Bohumila Ferenčuhová
Historický ústav SAV, Department IV, Faculty Member
- Historian, Slovak Academy of Sciencesedit
Zahraničná politika – nový prvok v živote spoločnosti na Slovensku po roku 1918. [Foreign Policy – new Element in the life of Society in Slovakia after 1918.] In: KOVÁČ, Dušan – HANULA, Matej (Eds.) Z monarchie do republiky a z demokracie... more
Zahraničná politika – nový prvok v živote spoločnosti na Slovensku po roku 1918. [Foreign Policy – new Element in the life of Society in Slovakia after 1918.] In: KOVÁČ, Dušan – HANULA, Matej (Eds.) Z monarchie do republiky a z demokracie do totality. Spoločnosť na Slovensku od konca 19. storočia do konca roku 1945. [From the Monarchy to the Republic, from Democracy to the Totality. Society in Slovakia from the End of the 19th Century until 1945.] Bratislava: Veda, 2022, s. 109 – 143.
Research Interests:
Activities of M. R. Štefánik during WW1 can be traced in military and diplomatic archives of several allied countries. Cardinal importance is attached to diplomatic document and materials deposited in archives of the French Ministry of... more
Activities of M. R. Štefánik during WW1 can be traced in military and diplomatic archives of several allied countries. Cardinal importance is attached to diplomatic document and materials deposited in archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs that shed more light on Štefánik´s activities. In succesive steps the chapter analyzes his activities in Italy, Russia and the US as reflected in the French diplomatic papers. What is considered to be a key term used in this chapter is Štefánik perception of the army as "an attribute of the national sovereignty."
Research Interests:
The role of the Little Entente in the space between the Balkans and the Baltic region – ambitions and reality Bohumila Ferenčuhová After a certain hiatus, the geopolitical region between the Balkans and the Baltics is once again... more
The role of the Little Entente in the space between the Balkans and the Baltic region – ambitions and reality
Bohumila Ferenčuhová
After a certain hiatus, the geopolitical region between the Balkans and the Baltics is once again becoming a focus of interest for the historians and political scientists of the countries that are part of the region by its geographical location, but also for the observers who perceive it through the lens of Western or Eastern Europe. Many historians consider it a historical zone of instability. The Little Entente, a political and military alliance of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania, played diverse roles in the interwar period if viewed from the perspectives of its member states and of the great powers. In the study, we point out its time-related transformations, changes in the international constellation and the changing point of view of some of its actors or evaluators. We discuss three main topics: the prehistory of the formation of the grouping in terms of the ideas of Slovak politicians (Milan Hodža, M. R. Štefánik, Š. Osuský), who saw it primarily as continued cooperation among the oppressed Hungarian nations – Slovaks, Transylvanian Romanians and Serbs. The topic runs smoothly through the period of World War I to the cooperation among the Czechoslovak Republic, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) and the Kingdom of Romania at a peace conference in Paris during the preparation of a peace treaty with Hungary. It briefly deals with the signing of the first three bilateral agreements, which laid the foundations for the Little Entente. In the 1920s, the primary but not the only role of the Little Entente was to stop Hungary’s attempts at territorial revision. Equally important were the efforts to develop multifaceted relations among Member States. In this context, we present the activity and opinions of Jan Šeba, the Czechoslovak envoy, first to Belgrade, then to Bucharest. We focus on the concepts of the Romanian Foreign Ministers Take Ionescu and Nicolae Titulescu, whose ambition was to extend the Little Entente by including Poland and Greece. In the second part, we particularly analyse the Yugoslav policy and the rivalry between Italy and France over gaining influence in the Little Entente. In 1924, Beneš conceived of the possibility of signing a treaty between the entire Little Entente and Italy. In 1926 and 1927, the creation of the French security system was completed by signing treaties with Romania and Yugoslavia. The third part of the study deals with the changed role of the Little Entente in the 1930s, when the defence agreement against Hungary’s possible aggression continued to unite member states, but ultimately failed to create a single international organism based on the Organizational Statute and the Little Entente Pact, able to confront all the great powers that could pose danger to the area between the Balkans and the Baltics. These were Nazi Germany, fascist Italy and communist Russia.
Bohumila Ferenčuhová
After a certain hiatus, the geopolitical region between the Balkans and the Baltics is once again becoming a focus of interest for the historians and political scientists of the countries that are part of the region by its geographical location, but also for the observers who perceive it through the lens of Western or Eastern Europe. Many historians consider it a historical zone of instability. The Little Entente, a political and military alliance of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania, played diverse roles in the interwar period if viewed from the perspectives of its member states and of the great powers. In the study, we point out its time-related transformations, changes in the international constellation and the changing point of view of some of its actors or evaluators. We discuss three main topics: the prehistory of the formation of the grouping in terms of the ideas of Slovak politicians (Milan Hodža, M. R. Štefánik, Š. Osuský), who saw it primarily as continued cooperation among the oppressed Hungarian nations – Slovaks, Transylvanian Romanians and Serbs. The topic runs smoothly through the period of World War I to the cooperation among the Czechoslovak Republic, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) and the Kingdom of Romania at a peace conference in Paris during the preparation of a peace treaty with Hungary. It briefly deals with the signing of the first three bilateral agreements, which laid the foundations for the Little Entente. In the 1920s, the primary but not the only role of the Little Entente was to stop Hungary’s attempts at territorial revision. Equally important were the efforts to develop multifaceted relations among Member States. In this context, we present the activity and opinions of Jan Šeba, the Czechoslovak envoy, first to Belgrade, then to Bucharest. We focus on the concepts of the Romanian Foreign Ministers Take Ionescu and Nicolae Titulescu, whose ambition was to extend the Little Entente by including Poland and Greece. In the second part, we particularly analyse the Yugoslav policy and the rivalry between Italy and France over gaining influence in the Little Entente. In 1924, Beneš conceived of the possibility of signing a treaty between the entire Little Entente and Italy. In 1926 and 1927, the creation of the French security system was completed by signing treaties with Romania and Yugoslavia. The third part of the study deals with the changed role of the Little Entente in the 1930s, when the defence agreement against Hungary’s possible aggression continued to unite member states, but ultimately failed to create a single international organism based on the Organizational Statute and the Little Entente Pact, able to confront all the great powers that could pose danger to the area between the Balkans and the Baltics. These were Nazi Germany, fascist Italy and communist Russia.
Research Interests:
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Bohdan Pavlů, politická biografia 1883 - 1938. Bratislava : Veda, Vydavateľstvo SAV, 2021. 512 p. (strán). ISBN 978-80-224-1885-0
Research Interests:
Bohdan i. VeĽký-Cár Sibírsky. Tak nazvali posmešne v roku 1919 Bohdana Pavlů, československého splnomocnenca a diplomatického zástupcu v Rusku, legionári, ktorí by už najradšej "práskli do bot" a čím skôr sa vrátili do vlasti, pomohli ju... more
Bohdan i. VeĽký-Cár Sibírsky. Tak nazvali posmešne v roku 1919 Bohdana Pavlů, československého splnomocnenca a diplomatického zástupcu v Rusku, legionári, ktorí by už najradšej "práskli do bot" a čím skôr sa vrátili do vlasti, pomohli ju vydobyť od neprajných susedov, vystavať podľa vlastných predstáv a pokojne v nej žiť i so svojím potomstvom. veľkolepá prezývka a iste lákavý názov pre biografiu, ktorá by chcela vrátiť portrétovanú osobu do historickej pamäti Slovenska i českých zemí. Zodpovedá však len krátkemu časovému úseku v živote Bohdana Pavlů, ktorý bol omnoho bohatší a rozmanitejší. čitateľovi ponúkam životopis v troch častiach-mladosť, mužnosť a múdrosť. Každá z nich je spätá s iným historickým obdobím: roky mladosti a vzdelávania s Rakúsko-Uhorskom, s Moravou, Slovenskom i Prahou, hrdinské roky mladého muža s prvou svetovou vojnou a československým odbojom v rusku, vrchol kariéry s diplomatickými službami, keď pôsobil ako vyslanec prvej československej republiky najprv v Bulharsku, potom v Fánsku, v rokoch 1934-1937 v Sovietskom zväze, a napokon až do predčasnej smrti v máji 1938 ako zástupca československého ministra zahraničných vecí v Prahe. Študoval právo, miloval literatúru a fascinovala ho politika. Ako literárny kritik a jeden zo zakladateľov literárneho časopisu Prúdy je na Slovensku pomerne známy. Mojím cieěom bolo predstaviť ho ako prvotriedneho a diplomata. A tiež vyjadriť súhlas s vžrokom jeho spolubojovníka z Ruska Ivana Markoviča: Ak by sme hodnotili poradie vedúcich osobností prvého československého zahraničného odboja podľa ich významu, po trojhviezdí Masaryk, Štefánik a Beneš nasleduje Bohdan Pavlů.
Research Interests:
Bohdan Pavlů can be thought of as a significant founder and statesman of the Czechoslovak Republic for three primary reasons: Firstly the country´s formation before the First World War, secondly, his contribution to the unification of the... more
Bohdan Pavlů can be thought of as a significant founder and statesman of the Czechoslovak Republic for three primary reasons: Firstly the country´s formation before the First World War, secondly, his contribution to the unification of the foreign resistance in Russia and its subservience to the Czechoslovak National Council, which was led by T. G. Masaryk, and finally, as a responsible politician in the Russian legions during the Czechoslovak anabasis in Siberia. Pavlů was recruted to the diplomatic services of the First Czechoslovak Republic in April 1922. He was a Minister Pleniotentiary first in Bulgaria, then subsequently in Denmark and ultimately in Soviet Union. From October 1937 he was a deputy of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kamil Krofta, in Prague. He died in a car accident shortly after.
Research Interests:
(1840-1945). Pocta Dominique Lassaigne. Bratislava, Veda 2010. ISBN 978-88-224-1120-2, 451 s. Publikácia medzinárodného autorského kolektívu, v ktorej sú všetky kapitoly publikované v originálnej verzii aj v slovenskom jazyku. Z... more
(1840-1945). Pocta Dominique Lassaigne. Bratislava, Veda 2010. ISBN 978-88-224-1120-2, 451 s. Publikácia medzinárodného autorského kolektívu, v ktorej sú všetky kapitoly publikované v originálnej verzii aj v slovenskom jazyku.
Z posudku Milana Zemku: Štúdie autorov považujem za prínosné pre ich teoretické východiská a kladenie metodologických otázok historického výskumu, pretože v našej historiografii sa táto problematika vždy nachádza na okraji bádateľského záujmu. Ide pritom v súčasnej európskej historiografii o živé témy, či už je to vzťah spoločnosti a jej kultúrneho prostredia a povedomia, úloha historicko-kultúrnej pamäti, komparácia európskych nacionalizmov v 19. a 20. storočí, alebo výskum a komparatívna interpretácia národných identít stredoeurópskych národov. Napísané sú na základe dobrej znalosti odbornej literatúry a vo väčšine z nich aj dôkladného štúdia historických prameňov. Všetky štúdie sú napísané na vysokej vedeckej úrovni a môžu zaujať odbornú aj laickú verejnosť.
Z posudku Milana Zemku: Štúdie autorov považujem za prínosné pre ich teoretické východiská a kladenie metodologických otázok historického výskumu, pretože v našej historiografii sa táto problematika vždy nachádza na okraji bádateľského záujmu. Ide pritom v súčasnej európskej historiografii o živé témy, či už je to vzťah spoločnosti a jej kultúrneho prostredia a povedomia, úloha historicko-kultúrnej pamäti, komparácia európskych nacionalizmov v 19. a 20. storočí, alebo výskum a komparatívna interpretácia národných identít stredoeurópskych národov. Napísané sú na základe dobrej znalosti odbornej literatúry a vo väčšine z nich aj dôkladného štúdia historických prameňov. Všetky štúdie sú napísané na vysokej vedeckej úrovni a môžu zaujať odbornú aj laickú verejnosť.
Research Interests:
Problematika hraníc v stredno-východnej Európe a stabilita versailleského systému medzinárodných vzťahov 1919-1939. Question of Frontiers in East central Europe and Versailles System Stabilita 1919-1939. Historické štúdie, 43, 2004, pp.... more
Problematika hraníc v stredno-východnej Európe a stabilita versailleského systému medzinárodných vzťahov 1919-1939.
Question of Frontiers in East central Europe and Versailles System Stabilita 1919-1939. Historické štúdie, 43, 2004, pp. 9-29, Bratislava.
he fall of Austro-Hungarian Empire revealed the fact, that the territory of this multinational monarchy had included a possibly turbulent zone along the border separating two civilizations of Eastern and Western Europe. The "Entente" powers, USA and nations of the region negotiated about, and set new frontiers to countries in this space: In some cases, the borders of old administrative or regional units were reflected in their shape (Czech Crown Countries or frontiers separating Hungary and Croatia). In their shape (Czech Crown Countries or frontiers separating Hungary and Croatia). In other cases older historical territorial units were split, as for example in case of Banat, Bukovina, Dalmatia or Upper Silesia, and ethnicity or economic aspects were taken into consideration. Before populations got used to new frontiers, powers dissatisfied with the results of the World War I brought radical changes and divisions to the region. History. Bordres in East Central Europe.
Question of Frontiers in East central Europe and Versailles System Stabilita 1919-1939. Historické štúdie, 43, 2004, pp. 9-29, Bratislava.
he fall of Austro-Hungarian Empire revealed the fact, that the territory of this multinational monarchy had included a possibly turbulent zone along the border separating two civilizations of Eastern and Western Europe. The "Entente" powers, USA and nations of the region negotiated about, and set new frontiers to countries in this space: In some cases, the borders of old administrative or regional units were reflected in their shape (Czech Crown Countries or frontiers separating Hungary and Croatia). In their shape (Czech Crown Countries or frontiers separating Hungary and Croatia). In other cases older historical territorial units were split, as for example in case of Banat, Bukovina, Dalmatia or Upper Silesia, and ethnicity or economic aspects were taken into consideration. Before populations got used to new frontiers, powers dissatisfied with the results of the World War I brought radical changes and divisions to the region. History. Bordres in East Central Europe.
