penultimate object in the sequence. We manipulated the difficulty of the task by varying both the number of objects in hiding locations and the number of means by which infants could detect a shape change to the probed object. We found that 9-month-olds' WM for identities was limited by the number of hiding locations: when the probed object was one of two objects hidden (one in each of two locations), 9-month-olds succeeded, and they did so even though they were given only one means to detect the change. However, when the probed object was one of three objects hidden (one in each of three locations), they failed, even when they were given two means to detect the shape change. Twelve-month-olds, by contrast, succeeded at the most difficult task level. Results show that WM for 'how many' and for 'what' are not entirely separate. Individuated objects are tracked relatively cheaply.…

When young children observe pretend-play, do they interpret it simply as a type of behavior, or do they infer the underlying mental state that gives the behavior meaning? This is a long-standing question with deep implications for how "theory on mind" develops. The two leading accounts of shared pretense give opposing answers. The behavioral theory proposes that children represent pretense as a form of behavior (behaving in a way that would be appropriate if P); the metarepresentational theory argues that children instead represent pretense via the early concept PRETEND. A test between these accounts is provided by children's understanding of pretend sounds and speech. We report the first experiments directly investigating this understanding. In three experiments, 2- and 3-year-olds' listened to requests that were either spoken normally, or with the pretense that a teddy bear was uttering them. To correctly fulfill the requests, children had to represent the normal utterance as the experimenter's, and the pretend utterances as the bear's. Children succeeded at both ages, suggesting that they can represent pretend speech (the requests) as coming from counterfactual sources (the bear rather than the experimenter). We argue that this is readily explained by the metarepresentational theory, but harder to explain if children are behaviorists about pretense.

Solving belief problems develops as a skill in normal children during the preschool years. To understand this process of development, it is necessary to provide an analysis of the tasks used to test preschool 'theory of mind' skills. This analysis should allow us to relate the structure of a given task to the underlying cognitive mechanisms that the task engages. In two experiments, we find that 3-year-old children show a pattern of success and failure on belief tasks that is not consistent with 'conceptual deficit' accounts. Young children possess the concept, BELIEF, but have certain characteristic difficulties with correctly calculating the contents of beliefs. In childhood autism, by contrast, the mechanisms that in normal development bestow conceptual competence in this domain are impaired. In the first experiment, parallel task structures are used to show that 3-year-olds are no better at predicting behavior from a partially true belief than they are at predicting behavior from an entirely false belief. We develop specific proposals about task structural factors that either facilitate or hinder success in belief-content calculation. These proposals are supported in a second experiment. We compare two false-belief tasks, one of which has helpful structural factors, the other of which has hampering factors, with a third task which exemplifies a hampering task structure but without any theory of mind content. We compare 3- and 4-year-olds' patterns of performance with that of autistic children. Each of the three groups shows a distinct performance profile across the three tasks, as predicted for each case by our model. Innate attentional mechanisms provide the conceptual foundations for 'theory of mind' but must be supplemented by a robust executive process that allows false beliefs to achieve 'conceptual pop-out.' Our approach has general implications for the study of conceptual development.

Page 1. “Theory of Mind” as a mechanism of selective attention Alan M.Leslie Dept of Psychology and Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University, NJ. Page 2. Why is this included under Evolution? The adaptive problems posed by social life are complex ...