Research Interests:
Bratislava : Veda, Vydavateľstvo SAV 2012, 544 s. ISBN 978-80-224-11988-8
Slovakia in the XXth Century, vol 3. In the Interwar Czechoslovakia 1918-1939. A collective work directed by Bohumila Ferenčuhová and Milan Zemko
Slovakia in the XXth Century, vol 3. In the Interwar Czechoslovakia 1918-1939. A collective work directed by Bohumila Ferenčuhová and Milan Zemko
Research Interests:
Sous la direction de Bohumila Ferenčuhová. Actes du colloque de Paris le 16 mars 1999. Conférences tenues à l'Ecole militaire le 15 avril 1999. Bratislava : l'Association pour l'histoire et la culture de l'Europe centrale et orientale... more
Sous la direction de Bohumila Ferenčuhová. Actes du colloque de Paris le 16 mars 1999. Conférences tenues à l'Ecole militaire le 15 avril 1999. Bratislava : l'Association pour l'histoire et la culture de l'Europe centrale et orientale 1999. Paris : Collège interarmées de défense 1999, 113 p.
Une biographie politique de Štefánik, interprétée par des historiens slovaques et français et illustrée par quelques lettres personnelles d'époque
Politická biografia M.R.Štefánika v interpretácii slovenských a francúzskych historikov, ilustrovaná dobovou osobnou korešpondenciou.
Une biographie politique de Štefánik, interprétée par des historiens slovaques et français et illustrée par quelques lettres personnelles d'époque
Politická biografia M.R.Štefánika v interpretácii slovenských a francúzskych historikov, ilustrovaná dobovou osobnou korešpondenciou.
Research Interests:
Bratislava : Veda, Vydavateľstvo SAV, 2008, 492 s. ISBN 978-80-224-1038-0
Research Interests:
Francúzsko a stredná Európa. Vzťahy medzi Francúzskom a strednou Európou v rokoch 1867-1914. Vzájomné vplyvy a predstavy. Materiály z česko-slovensko-francúzskeho kolokvia historikov Bratislava 12. - 13. novembra 1992. Editor: Bohumila... more
Francúzsko a stredná Európa. Vzťahy medzi Francúzskom a strednou Európou v rokoch 1867-1914. Vzájomné vplyvy a predstavy. Materiály z česko-slovensko-francúzskeho kolokvia historikov Bratislava 12. - 13. novembra 1992. Editor: Bohumila Ferenčuhová
Bratislava : Academic Electronic Press 1995, 170 s. ISBN 80-967366-6-3.
Bratislava : Academic Electronic Press 1995, 170 s. ISBN 80-967366-6-3.
Research Interests:
La France et l'Europe centrale. Les relations entre la France et l'Europe centrale en 1867 - 1914. Impacts et images réciproques. Communications présentées lors du colloque des historiens tchèques, slovaques et français à Bratislava les... more
La France et l'Europe centrale. Les relations entre la France et l'Europe centrale en 1867 - 1914. Impacts et images réciproques. Communications présentées lors du colloque des historiens tchèques, slovaques et français à Bratislava les 12 et 13 novembre 1992. Editeur : Bohumila Ferenčuhová.
Bratislava : Academic Electronic Press 1995, 185 p. ISBN 80-967366-6-3
Bratislava : Academic Electronic Press 1995, 185 p. ISBN 80-967366-6-3
Research Interests:
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila: Sovietske Rusko a Malá dohoda. (K problematike medzinárodných vzťahov v strednej Európe 1917-1924). Bratislava : Veda 1988, 158 s.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The chapters of the 20th century history creating this book deal with the important moments from the history of Modern Slovakia in the changing world. The authors - friends and disciples of Valerian Bystricky - are presenting here the... more
The chapters of the 20th century history creating this book deal with the important moments from the history of Modern Slovakia in the changing world. The authors - friends and disciples of Valerian Bystricky - are presenting here the newest results of their research and its critical evaluation. They think, like himself, that the Slovak history has to be studied and interpreted from a global perspective. The detailed knowledge of internal changes in Slovakia following its separation from Hungary, of amalgamating the Czechs and Slovaks in the common Czechoslovak state with all its internal and international problems and with its Central European political, economical and cultural context, enables to understand also the contemporary shape of the Slovak Republic - a sovereign state and a member of the European Union.
Research Interests:
Spoločnosť národov a minoritný problém v strednej Európe.
The League of Nations and the Minority problem in Central Europe
La Société des Nations et le problème des minorités en Europe Centrale
The League of Nations and the Minority problem in Central Europe
La Société des Nations et le problème des minorités en Europe Centrale
Research Interests:
LE CAS SLOVAQUE : CONTRIBUTION À L´HISTOIRE DES TRANSFERTS POLITIQUES ET CULTURELS ENTRE LA FRANCE, L´ALLEMAGNE ET L´EUROPE CENTRALE (1840 – 1945) Ce projet a vu le jour en septembre 2004 à Paris grâce au travail commun de trois... more
LE CAS SLOVAQUE : CONTRIBUTION À L´HISTOIRE DES TRANSFERTS POLITIQUES ET CULTURELS ENTRE LA FRANCE, L´ALLEMAGNE ET L´EUROPE CENTRALE (1840 – 1945)
Ce projet a vu le jour en septembre 2004 à Paris grâce au travail commun de trois historiennes – Dominique Lassaigne, Dzovinar Kevonian (Université Paris-Nanterre) et Bohumila Ferenčuhová. Après avoir obtenu l’accord des deux institutions scientifiques, c’est-à-dire le Centre de recherches interdisciplinaires sur l´Allemagne (CNRS, UMR 8131) à Paris et l’Institut d’histoire de l’Académie slovaque des Sciences, le projet fut approuvé au début de l’année 2005 en tant que projet CNRS / SAV No 18191 pour les années 2005 – 2006. Le rôle clé y est joué par des concepts de nos jours largement diffusés comme transferts et identités ; vue sous cet angle, la Slovaquie elle-même pouvait être hypothétiquement considérée comme l’espace de l’interpénétration – le point d’intersection des impacts centre-européens, allemands et français. Ceux-ci agissaient effectivement sur la culture slovaque et la construction de son identité nationale. Le concept de transfert en général suppose le mouvement d’un endroit vers un autre. Dans le projet, nous utilisons d’abord le concept de transfert dans sa forme concrète, où il est lié à la problématique des minorités nationales et des transferts de population qui adviennent dès la fin de la première guerre mondiale et culminent pendant et immédiatement après la seconde guerre mondiale. Mais le concept de transfert utilisé au figuré possède à notre avis la même pertinence : les transferts d’idées dans la sphère politique ou culturelle sont souvent d’ordre asymétrique et agissent surtout comme un vecteur allant du centre vers la périphérie. Au XIXe et dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, la Slovaquie n’avait pas de position centrale au sein de la monarchie habsbourgeoise et de sa partie transleithane – la Hongrie, la République tchécoslovaque, de même que la nouvelle Europe hitlérienne dans la première partie des années 1940. L’enjeu fut moins de présenter la Slovaquie comme l’objet de l’histoire croisée que de contribuer à la série de regards croisés sur des cas de différents types de transferts entre l’Europe occidentale, centrale et orientale. Du point de vue de la chronologie, nous étudions trois périodes distinctes. La première finit en 1918 ; en accord avec la période historique donnée, nous y soulignons la problématique des nationalités et du nationalisme – l’émergence/la construction des identités nationales. Ce fut d’abord la préhistoire du nationalisme dans les Empires allemand et habsbourgeois, notamment des manifestations de la pensée conservatrice allemande qui par l’intermédiaire de l’histoire culturelle (Kulturgeschichte) en voie de naissance contribua à disséminer dans l’espace germanophone sa représentation spécifique de la nation et de ses critères identitaires. Cela a été l’objet de l’étude de Jean-Louis Georget intitulée Le concept de Kultur en Allemagne : de la liberté de l’homme à la biologisation du concept, suivi par Des nationalismes à travers un nationalisme rédigé par Roberta Caccialuppi. Un intéressant exemple de transfert culturel de Vienne pour Paris illustré par la vie et la créativité du musicien juif allemand Henri Herz (1803 – 1888) est présenté par Laure Schnapper. Vladimír Daniš a présenté un sujet largement remanié depuis sa présentation orale sur les Questions du nationalisme et la situation de la nationalité slovaque en Hongrie au tournant du XIXe et du XXe siècle. Le second ensemble couvre la période allant de 1918 à 1939. A côté de deux études qui portent sur les identités, les éléments constitutifs de l’identité nationale polonaise au moment de la renaissance de l’Etat polonais en 1918 de Tomasz Schramm et l’Identité slovaque dans la Tchécoslovaquie multiculturelle dans l’entre-deux-guerres de Bohumila Ferenčuhová, les auteurs ont présenté les Etats successeurs de la monarchie des Habsbourg dans le jeu de force des puissances européennes. Alena Feriancová analyse L’accord germano-soviétique d’avril 1926 et la réaction de la diplomatie tchécoslovaque en comparant les approches de la diplomatie de la République tchécoslovaque, de la République de Weimar et de la diplomatie soviétique qui, malgré sa phraséologie idéologique, profita de l’expérience de longue durée acquise par la diplomatie de l’Empire russe et différencie ainsi ces cultures diplomatiques. Ľubica Harbuľová étudie la Politique de la France en Europe centrale dans les années 1934 – 1935 par l’intermédiaire de l’exil russe. Michal Jarnecki concentre son attention sur les Politiques polonaises par raport aux conflits ethniques, linguistiques et confessionnels en Ruthénie subcarpatique dans les années 1919 – 1939. Le troisième ensemble porte sur la période de 1939 à 1945 dominée par la guerre, le nazisme et le fascime, la question juive, la politique de déportations, c’est-à-dire des transferts au sens littéral du mot. Michal Schvarc y étudie Les déplacements des personnes dites asociales de nationalité allemande de la Slovaquie à la fin de juillet 1942 ; quant à Katarína Hradská, elle analyse avec un accent peu habituel les activités pour sauver des Juifs déportés de la Slovaquie par la Centrale juive de ce pays. La culture analysée dans la première partie du livre par Jean-Louis Georget est transversale à tous les chapitres de la publication et en constitue sa notion clé. La présentation de l’itinéraire et des destinées de Henri Herz par Laure Schnapper constitue une illustration des lieux de transfert (Paris, Vienne) dans un mouvement culturel bilatéral, de la réception et des transformations de valeurs culturelles par son dépositaire en Europe centrale et en France. Le colloque fut organisé en hommage à Dominique Lassaigne. C’est en son souvenir que la publication des résultats de nos travaux est offerte. Les lignes qui décrivent sa personnalité et ses activités rédigées par Jean-Louis donnent le ton à l’ensemble de la publication.
Ce projet a vu le jour en septembre 2004 à Paris grâce au travail commun de trois historiennes – Dominique Lassaigne, Dzovinar Kevonian (Université Paris-Nanterre) et Bohumila Ferenčuhová. Après avoir obtenu l’accord des deux institutions scientifiques, c’est-à-dire le Centre de recherches interdisciplinaires sur l´Allemagne (CNRS, UMR 8131) à Paris et l’Institut d’histoire de l’Académie slovaque des Sciences, le projet fut approuvé au début de l’année 2005 en tant que projet CNRS / SAV No 18191 pour les années 2005 – 2006. Le rôle clé y est joué par des concepts de nos jours largement diffusés comme transferts et identités ; vue sous cet angle, la Slovaquie elle-même pouvait être hypothétiquement considérée comme l’espace de l’interpénétration – le point d’intersection des impacts centre-européens, allemands et français. Ceux-ci agissaient effectivement sur la culture slovaque et la construction de son identité nationale. Le concept de transfert en général suppose le mouvement d’un endroit vers un autre. Dans le projet, nous utilisons d’abord le concept de transfert dans sa forme concrète, où il est lié à la problématique des minorités nationales et des transferts de population qui adviennent dès la fin de la première guerre mondiale et culminent pendant et immédiatement après la seconde guerre mondiale. Mais le concept de transfert utilisé au figuré possède à notre avis la même pertinence : les transferts d’idées dans la sphère politique ou culturelle sont souvent d’ordre asymétrique et agissent surtout comme un vecteur allant du centre vers la périphérie. Au XIXe et dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, la Slovaquie n’avait pas de position centrale au sein de la monarchie habsbourgeoise et de sa partie transleithane – la Hongrie, la République tchécoslovaque, de même que la nouvelle Europe hitlérienne dans la première partie des années 1940. L’enjeu fut moins de présenter la Slovaquie comme l’objet de l’histoire croisée que de contribuer à la série de regards croisés sur des cas de différents types de transferts entre l’Europe occidentale, centrale et orientale. Du point de vue de la chronologie, nous étudions trois périodes distinctes. La première finit en 1918 ; en accord avec la période historique donnée, nous y soulignons la problématique des nationalités et du nationalisme – l’émergence/la construction des identités nationales. Ce fut d’abord la préhistoire du nationalisme dans les Empires allemand et habsbourgeois, notamment des manifestations de la pensée conservatrice allemande qui par l’intermédiaire de l’histoire culturelle (Kulturgeschichte) en voie de naissance contribua à disséminer dans l’espace germanophone sa représentation spécifique de la nation et de ses critères identitaires. Cela a été l’objet de l’étude de Jean-Louis Georget intitulée Le concept de Kultur en Allemagne : de la liberté de l’homme à la biologisation du concept, suivi par Des nationalismes à travers un nationalisme rédigé par Roberta Caccialuppi. Un intéressant exemple de transfert culturel de Vienne pour Paris illustré par la vie et la créativité du musicien juif allemand Henri Herz (1803 – 1888) est présenté par Laure Schnapper. Vladimír Daniš a présenté un sujet largement remanié depuis sa présentation orale sur les Questions du nationalisme et la situation de la nationalité slovaque en Hongrie au tournant du XIXe et du XXe siècle. Le second ensemble couvre la période allant de 1918 à 1939. A côté de deux études qui portent sur les identités, les éléments constitutifs de l’identité nationale polonaise au moment de la renaissance de l’Etat polonais en 1918 de Tomasz Schramm et l’Identité slovaque dans la Tchécoslovaquie multiculturelle dans l’entre-deux-guerres de Bohumila Ferenčuhová, les auteurs ont présenté les Etats successeurs de la monarchie des Habsbourg dans le jeu de force des puissances européennes. Alena Feriancová analyse L’accord germano-soviétique d’avril 1926 et la réaction de la diplomatie tchécoslovaque en comparant les approches de la diplomatie de la République tchécoslovaque, de la République de Weimar et de la diplomatie soviétique qui, malgré sa phraséologie idéologique, profita de l’expérience de longue durée acquise par la diplomatie de l’Empire russe et différencie ainsi ces cultures diplomatiques. Ľubica Harbuľová étudie la Politique de la France en Europe centrale dans les années 1934 – 1935 par l’intermédiaire de l’exil russe. Michal Jarnecki concentre son attention sur les Politiques polonaises par raport aux conflits ethniques, linguistiques et confessionnels en Ruthénie subcarpatique dans les années 1919 – 1939. Le troisième ensemble porte sur la période de 1939 à 1945 dominée par la guerre, le nazisme et le fascime, la question juive, la politique de déportations, c’est-à-dire des transferts au sens littéral du mot. Michal Schvarc y étudie Les déplacements des personnes dites asociales de nationalité allemande de la Slovaquie à la fin de juillet 1942 ; quant à Katarína Hradská, elle analyse avec un accent peu habituel les activités pour sauver des Juifs déportés de la Slovaquie par la Centrale juive de ce pays. La culture analysée dans la première partie du livre par Jean-Louis Georget est transversale à tous les chapitres de la publication et en constitue sa notion clé. La présentation de l’itinéraire et des destinées de Henri Herz par Laure Schnapper constitue une illustration des lieux de transfert (Paris, Vienne) dans un mouvement culturel bilatéral, de la réception et des transformations de valeurs culturelles par son dépositaire en Europe centrale et en France. Le colloque fut organisé en hommage à Dominique Lassaigne. C’est en son souvenir que la publication des résultats de nos travaux est offerte. Les lignes qui décrivent sa personnalité et ses activités rédigées par Jean-Louis donnent le ton à l’ensemble de la publication.
Research Interests:
Bratislava : Historický ústav SAV 2012, ISBN : 9788097118907, 216 p. Civil Society and Political Culture Chapters from the History of Slovakia 1918 – 1938 Slovak historians are looking for the origins of civil society in Slovakia in ten... more
Bratislava : Historický ústav SAV 2012, ISBN : 9788097118907, 216 p.
Civil Society and Political Culture
Chapters from the History of Slovakia 1918 – 1938
Slovak historians are looking for the origins of civil society in Slovakia in ten chapters of this collective monograph which deal with the key period of the 20th century. It is defined on the one hand by the establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic with its democratic parliamentary system in 1918 and on the other hand with the Munich Agreement from 1938 with some excursion to dictatorship and authoritarian period. Twenty years of the inter-war period were full of politics which forced citizens to solve problems interfering with their everyday lives. A citizen who associated him/herself with various interest groups, clubs and political parties, became the fundamental element of society. The term civil society is frequently used mostly by the present-day political science. It is defined as an active involvement of individual in activities aimed for the benefit of society overlapping his/her own interests and it includes a whole net of fellowships, clubs, movements, initiatives and social networks existing in public sphere. In this book, historians present the rich political and cultural life in the Czechoslovak Republic which was based on traditions as well as on external factors. They consider their reflections among intellectuals and artists. They try to examine the influence of traditions and traditional behavioral schemes on strategies used in the struggle for political power, on means used to enforce someone’s interests and they try to identify the values which influenced politicians in their decisions to take part in a coalition government or to become its opposition. All those elements were part of the political culture in Slovakia during the inter-war period. Among others, they influenced the activities of Slovak and minority MPs in the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia (parliament) as well as the values of leaders and voters of political parties with their broad spectrum including Slovak National Party, agrarian party, people’s party, social democratic party and the political parties of minorities. Thanks to their education, the interest of citizens in public affairs increased. School attendance for all children was mandatory and no one could stop them from attending schools with teaching in their mother tongue. Majority of the citizens still attended religious services of various denominations – Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist, Jewish – and was interested in relationship between the state and churches. Artist, intellectuals and students looked for more advanced foreign countries. They tried to equal achievements of their colleagues from those countries and to overcome complexes related to their Slovak origin.
Civil Society and Political Culture
Chapters from the History of Slovakia 1918 – 1938
Slovak historians are looking for the origins of civil society in Slovakia in ten chapters of this collective monograph which deal with the key period of the 20th century. It is defined on the one hand by the establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic with its democratic parliamentary system in 1918 and on the other hand with the Munich Agreement from 1938 with some excursion to dictatorship and authoritarian period. Twenty years of the inter-war period were full of politics which forced citizens to solve problems interfering with their everyday lives. A citizen who associated him/herself with various interest groups, clubs and political parties, became the fundamental element of society. The term civil society is frequently used mostly by the present-day political science. It is defined as an active involvement of individual in activities aimed for the benefit of society overlapping his/her own interests and it includes a whole net of fellowships, clubs, movements, initiatives and social networks existing in public sphere. In this book, historians present the rich political and cultural life in the Czechoslovak Republic which was based on traditions as well as on external factors. They consider their reflections among intellectuals and artists. They try to examine the influence of traditions and traditional behavioral schemes on strategies used in the struggle for political power, on means used to enforce someone’s interests and they try to identify the values which influenced politicians in their decisions to take part in a coalition government or to become its opposition. All those elements were part of the political culture in Slovakia during the inter-war period. Among others, they influenced the activities of Slovak and minority MPs in the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia (parliament) as well as the values of leaders and voters of political parties with their broad spectrum including Slovak National Party, agrarian party, people’s party, social democratic party and the political parties of minorities. Thanks to their education, the interest of citizens in public affairs increased. School attendance for all children was mandatory and no one could stop them from attending schools with teaching in their mother tongue. Majority of the citizens still attended religious services of various denominations – Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist, Jewish – and was interested in relationship between the state and churches. Artist, intellectuals and students looked for more advanced foreign countries. They tried to equal achievements of their colleagues from those countries and to overcome complexes related to their Slovak origin.
Research Interests:
Milan Rastislav Štefánik and the Czech-Slovak Foreign Army (Legions) Chapters and Papers Precondition for the establishment of Czechoslovak armed forces fighting for the Triple Entente were above all the compatriotic colonies living in... more
Milan Rastislav Štefánik and the Czech-Slovak Foreign Army (Legions) Chapters and Papers Precondition for the establishment of Czechoslovak armed forces fighting for the Triple Entente were above all the compatriotic colonies living in its particular member states. Czechs and Slovaks in France were in 1914 filed into the French Foreign Legion where they had formed the “Nazdar Company” which was deployed on the hardest sections of the front. In Russia the “Czech Company” emerged which was used for special operations and as a spy unit. Slovak and Czech captives were present also on the Italian territory. There was a harmony and consonance between the military and political goals of Czechs and Slovaks. At the start of the war there had been lot of expectations towards Russia related to her initial success on the battlefield in Galicia. The Czechoslovak National Council in Paris came up with a strategic decision during the first half of 1916 to strengthen its efforts for the recognition of the independent state by its own fight on the battlefield and the establishment of its own army. Until the spring 1918 there had been no Austro-Hungarian units on the Western Front. As a result, there were only a few Czech and Slovak captives in the French prisoner camps. Therefore it was necessary to work politically and to try to acquire the permission from Entente governments to use thousands of captives from different fronts, to enroll them and to relocate them. This was the task for Milan Rastislav Štefánik, from 1916 in Russia and in Romania. In 1917 Štefánik resumed those activities in Russia (again), United States and from 1918 in Italy. The Czechoslovak army in France started to arise in the second half of 1917 from individuals recruited by Štefánik among captives in Romania, Russia and immigranto in United States. M. R. Štefánik’s plan was to set up united Czechoslovak army under the political leadership of the Czechoslovak National Council. He had no interest in any type of mercenary soldiery. He was trying to reach key decisions on the diplomatic field.
128
Conclusion
The practical work consisting from recruitment and building of the units was carried out by other men who wanted to achieve the same target. To reach the goals in various countries, it was necessary to come up with compromises. As a result, we very often consider the Czechoslovak army of the World War I as separated legions – Russian, French and Italian which were all politically responsible to the Czechoslovak National Council but their goals on the battlefield were different. The chapter dealing with the journey of general and the Czechoslovak minister of war M. R. Štefánik to Russia at the turn of the year 1918/1919 where he found out about the new situation at the Czechoslovak foreign army, brings up interesting pieces of knowledge. Štefánik had made political and organizational decisions which were aimed to transform the voluntary and revolutionary soldiery of nonexistent state into a regular and organized Czechoslovak army. After his visits to several regiments and after the discussions with officers he made numerous resolute decisions which were reflected in his various guidelines, decrees and orders related to different problems. The most significant is his order no. 588 which wasn’t met with a general approval among legionaries. Instead there was misunderstanding and aversion. Even the reaction of the press from the given time-period to the order was controversial and the same can be said about historiography. The misconception of Štefánik’s activities in Siberia is present even today. After several turbulences and temporary tensions among the legionaries, the order no. 588 had been carried out at length. It strengthened the discipline and orderliness inside the Russian legions. Considering this aspect, Štefánik’s mission in Siberia was successful despite numerous problems it was confronted with. The French and Italians legions played a significant role in the battle of Slovakia in 1919 and some of its members had perished there. The book analyzes also the social status of legionaries and the laws passed in order to bring them satisfactory place in the society during the 1st Czechoslovak Republic and the problems they had to overcome. Several chapters are focused on historical memory reflected by monuments and memorials in honor of the fallen. Of course, Milan Rastislav Štefánik could have been portrayed at the memorials for legionaries and it was a logical fact. But it was not happening very often, because the cult of the general was cultivated by his solo statues and monuments. The memorials of the fallen in the World War I sometimes used figures of Štefánik as a fitting symbol which was able to combine the sense of piety and heroism. The demonstration of the subjective memoirs on the legions by the last of the Mohicans (specifically Ferdinand Čatloš, Mikuláš Gacek and Ján Tva
129
Conclusion
rožek) related to the Štefánik festival on Bradlo in 1968 is exceptionally striking. It is described using correspondence from the deposits of the Slovak National Library and its Literary Archive in Martin. It reflects their lifetime experiences, attitudes and strategies in a new historical context. As Ján Fuska said in his opening address, Štefánik was appropriated by the nation which sometimes even mythologized him, as if to persuade itself that the liberty is durable and Štefánik is some kind of a guarantor of this longed-for liberty. After Štefánik’s death, the nation pinned its hopes on his work and moral legacy. That is why in critical moments the Slovak nation comes to his burial mound and other memorials and considers them a place for drawing strength and hope needed to overcome any obstacles.
128
Conclusion
The practical work consisting from recruitment and building of the units was carried out by other men who wanted to achieve the same target. To reach the goals in various countries, it was necessary to come up with compromises. As a result, we very often consider the Czechoslovak army of the World War I as separated legions – Russian, French and Italian which were all politically responsible to the Czechoslovak National Council but their goals on the battlefield were different. The chapter dealing with the journey of general and the Czechoslovak minister of war M. R. Štefánik to Russia at the turn of the year 1918/1919 where he found out about the new situation at the Czechoslovak foreign army, brings up interesting pieces of knowledge. Štefánik had made political and organizational decisions which were aimed to transform the voluntary and revolutionary soldiery of nonexistent state into a regular and organized Czechoslovak army. After his visits to several regiments and after the discussions with officers he made numerous resolute decisions which were reflected in his various guidelines, decrees and orders related to different problems. The most significant is his order no. 588 which wasn’t met with a general approval among legionaries. Instead there was misunderstanding and aversion. Even the reaction of the press from the given time-period to the order was controversial and the same can be said about historiography. The misconception of Štefánik’s activities in Siberia is present even today. After several turbulences and temporary tensions among the legionaries, the order no. 588 had been carried out at length. It strengthened the discipline and orderliness inside the Russian legions. Considering this aspect, Štefánik’s mission in Siberia was successful despite numerous problems it was confronted with. The French and Italians legions played a significant role in the battle of Slovakia in 1919 and some of its members had perished there. The book analyzes also the social status of legionaries and the laws passed in order to bring them satisfactory place in the society during the 1st Czechoslovak Republic and the problems they had to overcome. Several chapters are focused on historical memory reflected by monuments and memorials in honor of the fallen. Of course, Milan Rastislav Štefánik could have been portrayed at the memorials for legionaries and it was a logical fact. But it was not happening very often, because the cult of the general was cultivated by his solo statues and monuments. The memorials of the fallen in the World War I sometimes used figures of Štefánik as a fitting symbol which was able to combine the sense of piety and heroism. The demonstration of the subjective memoirs on the legions by the last of the Mohicans (specifically Ferdinand Čatloš, Mikuláš Gacek and Ján Tva
129
Conclusion
rožek) related to the Štefánik festival on Bradlo in 1968 is exceptionally striking. It is described using correspondence from the deposits of the Slovak National Library and its Literary Archive in Martin. It reflects their lifetime experiences, attitudes and strategies in a new historical context. As Ján Fuska said in his opening address, Štefánik was appropriated by the nation which sometimes even mythologized him, as if to persuade itself that the liberty is durable and Štefánik is some kind of a guarantor of this longed-for liberty. After Štefánik’s death, the nation pinned its hopes on his work and moral legacy. That is why in critical moments the Slovak nation comes to his burial mound and other memorials and considers them a place for drawing strength and hope needed to overcome any obstacles.
Research Interests:
BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY Slovak, Czech and French Perspective The monograph is divided into four larger thematic blocs consisting from chapters written by French, Czech and Slovak historians. The first bloc was titled Biography,... more
BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY
Slovak, Czech and French Perspective The monograph is divided into four larger thematic blocs consisting from chapters written by French, Czech and Slovak historians. The first bloc was titled Biography, Foreign Politics and Diplomacy. It tries to answer the questions what is the asset of biography for the history of international relations and what are the specifics of a portrait of a diplomat. Antoine Marès and Jindřich Dejmek deal with the writing of a biography of Edvard Beneš who was not only a long-term foreign affairs minister of Czechoslovakia and later its president, but had played a significant role in the European politics of the 20th century, too. As an important player he had to deal with the problems of his time-period such as World War I and II, territorial revisionism and victories of Nazism and Communism. During the whole inter-war period, Beneš tightly controlled the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs and commanded his diplomats. There had been lot of ethnic Slovaks among them whose careers are described by Slavomír Michálek. After a long time spent on diplomatic missions of the 1st Czechoslovak Republic, several of them repeatedly opted for exile. The first country they had chosen was Great Britain, later more frequently USA where they stayed till the end of their lives. The chapter written by Isabelle Davion presents a significant counterpoint to this topic. The Czechoslovak – and in its framework also Slovak – diplomacy had made only it first steps on the international field during the World War I and the years after it. On the other hand, during the same time-period, the French diplomacy had already had its long history. When compared to its Czechoslovak counterpart its diplomats came from completely different social classes, used dissimilar ways to achieve their goals and their communication with their minister was much different, too. Although the aims of French and Czechoslovak foreign policy during the inter-war period were in harmony, when writing the biographies of their representatives, historiography needs to consider different mentalities and traditions. The second bloc is titled Personalities, Politics, Culture and Gender and it deals with writing a biography from the perspective of a social history. It offers analysis of the relation between individual and his/her family and collective memory. In rather unconventional way, Catherine Horel thinks about the life of
224
Miklós Horthy and underlines that his life was deeply rooted in the traditions of the Habsburg monarchy. She presents facts from his family life that are unknown in Slovakia and makes corrections to some aspects of Horthy’s political activities and his role in the anti-Semitic politics in Hungary during the World War II. She also reflects his posthumous life in today’s Hungary. Through the analysis of the posthumous life of the so called “daughter of the Czech nation” Zdeňka Havlíčková who was not able to fulfill her concept of personal happiness because of the prejudiced society of the 19th century, Milena Lenderová shows the changes of values and manners among members of the Czech society during the 19th and 20th century. In her paper, Lenderová uses literary and theatrical images of Havlíčková and shows in what extent she was able to take her destiny into her own hands. Family and partner relations dominate the chapter written by Magdalena Pokorná where from the gender point of view surprisingly, the “weaker one” but ethically strong one is Josef Nemec, the loving husband and father of Božena Němcová’s children. Marie Makariusová and Jiří Martínek demonstrate in their paper importance of biographic encyclopedias for further prosopographical studies. They deal with the relations between the Czech lands and France from the perspective of art on one hand and on the other hand they describe destinies of not very famous French geographers. Those experts played an important role at the peace conference in Paris after the World War I where the discussions about the new European borders took place. The 3rd bloc answers the question How to Write Biographies of Famous Personalities of Slovakia. Michal Kšiňan describes the problems he had to overcome dealing with the biography of M. R. Štefánik balancing on the crossroads of Slovak and French attitude to writing a biography. Etienne Boisserie offers a detailed analysis of the Slovak historiography about Milan Hodža and stresses that time has come to write a complex biography of this Slovak politician which should cover his entire life and not just some selected segment of it. Apart from other things he also misses the explanation of formative processes which had shaped Hodža during his youth. A well-known expert on Hodža, Alena Bartlová, uses her experience from working on TV documentaries about several Slovak personalities – Milan Hodža, Ivan Dérer, Vavro Šrobár and Štefan Janšák – and broadens our knowledge about them with the information about their family background and student years which has not entered scientific publications. For the research of their family and personal profile she used personal archives as well as the oral history method which was represented by the interviews with their family members. Augustín Maťovčík pointed out that as the bases for further research should serve the results provided by the Biographical Institute of the Slovak National Library, especially the Biographical Lexicon of Slovakia which is being gradually published. The fourth bloc has a title Biographies of Personalities in the Context of Given Time-Period, Between Democracy and Revolution and describes possible ways for writing biographies. Each of them offers its own answer to challenges of history. Martin Rázus analyzed by Jaroslava Roguľová tries to do everything that is possible to preserve the Slovak nation as a unified entity in Europe during the uneasy inter-war period. His image painted by literary historians is quite different from the image created by historians who study political history and analyze effectiveness of the strategy he pushed forward as the most
225
significant representative of the Slovak National Party during this time-period. Sophie Coeuré focuses on complicated movement of archive materials – describing the cases of Communist dissidents Pierre Pascal, Victor Serge and Boris Souvarin. Personal inscriptions and belongings are confiscated by secret police, shipped from France to Nazi Germany and finally as a loot of the World War II become the inventory of Soviet archives. Destinies of human beings had fallen to the hands of illegitimate secret powers. The last biographic portrait of Bohdan Pavlů written by Bohumila Ferenčuhová also describes an individual dealing with challenges of given time-period. Initially a literary critic gives in 1918 in Chelyabinsk an order not to handle any weapons to Bolsheviks. Then he is in January 1919 in Siberia given full powers and appointed a Czechoslovak representative by Štefánik. After his return to Czechoslovakia he enters diplomatic service and serves as a Czechoslovak Minister in Bulgaria, Denmark and USSR. Finally he died in raging Sana river in Bosnia in May 1938 and therefore did not live to see the decline of the 1st Czechoslovak Republic to which he devoted large amount of his energy. In every chapter we find out theoretic reflection and personal attitude of the author. They all promise to be prologues to interesting monographs in the future.
Slovak, Czech and French Perspective The monograph is divided into four larger thematic blocs consisting from chapters written by French, Czech and Slovak historians. The first bloc was titled Biography, Foreign Politics and Diplomacy. It tries to answer the questions what is the asset of biography for the history of international relations and what are the specifics of a portrait of a diplomat. Antoine Marès and Jindřich Dejmek deal with the writing of a biography of Edvard Beneš who was not only a long-term foreign affairs minister of Czechoslovakia and later its president, but had played a significant role in the European politics of the 20th century, too. As an important player he had to deal with the problems of his time-period such as World War I and II, territorial revisionism and victories of Nazism and Communism. During the whole inter-war period, Beneš tightly controlled the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs and commanded his diplomats. There had been lot of ethnic Slovaks among them whose careers are described by Slavomír Michálek. After a long time spent on diplomatic missions of the 1st Czechoslovak Republic, several of them repeatedly opted for exile. The first country they had chosen was Great Britain, later more frequently USA where they stayed till the end of their lives. The chapter written by Isabelle Davion presents a significant counterpoint to this topic. The Czechoslovak – and in its framework also Slovak – diplomacy had made only it first steps on the international field during the World War I and the years after it. On the other hand, during the same time-period, the French diplomacy had already had its long history. When compared to its Czechoslovak counterpart its diplomats came from completely different social classes, used dissimilar ways to achieve their goals and their communication with their minister was much different, too. Although the aims of French and Czechoslovak foreign policy during the inter-war period were in harmony, when writing the biographies of their representatives, historiography needs to consider different mentalities and traditions. The second bloc is titled Personalities, Politics, Culture and Gender and it deals with writing a biography from the perspective of a social history. It offers analysis of the relation between individual and his/her family and collective memory. In rather unconventional way, Catherine Horel thinks about the life of
224
Miklós Horthy and underlines that his life was deeply rooted in the traditions of the Habsburg monarchy. She presents facts from his family life that are unknown in Slovakia and makes corrections to some aspects of Horthy’s political activities and his role in the anti-Semitic politics in Hungary during the World War II. She also reflects his posthumous life in today’s Hungary. Through the analysis of the posthumous life of the so called “daughter of the Czech nation” Zdeňka Havlíčková who was not able to fulfill her concept of personal happiness because of the prejudiced society of the 19th century, Milena Lenderová shows the changes of values and manners among members of the Czech society during the 19th and 20th century. In her paper, Lenderová uses literary and theatrical images of Havlíčková and shows in what extent she was able to take her destiny into her own hands. Family and partner relations dominate the chapter written by Magdalena Pokorná where from the gender point of view surprisingly, the “weaker one” but ethically strong one is Josef Nemec, the loving husband and father of Božena Němcová’s children. Marie Makariusová and Jiří Martínek demonstrate in their paper importance of biographic encyclopedias for further prosopographical studies. They deal with the relations between the Czech lands and France from the perspective of art on one hand and on the other hand they describe destinies of not very famous French geographers. Those experts played an important role at the peace conference in Paris after the World War I where the discussions about the new European borders took place. The 3rd bloc answers the question How to Write Biographies of Famous Personalities of Slovakia. Michal Kšiňan describes the problems he had to overcome dealing with the biography of M. R. Štefánik balancing on the crossroads of Slovak and French attitude to writing a biography. Etienne Boisserie offers a detailed analysis of the Slovak historiography about Milan Hodža and stresses that time has come to write a complex biography of this Slovak politician which should cover his entire life and not just some selected segment of it. Apart from other things he also misses the explanation of formative processes which had shaped Hodža during his youth. A well-known expert on Hodža, Alena Bartlová, uses her experience from working on TV documentaries about several Slovak personalities – Milan Hodža, Ivan Dérer, Vavro Šrobár and Štefan Janšák – and broadens our knowledge about them with the information about their family background and student years which has not entered scientific publications. For the research of their family and personal profile she used personal archives as well as the oral history method which was represented by the interviews with their family members. Augustín Maťovčík pointed out that as the bases for further research should serve the results provided by the Biographical Institute of the Slovak National Library, especially the Biographical Lexicon of Slovakia which is being gradually published. The fourth bloc has a title Biographies of Personalities in the Context of Given Time-Period, Between Democracy and Revolution and describes possible ways for writing biographies. Each of them offers its own answer to challenges of history. Martin Rázus analyzed by Jaroslava Roguľová tries to do everything that is possible to preserve the Slovak nation as a unified entity in Europe during the uneasy inter-war period. His image painted by literary historians is quite different from the image created by historians who study political history and analyze effectiveness of the strategy he pushed forward as the most
225
significant representative of the Slovak National Party during this time-period. Sophie Coeuré focuses on complicated movement of archive materials – describing the cases of Communist dissidents Pierre Pascal, Victor Serge and Boris Souvarin. Personal inscriptions and belongings are confiscated by secret police, shipped from France to Nazi Germany and finally as a loot of the World War II become the inventory of Soviet archives. Destinies of human beings had fallen to the hands of illegitimate secret powers. The last biographic portrait of Bohdan Pavlů written by Bohumila Ferenčuhová also describes an individual dealing with challenges of given time-period. Initially a literary critic gives in 1918 in Chelyabinsk an order not to handle any weapons to Bolsheviks. Then he is in January 1919 in Siberia given full powers and appointed a Czechoslovak representative by Štefánik. After his return to Czechoslovakia he enters diplomatic service and serves as a Czechoslovak Minister in Bulgaria, Denmark and USSR. Finally he died in raging Sana river in Bosnia in May 1938 and therefore did not live to see the decline of the 1st Czechoslovak Republic to which he devoted large amount of his energy. In every chapter we find out theoretic reflection and personal attitude of the author. They all promise to be prologues to interesting monographs in the future.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Bohumila Ferenčuhová: Bibliografia (neúplná) mojich publikácií a ohlasov do decembra 2023.
Research Interests:
The Re-Militarization of the Rhineland on 7 March 1936: A Question of Frontiers and International Security (also) in Central Europe. Historický časopis, 2014, 62, 1, pp. , Bratislava. The entry of 30,000 German soldiers into the... more
The Re-Militarization of the Rhineland on 7 March 1936: A Question of Frontiers and International Security (also) in Central Europe. Historický časopis, 2014, 62, 1, pp. , Bratislava. The entry of 30,000 German soldiers into the demilitarized Rhineland was a violation of the Treaty of Versailles and of the Locarno agreements signed under the aegis of the League of Nations in 1925. The latter were understood as giving some degree of correction to Versailles. They included the Rhine Pact, which internationally guaranteed the inviolability of the French – German and French – Belgian frontiers, and of the demilitarized Rhineland. Locarno could not be unilaterally renounced. Therefore Hitler resorted to force, while the Western powers gave priority to diplomacy and an effort to prove that the Locarno agreements had not lost their legal force. Slovak historiography has not devoted much attention to the Rhineland crisis, although it had an unfortunate impact on the fate of Czechoslovakia and the whole of Central Europe. The study is directed mainly towards French policy. On the basis of research in the diplomatic and military archives, it considers the problem of the struggle between force and law. Law suffered a defeat in Europe in 1936.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Page 14. 13 Stav výskumu medzinárodnej ochrany menín na Slovensku po roku 1989 Bohumila Ferenčuhová 1. Súčasný stav medzinárodnej ochrany menín Pojem menina sa v medzinárodnom práve vyvíjal v súvislosti ...
Research Interests:
Page 112. 110 Vzťahy a konflikty medzi Slovákmi a Maďarmi na Slovensku na medzinárodnej scéne: Komparácia pohľadu Spoločnosti národov a Rady Európy Bohumila Ferenčuhová V nasledujúcom príspevku doloíme výsledky ...
Extracted pages from the book HANULA, Matej et al. Dlhá cesta od monarchie k republike. Zmeny režimov, myslenia a životného štýlu na Slovensku a v strednej Európe od polovice 19. do polovice 20. storočia. Bratislava : Veda 2021, pp. 255 -... more
Extracted pages from the book HANULA, Matej et al. Dlhá cesta od monarchie k republike. Zmeny režimov, myslenia a životného štýlu na Slovensku a v strednej Európe od polovice 19. do polovice 20. storočia. Bratislava : Veda 2021, pp. 255 - 257.
Research Interests:
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila: Political and Military Aspects of the Cooperation of the Little Entente from 1919 to 1921. Historické štúdie, 55, 2021, pp. 125-145. The study examines the broader context of Trianon from October 1918 to November... more
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila: Political and Military Aspects of the Cooperation of the Little Entente from 1919 to 1921. Historické štúdie, 55, 2021, pp. 125-145.
The study examines the broader context of Trianon from October 1918 to November 1921. It sees the period of mithdrawal from the war as a trial of forces between the new states and the old Hungarian elite on the battlefield as in the field of diplomacy. The first part of the study focuses on the efforts of Cyechoslovakia, Romania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS) to control the territories within the demarcation lines determined by the victorious Entente Powers. The second part concentrates on their diplomatic cooperation at the Peace Conference. The third part analyses the acid test for the emerging bloc of Allies through two attempts to restore the monarchy in April and October 1921 by the former Emporor and King Chales I of Austria. Trianon. Little Entente. Political and Military Aspects.
The study examines the broader context of Trianon from October 1918 to November 1921. It sees the period of mithdrawal from the war as a trial of forces between the new states and the old Hungarian elite on the battlefield as in the field of diplomacy. The first part of the study focuses on the efforts of Cyechoslovakia, Romania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS) to control the territories within the demarcation lines determined by the victorious Entente Powers. The second part concentrates on their diplomatic cooperation at the Peace Conference. The third part analyses the acid test for the emerging bloc of Allies through two attempts to restore the monarchy in April and October 1921 by the former Emporor and King Chales I of Austria. Trianon. Little Entente. Political and Military Aspects.
Research Interests:
Page 7. 5 Rada Európy a meninová politika Slovenskej republiky v rokoch 20002005 Bohumila Ferenčuhová Veobecná koncepcia medzinárodnej ochrany menín sa na globálnej úrovni krytalizu-je postupne. Dnes sa ...
... | Ayuda. Les slavisants français et le mouvement tchécoslovaque à l'étranger au cours de la Première Guerre Mondiale. Autores: Bohumila Ferencuhova; Localización: Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporaines: revue... more
... | Ayuda. Les slavisants français et le mouvement tchécoslovaque à l'étranger au cours de la Première Guerre Mondiale. Autores: Bohumila Ferencuhova; Localización: Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporaines: revue d'histoire, ISSN 0984-2292, Nº. ...
Research Interests:
Abstract: FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila-MARÈS, Antoine-KŠIŇAN, Michal: Exiting Wars: from Napoleonic Wars to World War II. In: Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské vedy, 2018, roč. 12, č. 2, s. 50-73.... more
Abstract: FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila-MARÈS, Antoine-KŠIŇAN, Michal: Exiting Wars: from Napoleonic Wars to World War II. In: Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské vedy, 2018, roč. 12, č. 2, s. 50-73. ISSN 1337-6861 This article is an introduction to the thematic issue of Forum historiae 2/2018 dedicated to the subject of exiting wars in France and Central European countries in 19th and 20th centuries. In addition to introducing the main research questions and hypotheses, which the authors of the issue worked with, and to the outline of their main conclusions, the editors also provide a brief comparison of exiting wars in East-Central Europe in 20th Century. Key words: Exiting wars, France, East-Central Europe, World War I, World War II, Napoleonic wars
Research Interests:
2. fáza rokovaní s cieľom podpísať francúzsko-taliansku zmluvu - politika Aristida Brianda od Locarna po podpis zmluvy.
Le traité franco-yougoslave et l'Italie : Raymond Poincaré et la première étape des pourparlers (1923-1924) * Analytická štúdia k rokovaniam s cieľom podpísať francúzsko-juhoslovanskú zmluvu spracovaná na základe francúzskych a... more
Le traité franco-yougoslave et l'Italie : Raymond Poincaré et la première étape des pourparlers (1923-1924) * Analytická štúdia k rokovaniam s cieľom podpísať francúzsko-juhoslovanskú zmluvu spracovaná na základe francúzskych a talianskych diplomatických dokumentov v dvoch častiach. Prvá z nich sa venuje najmä politike Raymonda Poincarého v rokoch 1923 - 1924.
Briand´s plan of the European Federal Union and Czechoslovakia: Government, Pan-european Movement, Public Opinion. Since 1929 till 1931 the European states had been analysing and expressing their opinion to the A. Briand´s plan for the... more
Briand´s plan of the European Federal Union and Czechoslovakia: Government, Pan-european Movement, Public Opinion.
Since 1929 till 1931 the European states had been analysing and expressing their opinion to the A. Briand´s plan for the European Federal Union establishment. The Czechoslovak Government was perceiving this project in the Context of the Pan-European Movement expanding in Czechoslovakia since the beginning of 1920's, and also as a proposal to have come from France who was a close ally of Czechoslovakia.
Since 1929 till 1931 the European states had been analysing and expressing their opinion to the A. Briand´s plan for the European Federal Union establishment. The Czechoslovak Government was perceiving this project in the Context of the Pan-European Movement expanding in Czechoslovakia since the beginning of 1920's, and also as a proposal to have come from France who was a close ally of Czechoslovakia.
Research Interests:
Qu'ont gagné les Slovaques en octobre 1918 et qu'ont-ils perdu en 1993 ? Qui sont ces Slovaques pour lesquels la Tchécoslovaquie avait en 1918 un sens profond ? S'agissait-il des élites, des bourgeois, des paysans ? Quelle était la... more
Qu'ont gagné les Slovaques en octobre 1918 et qu'ont-ils perdu en 1993 ? Qui sont ces Slovaques pour lesquels la Tchécoslovaquie avait en 1918 un sens profond ? S'agissait-il des élites, des bourgeois, des paysans ? Quelle était la portée de la naissance et de la disparition de la Tchécoslovaquie dans le contexte des relations internationales en Europe centrale et en europe ? Au lieu de présenter une opinion appuyée sur mes recherches personnelles, je m'appuierai sur un large éventail d'avis professionnels ou laïcs que je partage ou qui, au contraire, m'ont frappée.
Research Interests:
The Little Entente, political and military alliance between Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania during the Interwar period, shows at the same time well and less known characteristic in the history of International relations. Besides... more
The Little Entente, political and military alliance between Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania during the Interwar period, shows at the same time well and less known characteristic in the history of International relations. Besides this alliance a friendship among elits and peoples has developed, but also economical interests, cooperation in culture and sports, and individual contacts. It affirmed itself as a specific European civilization, whith its distinctive evolution, finer in the West thanks to the democracy, more agrarian and less elaborate in the East, and often consevative. Moreover the three countries were linked with special ties to Poland and France. In the Interwar period the Little Entente was the pride of the Czechoslovak Foreign Policy. The alliance between three victorious countries, which had fought in allied camp, could rely on old economic ties and common interests dating back to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Czechoslovak leaders wanted to establish a system of alliances corresponding to the tradition of the country among them was certainly the Francophile one but also the Slavic solidarity. But the main task of the Little Entente of the construction of such an allaince was the containment of the potential Hungarian threat. The constitution of the Little Entente was settled by the convention between the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovens and Czechoslovakia in August 1920 and between Czechoslovakia and Romania in 1921. The Convention between the Kingdom SHS and Romania, which aimed at the preservation not only of the Treaty of Trianon, but also of the Treaty of Neuilly concerning Bulgaria. The signatories interpreted it as being real alliance treaties. After the failure of an extention of the alliance to Poland, the first test for it was the two restoration attempts of former king Charles in Hungary. The Little Entente strengthened the international situation of Czechoslovakia and the project of a common defense was an important challenge for the three countries and thei French ally, even if the Czechoslovaks did not want to depend only on one only great power and were not much interested in a policy hostile to Germany. The Czechoslovak-French Alliance treaty in January 1924 was not completed by a military convention, because Czechoslovakia did not want to engage in an agressive policy towards Germany and supported France´s attempts at conciliation with Weimar Republic. But the Treaty of Locarno was to bring unexpected results leading to potential dangers for Poland and Czechoslovakia.
Research Interests:
In : Slovensko v dejinách 20. storočia. Kapitoly k spoločenským a vojensko-politickým udalostiam. Historik Marián Hronský 70-ročný. (Miloslav Čaplovič a Mária Stanová (Ed.). Bratislava : Vojenský historický ústav 2010, s. 121-129
Research Interests:
Nécrologie
Research Interests:
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Le mausolée de Bradlo comme lieu de mémoire slovaque, In Lieux de mémoire en Europe centrale. Paris : Institut d'Etudes slaves, 2009, pp. 131-154
Research Interests:
Helena Turcerová-Devečková, la famille d'Ernest Denis et Turčiansky sv. Martin comme lieux de médiation culturelle. In : La France et l'Europe centrale. Médiateurs et médiations publié par Antoine Marès. Paris : Institut d'Etudes slaves... more
Helena Turcerová-Devečková, la famille d'Ernest Denis et Turčiansky sv. Martin comme lieux de médiation culturelle.
In : La France et l'Europe centrale. Médiateurs et médiations publié par Antoine Marès. Paris : Institut d'Etudes slaves 2015, p. 203-222. ISSN 0079-0001, ISBN 978-2-7204-0538-9
In : La France et l'Europe centrale. Médiateurs et médiations publié par Antoine Marès. Paris : Institut d'Etudes slaves 2015, p. 203-222. ISSN 0079-0001, ISBN 978-2-7204-0538-9
Research Interests:
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Exiting the Great War through the rule of Law. Czechoslovakia, Its Minorities and their Protection in the League of Nations. In : Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské... more
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Exiting the Great War through the rule of Law. Czechoslovakia, Its Minorities and their Protection in the League of Nations.
In : Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské vedy, 2018, roč. 12, č. 2, s. 50-73. ISSN 1337-6861
The study applies the French term "sortie de guerre" (exiting the wars) to the issues at the end of the Great War in the Habsburg monarchy, Central-Eastern Europe and in Slovakia, which was part of this area. It pays special attention to the issues of minorities and the search for the possible ways in which they could be protected by international law and the treaties signed after World War I. Exiting the war for Slovaks cannot be considered from a narrow local perspective. It is linked to the decision-making process regarding the exiting the war at the level of the monarch and council of ministers, which is briefly considered in the first section of the paper. The second section demonstrates the impact of these decisions in Slovakia. On the basis of the published documents it depicts the situation in the Slovak countryside before the cease-fire was signed on the Italian and Western fronts and the brutalisation of society resulting from the wartime suffering. It points out the danger of its unilateral identification with antisemitism. The issue of the inclusion of Bratislava in the Czechoslovak Republic points to the importance of both social matters as well as military and diplomatic solutions reflected at the local level by the city´s inhabitants. The ethnically conciliatory policy of the governor Samuel Zoch, offered the hope for the future. The third section analyses in detail the reaction of the power´s representatives at the peace conference to the post war situation in Central-Eastern Europe and the solution of the issue of minorities on the basis of documents from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic and the League of Nations in Geneva. The conclusion responds to the some French studies concerning "sortie de la Grande Guerre" and their view of the treaties, after the Great War. At the same time, it summarises the author´s knowledge gained from the work on this study.
Key words: Exiting wars, First World War, protection of minorities, Leaugue of Nations, Slovakia, Czechoslovakia
In : Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské vedy, 2018, roč. 12, č. 2, s. 50-73. ISSN 1337-6861
The study applies the French term "sortie de guerre" (exiting the wars) to the issues at the end of the Great War in the Habsburg monarchy, Central-Eastern Europe and in Slovakia, which was part of this area. It pays special attention to the issues of minorities and the search for the possible ways in which they could be protected by international law and the treaties signed after World War I. Exiting the war for Slovaks cannot be considered from a narrow local perspective. It is linked to the decision-making process regarding the exiting the war at the level of the monarch and council of ministers, which is briefly considered in the first section of the paper. The second section demonstrates the impact of these decisions in Slovakia. On the basis of the published documents it depicts the situation in the Slovak countryside before the cease-fire was signed on the Italian and Western fronts and the brutalisation of society resulting from the wartime suffering. It points out the danger of its unilateral identification with antisemitism. The issue of the inclusion of Bratislava in the Czechoslovak Republic points to the importance of both social matters as well as military and diplomatic solutions reflected at the local level by the city´s inhabitants. The ethnically conciliatory policy of the governor Samuel Zoch, offered the hope for the future. The third section analyses in detail the reaction of the power´s representatives at the peace conference to the post war situation in Central-Eastern Europe and the solution of the issue of minorities on the basis of documents from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic and the League of Nations in Geneva. The conclusion responds to the some French studies concerning "sortie de la Grande Guerre" and their view of the treaties, after the Great War. At the same time, it summarises the author´s knowledge gained from the work on this study.
Key words: Exiting wars, First World War, protection of minorities, Leaugue of Nations, Slovakia, Czechoslovakia
Research Interests: European Studies, History and Memory, Memory Studies, Ethnic minorities, History of International Relations, and 8 moreFirst World War, Central and Eastern Europe, The League of Nations, History of Czechoslovakia, International Relations and European Studies, History of Slovakia, History of Hungary and the Habsburg Monarchy, and sorties de conflits
Abstract: FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila-MARÈS, Antoine-KŠIŇAN, Michal: Exiting Wars: from Napoleonic Wars to World War II. In: Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské vedy, 2018, roč. 12, č. 2, s.... more
Abstract: FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila-MARÈS, Antoine-KŠIŇAN, Michal: Exiting Wars: from Napoleonic Wars to World War II.
In: Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské vedy, 2018, roč. 12, č. 2, s. 50-73. ISSN 1337-6861
This article is an introduction to the thematic issue of Forum historiae 2/2018 dedicated to the subject of exiting wars in France and Central European countries in 19th and 20th centuries. In addition to introducing the main research questions and hypotheses, which the authors of the issue worked with, and to the outline of their main conclusions, the editors also provide a brief comparison of exiting wars in East-Central Europe in 20th Century.
Key words: Exiting wars, France, East-Central Europe, World War I, World War II, Napoleonic wars
In: Forum historiae : odborný internetový časopis pre históriu a príbuzné spoločenské vedy, 2018, roč. 12, č. 2, s. 50-73. ISSN 1337-6861
This article is an introduction to the thematic issue of Forum historiae 2/2018 dedicated to the subject of exiting wars in France and Central European countries in 19th and 20th centuries. In addition to introducing the main research questions and hypotheses, which the authors of the issue worked with, and to the outline of their main conclusions, the editors also provide a brief comparison of exiting wars in East-Central Europe in 20th Century.
Key words: Exiting wars, France, East-Central Europe, World War I, World War II, Napoleonic wars
Research Interests:
In : Historik a dejiny. V česko-slovenskom storočí osudových dátumov. Bratislava : Veda 2018, s. 385-396. ISBN 978-80-224-1653-5. FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Ernest Denis, Robert Wiliam Seton-Watson and the Slovak question during the First... more
In : Historik a dejiny. V česko-slovenskom storočí osudových dátumov. Bratislava : Veda 2018, s. 385-396. ISBN 978-80-224-1653-5.
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Ernest Denis, Robert Wiliam Seton-Watson and the Slovak question during the First World War. In A Historian and History. The Jubilee of Ivan Kamenec. Bratislava : Veda 2018, p. 385-396. ISBN 978-80-224-1653-5.
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Ernest Denis, Robert Wiliam Seton-Watson and the Slovak question during the First World War. In A Historian and History. The Jubilee of Ivan Kamenec. Bratislava : Veda 2018, p. 385-396. ISBN 978-80-224-1653-5.
Research Interests:
In : T. G. Masaryk, jeho spolupracovníci a vznik československého státu. In: Sborník příspěvků z XIII. ročníku semináře Masarykova muzea v Hodoníně 11. - 12. listopadu 2008. Hodonín 2009
Research Interests:
In : Tomáš G. Masaryk Un intellectuel européen en politique. Paris : Institut d'Études slaves, 2007
Research Interests:
In : Co kdyby to dopadlo jinak? Křižovatky českých dějin. Praha : Dokořán 2007, p. 82 - 91.
Untimely flight to heavens. Non fiction and fiction paper about Štefánik's last moments and imaginary future.
Untimely flight to heavens. Non fiction and fiction paper about Štefánik's last moments and imaginary future.
Research Interests:
In : Tvorba T, roč. XI., 1 - 2 / 2001, p. 23 - 30. Louise Weiss memoirs and letters to M. R. Štefánik. Paper and translation of the Louise's Weiss letters to the slovak language
Research Interests:
Bohumila Ferenčuhová : Les Slovaques, la France et la naissance de la Tchécoslovaquie en 1918. In Catalogue d'exposition. Katalog výstavy. La naissance de la Tchécoslovaquie et la France un chemin commun vers une Europe démocratique (1914... more
Bohumila Ferenčuhová : Les Slovaques, la France et la naissance de la Tchécoslovaquie en 1918. In Catalogue d'exposition. Katalog výstavy. La naissance de la Tchécoslovaquie et la France un chemin commun vers une Europe démocratique (1914 - 1925), Praha : Ministerstvo zahraničních věcí ČR, 20008, p. 44 - 75.
Veľká vojna - La Grande Guerre. Kto bol vlastne Milan Rastislav Štefánik - Mais qui était réellement Milan Rastislav Štefánik? Triumvirát a jeho program - Le triumvirat et son programme. Slováci a české aktivity - Les Slovaques et les ativités tchèques. Programové zjednocovanie v Rusku - Unification du programme en Russie. Výmena nót o vojnových cieľoch - Échange de notes sur les objectifs de guerre. Výstavba vlastnej armády a ďalšie zjednocovanie hnutia - Mise en place de l'armée et poursuite de l'unification du mouvement. Rok 1918 - 1918.
Veľká vojna - La Grande Guerre. Kto bol vlastne Milan Rastislav Štefánik - Mais qui était réellement Milan Rastislav Štefánik? Triumvirát a jeho program - Le triumvirat et son programme. Slováci a české aktivity - Les Slovaques et les ativités tchèques. Programové zjednocovanie v Rusku - Unification du programme en Russie. Výmena nót o vojnových cieľoch - Échange de notes sur les objectifs de guerre. Výstavba vlastnej armády a ďalšie zjednocovanie hnutia - Mise en place de l'armée et poursuite de l'unification du mouvement. Rok 1918 - 1918.
Research Interests:
In : La France et l'Europe centrale. La construction des savoirs réciproques à travers l' enseignement. (Eds. Antoine Marès et Jiří Hnilica). Pardubice : Univerzita Pardubice 2017, pp. 81-102, ISBN 9788075601100
Research Interests:
Hungarian minority in Slovakia in the Council of Europe after 1989 The Council of Europe was of a major influence with regards to paying respect to the interests of the members of Hungarian minority in Slovakia. Entering this... more
Hungarian minority in Slovakia in the Council of Europe after 1989
The Council of Europe was of a major influence with regards to paying respect to the interests of the members of Hungarian minority in Slovakia. Entering this international organization Slovakia had to agree upon paying respect the interests of the members of minorities being the part of the universal human rights. As a cause Slovakia continuously respected the minorities right to use names and surnames in their own language, to use bilingual geographical names and to use minority language privately as well as in public. The situation of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia has been complicated due to the relations with its kin state. According to the standpoint of the Venetian Committee of the Council of Europe the less neutral term of “mother state” or “motherland” is not being used any longer. In the second part the paper deals with the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and its implementation within Slovak condition.
The Council of Europe was of a major influence with regards to paying respect to the interests of the members of Hungarian minority in Slovakia. Entering this international organization Slovakia had to agree upon paying respect the interests of the members of minorities being the part of the universal human rights. As a cause Slovakia continuously respected the minorities right to use names and surnames in their own language, to use bilingual geographical names and to use minority language privately as well as in public. The situation of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia has been complicated due to the relations with its kin state. According to the standpoint of the Venetian Committee of the Council of Europe the less neutral term of “mother state” or “motherland” is not being used any longer. In the second part the paper deals with the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and its implementation within Slovak condition.
Research Interests:
Hungarian minority in Slovakia in European institutions after 1989 The chapter deals with the topic of the situation of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia as reflected in European institutions especially in the frame of activities of OSCE... more
Hungarian minority in Slovakia in European institutions after 1989
The chapter deals with the topic of the situation of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia as reflected in European institutions especially in the frame of activities of OSCE and the Council of Europe. It contains also the analysis of an interaction of the Hungarian minority status in Slovakia and the Slovak-Hungarian interstate relations.
The chapter deals with the topic of the situation of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia as reflected in European institutions especially in the frame of activities of OSCE and the Council of Europe. It contains also the analysis of an interaction of the Hungarian minority status in Slovakia and the Slovak-Hungarian interstate relations.
Research Interests:
Diktat der Großmächte oder ein wissenschaftliches Problem? Die Verhandlungen über die Grenzen der Tschecho-Slowakei in der ersten Phase der Pariser Friedenskonferenz 1919.
Zusammenfassung, Seiten 249 – 251.
Zusammenfassung, Seiten 249 – 251.
Research Interests:
STRONG AND WEAK POINTS OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION OF MINORITIES: FROM LEAGUE OF NATIONS TO EUROPEAN UNION. Résumé The paper analyses the evolution of international protection of minorities in the perspective of international relations... more
STRONG AND WEAK POINTS OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION OF MINORITIES: FROM LEAGUE OF NATIONS TO EUROPEAN UNION.
Résumé
The paper analyses the evolution of international protection of minorities in the perspective of international relations history. The attention is paid to its historical and legal aspects since the origin of the institute of the international community legal involvement, consisting in charging new, renewed or enlarged states with obligations to respect freedom of religion, political equality and political rights of some groups of population. On the basis of the peace treaties after the World War I, this protection was guaranteed by the League of Nations. This activity was not understood and was criticized both by those whose interest was to abuse the position of minorities, as well as those who took on the minorities obligations.
On the basis of studying archive documents from minority section of the League of Nations Secretariat in Geneva, the author reconstructs the establishment of minority procedure and deals with its evolution. It has been elaborated in cooperation with minorities and minority states. Its strong point lay in finding compromises and regulating disagreements to the benefit of minorities and inter-national stability.
Its weak point lay in the absence of the connection with effective protection of basic human rights and freedoms binding for all states, both large and small. The new system of minorities protection which in this sphere took up mechanisms Council of Europe and European Union, was able to avoid this weak point after 1989.
The evolution of the notion of „ minority “in the international law and international politics documents from 1919 up to the definition of „national minority“ in 1993 represents the second line dealt with in the paper.
Résumé
The paper analyses the evolution of international protection of minorities in the perspective of international relations history. The attention is paid to its historical and legal aspects since the origin of the institute of the international community legal involvement, consisting in charging new, renewed or enlarged states with obligations to respect freedom of religion, political equality and political rights of some groups of population. On the basis of the peace treaties after the World War I, this protection was guaranteed by the League of Nations. This activity was not understood and was criticized both by those whose interest was to abuse the position of minorities, as well as those who took on the minorities obligations.
On the basis of studying archive documents from minority section of the League of Nations Secretariat in Geneva, the author reconstructs the establishment of minority procedure and deals with its evolution. It has been elaborated in cooperation with minorities and minority states. Its strong point lay in finding compromises and regulating disagreements to the benefit of minorities and inter-national stability.
Its weak point lay in the absence of the connection with effective protection of basic human rights and freedoms binding for all states, both large and small. The new system of minorities protection which in this sphere took up mechanisms Council of Europe and European Union, was able to avoid this weak point after 1989.
The evolution of the notion of „ minority “in the international law and international politics documents from 1919 up to the definition of „national minority“ in 1993 represents the second line dealt with in the paper.
Research Interests:
In : Pohľady na slovenskú politiku. Bratislava : Veda 2000, p. 134-144, ISBN 80-224-0584-1 Geopolitika vznikla z politickej geografie, ktorá sa začala búrlivo rozvíjať najmä na prelome 19. a 20. storočia. Zemepisci sa zaujímali nielen o... more
In : Pohľady na slovenskú politiku. Bratislava : Veda 2000, p. 134-144, ISBN 80-224-0584-1
Geopolitika vznikla z politickej geografie, ktorá sa začala búrlivo rozvíjať najmä na prelome 19. a 20. storočia. Zemepisci sa zaujímali nielen o prírodné podmienky, reliéf krajiny, podnebie, obyvateľstvo, ale skúmali zároveň ich vplyv na spôsob života ľudí a ich politické správanie. Ich pozornosti neunikol ani štát, politické zriadenie a dejiny. Možno sa domnievať, že v prospech politickej geografie pôsobilo to, že na mnohých európskych univerzitách profesori prednášali a študenti študovali dvojitú špecializáciu - geografiu a históriu. V rámci geopolitiky geografia predstavuje konštantnú, politika premennú veličinu.
Malá dohoda je pojem, ktorý patrí do dejín medzinárodných vzťahov a skúma sa najmä v politickej rovine. Nemožno ju oddeliť od politiky unitárneho Československa, pričom spojenie Českých krajín, Slovenska a Podkarpatskej Rusi v jednom štáte bolo jej podmienkou sine qua non. Odvtedy sa politická situácia radikálne zmenila, ale Slovensko nezmenilo zemepisné súradnice, ani reliéf krajiny. Táto štúdia chcela v roku 2000 upozorniť na potrebu analyzovať geopolitické postavenie Slovenska nielen z hľadiska bezpečnosti, ale aj z hľadiska funkcie a možnosti Slovenska v Európe, a v prvom rade v stredoeurópskom priestore.
Geopolitika vznikla z politickej geografie, ktorá sa začala búrlivo rozvíjať najmä na prelome 19. a 20. storočia. Zemepisci sa zaujímali nielen o prírodné podmienky, reliéf krajiny, podnebie, obyvateľstvo, ale skúmali zároveň ich vplyv na spôsob života ľudí a ich politické správanie. Ich pozornosti neunikol ani štát, politické zriadenie a dejiny. Možno sa domnievať, že v prospech politickej geografie pôsobilo to, že na mnohých európskych univerzitách profesori prednášali a študenti študovali dvojitú špecializáciu - geografiu a históriu. V rámci geopolitiky geografia predstavuje konštantnú, politika premennú veličinu.
Malá dohoda je pojem, ktorý patrí do dejín medzinárodných vzťahov a skúma sa najmä v politickej rovine. Nemožno ju oddeliť od politiky unitárneho Československa, pričom spojenie Českých krajín, Slovenska a Podkarpatskej Rusi v jednom štáte bolo jej podmienkou sine qua non. Odvtedy sa politická situácia radikálne zmenila, ale Slovensko nezmenilo zemepisné súradnice, ani reliéf krajiny. Táto štúdia chcela v roku 2000 upozorniť na potrebu analyzovať geopolitické postavenie Slovenska nielen z hľadiska bezpečnosti, ale aj z hľadiska funkcie a možnosti Slovenska v Európe, a v prvom rade v stredoeurópskom priestore.
Research Interests:
In. Jean-Louis Georget, Gaelle Hallair, Bernhard Tschoffen (dir.) Saisir le terrain ou l'invention des sciences empiriques en Allemagne et en France. Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2017, p. 217-230. Terrain und Kultur: Die... more
In. Jean-Louis Georget, Gaelle Hallair, Bernhard Tschoffen (dir.) Saisir le terrain ou l'invention des sciences empiriques en Allemagne et en France. Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2017, p. 217-230.
Terrain und Kultur: Die Grenzen der Slowakei nach 1918. Bis 1918 lebten die Slowaken im Königreich Ungarn und in der Habsburgermonarchie mit mehr oder weniger konkreten Vorstellungen von der Ausdehnung ihres ethnischen Territoriums. Seit dem XVII. Jahrhundert verorteten Historiker und andere Experten den von den Slowaken bevölkerten geographischen Raum zwischen der Morava im Westen, der Tisa in Osten, der Donau im Süden und der Hohen Tatra im Norden. Im XIX. Jahrhundert erweiterten Ethnografen (J. Čaplovič, P. J. Šafárik) und Sprachwissenschaftler (Ľ. Štúr) den Blickwinkel, indem sie die Kentnisse des slowakischen Siedlungsraums vom Standtpunkt ihrer Fachrichtungen bereicherten.
1848-1849 führten diese Vorstellungen schliesslich zur Enstehung mehrerer politischer Projekte. Die Zeit des Ersten Weltkrieges war für das Schicksal der Slowaken und für die endgültige Festlehung ihrer Grenzen auf der Friedenskonferenz entscheidend. Die slowakischen Wissenschaftler entwickelten ethnologische, demographische und kulturelle Argumente, um einen Beitrag zur Erarbeitung guter Lösungen zu leisten. Ein Vergleich mit den Argumenten der westlichen Experten auf der Friedenskonferenz 1919 und 1920 könnte die Möglichkeit bieten, über deren Art der Terrainerfassung nachzudenken.
Terrain und Kultur: Die Grenzen der Slowakei nach 1918. Bis 1918 lebten die Slowaken im Königreich Ungarn und in der Habsburgermonarchie mit mehr oder weniger konkreten Vorstellungen von der Ausdehnung ihres ethnischen Territoriums. Seit dem XVII. Jahrhundert verorteten Historiker und andere Experten den von den Slowaken bevölkerten geographischen Raum zwischen der Morava im Westen, der Tisa in Osten, der Donau im Süden und der Hohen Tatra im Norden. Im XIX. Jahrhundert erweiterten Ethnografen (J. Čaplovič, P. J. Šafárik) und Sprachwissenschaftler (Ľ. Štúr) den Blickwinkel, indem sie die Kentnisse des slowakischen Siedlungsraums vom Standtpunkt ihrer Fachrichtungen bereicherten.
1848-1849 führten diese Vorstellungen schliesslich zur Enstehung mehrerer politischer Projekte. Die Zeit des Ersten Weltkrieges war für das Schicksal der Slowaken und für die endgültige Festlehung ihrer Grenzen auf der Friedenskonferenz entscheidend. Die slowakischen Wissenschaftler entwickelten ethnologische, demographische und kulturelle Argumente, um einen Beitrag zur Erarbeitung guter Lösungen zu leisten. Ein Vergleich mit den Argumenten der westlichen Experten auf der Friedenskonferenz 1919 und 1920 könnte die Möglichkeit bieten, über deren Art der Terrainerfassung nachzudenken.
Research Interests:
In : Images des peuples et histoire des relations internationales du XVe siècle à nos jours. Sous la direction de Maria Matilde Benzoni, Robert Frank, Silvia Maria Pizetti. Edizioni Unicopli, Publications de la Sorbonne 2008, p. 357-375,... more
In : Images des peuples et histoire des relations internationales du XVe siècle à nos jours. Sous la direction de Maria Matilde Benzoni, Robert Frank, Silvia Maria Pizetti. Edizioni Unicopli, Publications de la Sorbonne 2008, p. 357-375, ISBN 978-88-400-1205-5; ISBN 978-2-85944-592-8
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Bohumila FERENČUHOVÁ. Mierová konferencia, mierové zmluvy a nový európsky systém. In: Zrod nové Evropy. Versailles, St.-Germain, Trianon a dotváření poválečného mírového systému. Praha : Historický ústav AV ČR 2011, s. 21 - 55.... more
Bohumila FERENČUHOVÁ. Mierová konferencia, mierové zmluvy a nový európsky systém. In: Zrod nové Evropy. Versailles, St.-Germain, Trianon a dotváření poválečného mírového systému. Praha : Historický ústav AV ČR 2011, s. 21 - 55.
Kolektívna monografia poskytuje prvý moderný komplexný rozbor mierových zmlúv po prvej svetovej vojne na území Českej a Slovenskej republiky. Kapitola B. Ferenčuhovej na základe dlhodobých výskumov v českých, slovenských a zahraničných archívoch približuje mechanizmy rokovaní a rozhodovaní mierovej konferencie. Nové poznatky prináša najmä z problematiky konečného znenia Trianonskej mierovej zmluvy od decembra 1919 do jej uvedenia do platnosti 26. júla 1921.
Kolektívna monografia poskytuje prvý moderný komplexný rozbor mierových zmlúv po prvej svetovej vojne na území Českej a Slovenskej republiky. Kapitola B. Ferenčuhovej na základe dlhodobých výskumov v českých, slovenských a zahraničných archívoch približuje mechanizmy rokovaní a rozhodovaní mierovej konferencie. Nové poznatky prináša najmä z problematiky konečného znenia Trianonskej mierovej zmluvy od decembra 1919 do jej uvedenia do platnosti 26. júla 1921.
Research Interests:
In the first half of 1919 decisions about destiny of Slovakia were being taken at the Paris Peace Conference, in the offices of diplomats, heir expert advisers and war strategists. A very important issue was demarcation of borders of the... more
In the first half of 1919 decisions about destiny of Slovakia were being taken at the Paris Peace Conference, in the offices of diplomats, heir expert advisers and war strategists. A very important issue was demarcation of borders of the new states, including Slovakia. However, of equal significance was also the establishment of the state authority and territorial administration, which the Peace Conference conceded to the individual new states. This was acompanied by military occupation of the territory and its control. Documents from archives of Slovakia, the Czech Republic and France prove that Slovak politicians and experts played an active role at all levels of these processes. Slovakia, following the legal opinion of Edvard Benes quoted in the study, considers the borders with Hungary notified by the Peace Conference in June 1919 a binding legal act, confirmed by the Treaty of Trianon.
Research Interests:
In: Slovensko a Maďarsko v rokoch 1918-1920. Zborník referátov z konferencie v Michalovciach 14. a 15. 6. 1994. Zostavil Ladislav Deák. Matica slovenská : 1995, s. 133-148, ISBN 80-7090-345-7
Research Interests:
In : Historie a vojenství, Časopis Historického ústavu armády České republiky, 4/2000, s. 853-873. ISSN 0018-2583
Research Interests:
In : Francúzsko a slovenská otázka 1789-1989. Bratislava : Veda 2008, s. 130-163
Research Interests:
Based on St. Germain Peace Treaty and minority contract from 10 of September 1919 Czechoslovakia agreed on providing "the territory of Ruthenians on the south from the Carpathians" autonomous status. The agreement was guaranteed by the... more
Based on St. Germain Peace Treaty and minority contract from 10 of September 1919 Czechoslovakia agreed on providing "the territory of Ruthenians on the south from the Carpathians" autonomous status. The agreement was guaranteed by the League of Nations, which therefore monitored throughout the interwar period, its implementation and compliance. The study analyzes a specific process of control in a minority section of the Secretariat of the League of Nations in the years 1929-1934. Then there was an attempt to tighten minority procedures. Several petitions relating to the Statute of Autonomy of Ruthenia has come to examine the ad hoc Committee of Three, composed of the Office of the Council of Nations and two of its other members. Autonomy of Ruthenia contrasted with the project of Centralistic Czechoslovakia. The delicate question was also the fact that all the ideological and political trends in Ruthenia - whether it was a pro-Russian, promoted by the Hungarian and Polish Government and also pro-Ukrainian, which during the period coincided with the Rusyn orientation, demanded shifting of the administrative boundaries to the Šariš and Spiš Count and almost to Poprad. Thus they harmed the interests of Slovakia and the whole of the centralized Republic. Although the requests of Autonomy of the territory of Rusyns (which was greater then Ruthenia) which were often initiated by the Hungarian Government or European private revisionist organizations, they met the desires of the Rusyn population, which, however, even after the Vienna Award and the mutilation of their territory, has shown no wilingness to return to Hungary.
Research Interests:
Ferenčuhová, B. - Zemko, M. Eds. In interwar Slovakia 1918-1939. Book review by Baka
Research Interests:
Obsiahla publikácia prof. Francesca Leonciniho Alternativa mazziniana (Mazziniovská alternatíva) podáva v širokom rámci politiku Talianska voči strednej Európe vo vzťahu najmä k Juhoslovanom a Čechom a Slovákom, počnúc talianskym... more
Obsiahla publikácia prof. Francesca Leonciniho Alternativa mazziniana (Mazziniovská alternatíva) podáva v širokom rámci politiku Talianska voči strednej Európe vo vzťahu najmä k Juhoslovanom a Čechom a Slovákom, počnúc talianskym Risorgimentom a ná-rodným obrodením slovanských národov, končiac náčrtom osudu nástupníckych štátov v medzivojnovom období. Jadrom problematiky je udalosť známa aj na Slovensku ako Kongres utláčaných národov habsburskej monarchie, ktorý sa konal v Ríme 8.-10. apríla 1918. Zúčastnili sa na ňom aj zástupcovia Československej národnej rady so síd-lom v Paríži a ich blízki spolupracovníci. Bolo ich celkom osem a v zozname účastníkov boli uvedení v abecednom poradí: Edvard Beneš, Rudolf Gábriš, František Hlaváček, Štefan Osuský, Antonin Papírník, Jan Šeba, Milan Rastislav Štefánik a Lev Sychrava. Niektorí sa venovali najmä propagačnej práci, iní organizovali československé vojsko. Leoncini túto udalosť zasadil do širšieho historického kontextu. Monografiu roz-členil do šiestich väčších kapitol: 1. Risorgimento, Mazzini a spojenectvo s "veľkou Ilýriou", T. G. Masaryk; 2. Stredná Európa medzi národnou otázkou a nemeckou he-gemóniou; 3. Od "Mladej Európy" k "Hlasu národov"; 4. Obrat Talianska: od politiky anexií ku "Konferencii utláčaných národov Rakúsko-Uhorska" (Rím, 8.-10. apríla 1918); 5. Milan Rastislav Štefánik, česko-slovenská légia a dilema talianskej politiky; 6. Posthabsburské štáty: odsúdené na krach? Myslenie Giuseppe Mazziniho (1805-1872) medzi slovenskými historikmi nie je priveľmi pertraktované. V rámci štúdia všeobecných dejín ho vnímame predovšetkým ako politika, ktorý bojoval za zjednotenie Talianska a bol dôsledným republikánom. Na Slovensku nová edícia jeho spisov o vzťahu k slovanským národom, nanovo publikova-ná pod názvom Lettere slave e altri scritti [Slovanské listy a iné spisy] (Milano 2007), nevyvolala nijakú pozornosť. Leoncini si všíma Mazziniho pohľad najmä na južných Slovanov. Mazzini mal o nich pomerne presné predstavy a zaujímal sa o ich politickú budúcnosť. Podľa neho by mali uvažovať skôr o federácii, než o úplnej samostatnosti, pretože v medzinárodnom kontexte sú priveľmi malí a slabí. On sám uvažoval o veľkej Ilýrii, ktorá by zahrňovala Ilýrsko-srbský štát, čiže Chorvátsko, Korutánsko, Srbsko, Čiernu horu, Dalmáciu, Bosnu a Bulharsko. Istriu síce považoval za taliansku, ale bral na zreteľ, že ďalej na juh žijú Slovania a Dalmácia je tiež slovanská. Problematiku videl v celoeurópskom kontexte. Podľa spisu Politica internazionale Taliansko sa malo posta-viť do čela Ligy malých európskych štátov. V tej istej kapitole F. Leoncini objasnil český austroslavizmus a koncepcie T. G. Masaryka do roku 1914, a tiež Masarykovu koncepciu Novej Európy ako pásma medzi Jadranom a Baltom, ktorú písal počas prvej svetovej voj-ny. Leoncini pripomína, že Masaryk chápal túto geopolitickú zónu ako hrádzu v prvom rade proti nemeckému Drang nach Osten. Po boľševickej revolúcii nadobudla aj funkciu
Research Interests:
Rec. na monografie : DESSBERG, Frédéric. LE TRIANGLE IMPOSSIBLE. LES RELATIONS FRANCO-SOVIÉTIQUES ET LE FACTEUR POLONAIS DANS LES QUESTIONS DE SÉCURITÉ EN EUROPE (1924 – 1935). [Nemožný trojuholník. Francúzsko-sovietske vzťahy a poľský... more
Rec. na monografie : DESSBERG, Frédéric. LE TRIANGLE IMPOSSIBLE. LES RELATIONS FRANCO-SOVIÉTIQUES ET LE FACTEUR POLONAIS DANS LES QUESTIONS DE SÉCURITÉ EN EUROPE (1924 – 1935). [Nemožný trojuholník. Francúzsko-sovietske vzťahy a poľský faktor v otázkach bezpečnosti v Európe (1924 – 1935)]. „enjeux internationaux“ No 2. Bruxelles : p.i.e. peter Lang, 2009, 440 s.
DAVION, Isabelle. MON VOISIN, CET ENNEMI. LA POLITIQUE DE SÉCURITÉ FRANÇAISE FACE AUX RELATIONS POLONO-TCHÉCOSLOVQAUES ENTRE 1919 ET 1939. [Môj sused, nepriateľ. Francúzska politika bezpečnosti a poľsko-československé vzťahy 1919 – 1939]. „enjeux internationaux“ No 4. Bruxelles : p.i.e. peter Lang, 2009, 472 s.
FERENČUHOVÁ, B. In Historický časopis, 39, 3, 2011, p. 537-545.
Vydavateľstvo Peter Lang v Bruseli vydalo v sérii vedeckých monografií z dejín medzinárodných vzťahov v roku 2009 dve práce tematicky viazané na francúzsku politiku voči geografickému priestoru na východ od Nemecka v medzivojnovom období. Obidve sú skrátenými verziami doktorandských prác vypracovaných a obhájených na Univerzite Paríž IV pod vedením profesora Georgea-Henriho Soutoua. Obidve majú základný význam pre pochopenie medzinárodného postavenia prvej československej republiky a jej osudu. trojuholníkovú diplomaciu možno nájsť v politikách európskych mocností, a to nielen medzivojnového obdobia, pomerne často. Henry Kissinger, napríklad, podobnú stratégiu jednoznačne spája s politikou mocenskej rovnováhy, ktorá sleduje vlastné národné záujmy, jednoznačne definuje nepriateľa a chce zabrániť, aby sa stal mocnejším ako jeho najsilnejší potenciálny súper – sám alebo so svojimi spojencami. Napriek víťazstvu v prvej svetovej vojne sa Tretia francúzska republika cítila vyčerpaná, demograficky a hospodársky slabšia ako jej nepriateľ – najprv Wilhelmovské Nemecko, potom Weimarská republika a napokon tretia ríša. Nepriateľa možno odstrašiť súčinnosťou s mocnými spojencami alebo politikou zmierenia a úsilím o vzájomnú dohodu dosiahnuť otupenie nebezpečenstva, ktorého je nositeľom. Pod týmto zorným uhlom je zrejme treba hľadieť na nezvyčajne koncipované témy. V prvom prípade skúmajú francúzsko-sovietske vzťahy obohatené o poľský faktor, v druhom spájajú do jedného celku francúzsku politiku a československo-poľské vzťahy.Úvod k obidvom monografiám napísal Georges-Henri Soutou, zdôrazňujúc, že ide o modelové práce, o príklad najnovšieho typu spracovania tém z dejín medzinárodných vzťahov. recenzie – anotácie – kronika
DAVION, Isabelle. MON VOISIN, CET ENNEMI. LA POLITIQUE DE SÉCURITÉ FRANÇAISE FACE AUX RELATIONS POLONO-TCHÉCOSLOVQAUES ENTRE 1919 ET 1939. [Môj sused, nepriateľ. Francúzska politika bezpečnosti a poľsko-československé vzťahy 1919 – 1939]. „enjeux internationaux“ No 4. Bruxelles : p.i.e. peter Lang, 2009, 472 s.
FERENČUHOVÁ, B. In Historický časopis, 39, 3, 2011, p. 537-545.
Vydavateľstvo Peter Lang v Bruseli vydalo v sérii vedeckých monografií z dejín medzinárodných vzťahov v roku 2009 dve práce tematicky viazané na francúzsku politiku voči geografickému priestoru na východ od Nemecka v medzivojnovom období. Obidve sú skrátenými verziami doktorandských prác vypracovaných a obhájených na Univerzite Paríž IV pod vedením profesora Georgea-Henriho Soutoua. Obidve majú základný význam pre pochopenie medzinárodného postavenia prvej československej republiky a jej osudu. trojuholníkovú diplomaciu možno nájsť v politikách európskych mocností, a to nielen medzivojnového obdobia, pomerne často. Henry Kissinger, napríklad, podobnú stratégiu jednoznačne spája s politikou mocenskej rovnováhy, ktorá sleduje vlastné národné záujmy, jednoznačne definuje nepriateľa a chce zabrániť, aby sa stal mocnejším ako jeho najsilnejší potenciálny súper – sám alebo so svojimi spojencami. Napriek víťazstvu v prvej svetovej vojne sa Tretia francúzska republika cítila vyčerpaná, demograficky a hospodársky slabšia ako jej nepriateľ – najprv Wilhelmovské Nemecko, potom Weimarská republika a napokon tretia ríša. Nepriateľa možno odstrašiť súčinnosťou s mocnými spojencami alebo politikou zmierenia a úsilím o vzájomnú dohodu dosiahnuť otupenie nebezpečenstva, ktorého je nositeľom. Pod týmto zorným uhlom je zrejme treba hľadieť na nezvyčajne koncipované témy. V prvom prípade skúmajú francúzsko-sovietske vzťahy obohatené o poľský faktor, v druhom spájajú do jedného celku francúzsku politiku a československo-poľské vzťahy.Úvod k obidvom monografiám napísal Georges-Henri Soutou, zdôrazňujúc, že ide o modelové práce, o príklad najnovšieho typu spracovania tém z dejín medzinárodných vzťahov. recenzie – anotácie – kronika
Research Interests:
Book review in english: ŠUCHOVÁ, Xénia. Idea československého štátu na slovensku 1918 – 1939. Protagonisti, nositelia, oponenti. (the Idea of the Czechoslovak state In Slovakia 1918 – 1939. Protagonists, bearers, opponents). Bratislava... more
Book review in english:
ŠUCHOVÁ, Xénia. Idea československého štátu na slovensku 1918 – 1939. Protagonisti, nositelia, oponenti. (the Idea of the Czechoslovak state In Slovakia 1918 – 1939. Protagonists, bearers, opponents). Bratislava : Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences; Vydavateľstvo Prodama, 2011, 312 pages.
The idea of the Czechoslovak state, the Slovak aspects of which form the thematic axis of Xénia Šuchová's monograph, was previously defined by various thinkers. Some of these definitions were considered, for example, by the Czech historian Kamil Krofta, who served as a diplomat and in the last years as minister of foreign affairs of the First Czechoslovak Republic. Krofta sought the historical roots of the idea of the Czechoslovak state in the thinking of František Palacký, for whom " the right of nations is really the right of nature " , but he also took into account the arguments of Josef Pekař and justified the right to a state with historical arguments: " the historical forerunner of the present Czechoslovak Republic, the old Czech state, was founded by the Czechs in the 10th century, and throughout its whole history it remained essentially the state of the Czech nation, the expression of its will to live and the instrument for fulfilling its historic mission, in spite of all the powerful German influences on its development " 1. [...] similarly, the present Czechoslovak state has grown from the roots of the old Czech state created by the joint work of the Czechs and their slovak brothers, who were excluded for centuries from the common national community. It was created by the will and work of the members of both branches of the Czechoslovak nation, their achievements and sacrifices, according to their wishes and ideals. It was created for them so that they could live a full national life, a possibility they never had anywhere else. " 2 For Krofta, the basic components of the " idea of the Czechoslovak state " were Masaryk's ideals of democracy
ŠUCHOVÁ, Xénia. Idea československého štátu na slovensku 1918 – 1939. Protagonisti, nositelia, oponenti. (the Idea of the Czechoslovak state In Slovakia 1918 – 1939. Protagonists, bearers, opponents). Bratislava : Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences; Vydavateľstvo Prodama, 2011, 312 pages.
The idea of the Czechoslovak state, the Slovak aspects of which form the thematic axis of Xénia Šuchová's monograph, was previously defined by various thinkers. Some of these definitions were considered, for example, by the Czech historian Kamil Krofta, who served as a diplomat and in the last years as minister of foreign affairs of the First Czechoslovak Republic. Krofta sought the historical roots of the idea of the Czechoslovak state in the thinking of František Palacký, for whom " the right of nations is really the right of nature " , but he also took into account the arguments of Josef Pekař and justified the right to a state with historical arguments: " the historical forerunner of the present Czechoslovak Republic, the old Czech state, was founded by the Czechs in the 10th century, and throughout its whole history it remained essentially the state of the Czech nation, the expression of its will to live and the instrument for fulfilling its historic mission, in spite of all the powerful German influences on its development " 1. [...] similarly, the present Czechoslovak state has grown from the roots of the old Czech state created by the joint work of the Czechs and their slovak brothers, who were excluded for centuries from the common national community. It was created by the will and work of the members of both branches of the Czechoslovak nation, their achievements and sacrifices, according to their wishes and ideals. It was created for them so that they could live a full national life, a possibility they never had anywhere else. " 2 For Krofta, the basic components of the " idea of the Czechoslovak state " were Masaryk's ideals of democracy
Research Interests:
rec. In Historický časopis, 60, 1, 2011, s. 158-161 ŠUCHOVÁ, Xénia. Idea československého štátu na slovensku 1918 – 1939. Protagonisti, nositelia, oponenti. Bratislava : Historický ústav SaV vo Vydavateľstve Prodama, 2011, 312 s. ideu... more
rec. In Historický časopis, 60, 1, 2011, s. 158-161
ŠUCHOVÁ, Xénia. Idea československého štátu na slovensku 1918 – 1939. Protagonisti, nositelia, oponenti. Bratislava : Historický ústav SaV vo Vydavateľstve Prodama, 2011, 312 s. ideu československého štátu, ktorá vo svojej slovenskej podobe tvorí tematickú os monografie Xénie Šuchovej, definovalo pred ňou už niekoľko mysliteľov. na niektoré z týchto definícií upozornil napríklad Kamil Krofta, český historik, a tiež najprv zástupca a v posledných rokoch existencie 1. Československej republiky jej minister zahraničných vecí. Krofta hľadá historické korene idey československého štátu jednak u Františka Palackého, pre ktorého " právo národů je skutečné právo přírody " , ale berie na zreteľ aj argumenty Josefa Pekařa a zdôvodňuje právo na štát historickými dôvodmi: " Již historický předchůdce dnešní československé republiky, starý český stát byl v X. stol. založen od čechů a že po celou dobu svého trvání, přes všechny mocné vlivy německé, které působily na jeho vývoj, byl v své podstatě státem českého národa, výrazem jeho vůle k životu a nástrojem k plnění jeho dějinného poslání " 1. [...] Podobně byl dnešní stát československý, vyrostlý z kořenů onoho starého českého státu vytvořen společnou prací čechů a jejich slovenských bratří, kteří byli po staletí odloučeni od společného kmene národního, byl vytvořen vůlí a prací příslušníků obou těchto větví československého národa, jejich zásluha-mi a obětmi, podle jejich tužeb a ideálů, byl vytvořen také pro ně, aby v něm mohli žít plným životem národním, jehož možnost jim není nikde jinde dána. " 2 Pre Kroftu základným kompo-nentom " idey československého štátu " sú Masarykove ideály demokracie a úsilie o pokračujúcu demokratizáciu politického, spoločenského i každodenného života. Masaryk podľa neho videl duševný vývoj českého národa a zmysel českých dejín v náboženskej myšlienke, platnej aj v čase Československej republiky, tentokrát v podobe úsilia o mravné a duchovné zdokonalenie seba aj iných, ako boj o vyššie mravné hodnoty. 3 ich rešpektovanie sa malo stať zárukou slobody a rovno-právnosti všetkých občanov Československej republiky a jej záchranou pred možným vnútorným rozkladom, hľadajúc zároveň cesty k česko-nemeckému spolužitiu v českých zemiach a k širšej stredoeurópskej súčinnosti na novom základe. Xénia Šuchová vymedzuje svoju ideu československého štátu na Slovensku užšie. V úvo-de svojej práce píše, že práve " Idea československého štátu československého národa " tvorí zá-klad prvej Československej republiky. Dôraz kladie najmä na jednotný " československý národ " chápaný ako " ideový konštrukt, ktorý si spočiatku osvojila len malá menšina protagonistov, väčšia časť medzivojnovej slovenskej spoločnosti s výhradami, no veľká časť spoločnosti (či už vedome alebo pod vplyvom autonomistickej či komunistickej oponentúry) ju odmietala. " Konštatovanie o to závažnejšie, že podľa výskumov a presvedčenia autorky bez idey československého národa československý štát nemal nádej na vznik a nemal šance odolať územným a iným nárokom ex-1 KROFTa, Kamil. idea československého státu. in Z dob naší první republiky.
ŠUCHOVÁ, Xénia. Idea československého štátu na slovensku 1918 – 1939. Protagonisti, nositelia, oponenti. Bratislava : Historický ústav SaV vo Vydavateľstve Prodama, 2011, 312 s. ideu československého štátu, ktorá vo svojej slovenskej podobe tvorí tematickú os monografie Xénie Šuchovej, definovalo pred ňou už niekoľko mysliteľov. na niektoré z týchto definícií upozornil napríklad Kamil Krofta, český historik, a tiež najprv zástupca a v posledných rokoch existencie 1. Československej republiky jej minister zahraničných vecí. Krofta hľadá historické korene idey československého štátu jednak u Františka Palackého, pre ktorého " právo národů je skutečné právo přírody " , ale berie na zreteľ aj argumenty Josefa Pekařa a zdôvodňuje právo na štát historickými dôvodmi: " Již historický předchůdce dnešní československé republiky, starý český stát byl v X. stol. založen od čechů a že po celou dobu svého trvání, přes všechny mocné vlivy německé, které působily na jeho vývoj, byl v své podstatě státem českého národa, výrazem jeho vůle k životu a nástrojem k plnění jeho dějinného poslání " 1. [...] Podobně byl dnešní stát československý, vyrostlý z kořenů onoho starého českého státu vytvořen společnou prací čechů a jejich slovenských bratří, kteří byli po staletí odloučeni od společného kmene národního, byl vytvořen vůlí a prací příslušníků obou těchto větví československého národa, jejich zásluha-mi a obětmi, podle jejich tužeb a ideálů, byl vytvořen také pro ně, aby v něm mohli žít plným životem národním, jehož možnost jim není nikde jinde dána. " 2 Pre Kroftu základným kompo-nentom " idey československého štátu " sú Masarykove ideály demokracie a úsilie o pokračujúcu demokratizáciu politického, spoločenského i každodenného života. Masaryk podľa neho videl duševný vývoj českého národa a zmysel českých dejín v náboženskej myšlienke, platnej aj v čase Československej republiky, tentokrát v podobe úsilia o mravné a duchovné zdokonalenie seba aj iných, ako boj o vyššie mravné hodnoty. 3 ich rešpektovanie sa malo stať zárukou slobody a rovno-právnosti všetkých občanov Československej republiky a jej záchranou pred možným vnútorným rozkladom, hľadajúc zároveň cesty k česko-nemeckému spolužitiu v českých zemiach a k širšej stredoeurópskej súčinnosti na novom základe. Xénia Šuchová vymedzuje svoju ideu československého štátu na Slovensku užšie. V úvo-de svojej práce píše, že práve " Idea československého štátu československého národa " tvorí zá-klad prvej Československej republiky. Dôraz kladie najmä na jednotný " československý národ " chápaný ako " ideový konštrukt, ktorý si spočiatku osvojila len malá menšina protagonistov, väčšia časť medzivojnovej slovenskej spoločnosti s výhradami, no veľká časť spoločnosti (či už vedome alebo pod vplyvom autonomistickej či komunistickej oponentúry) ju odmietala. " Konštatovanie o to závažnejšie, že podľa výskumov a presvedčenia autorky bez idey československého národa československý štát nemal nádej na vznik a nemal šance odolať územným a iným nárokom ex-1 KROFTa, Kamil. idea československého státu. in Z dob naší první republiky.
Research Interests:
HAHNOVÁ, Eva. Od PalacKéhO K BeNešOvi. Německé texty o Češích, Němcích a českých zemích. Praha : Academia 2014, 723 s. ISBN 9788020023896. Na začiatok tejto recenzie si dovolím zopakovať slová, ktorými v Nemecku žijúca česká historička... more
HAHNOVÁ, Eva. Od PalacKéhO K BeNešOvi. Německé texty o Češích, Němcích a českých zemích. Praha : Academia 2014, 723 s. ISBN 9788020023896. Na začiatok tejto recenzie si dovolím zopakovať slová, ktorými v Nemecku žijúca česká historička Eva Hahnová uvádza svoju rozsiahlu antológiu nemeckých textov o Čechoch, Nemcoch a českých zemiach, ktorú prednedávnom vydala Academia v Prahe. Tie slová, ktoré volajú aj dnešných histo-rikov na zodpovednosť, napísal roku 1902 dnes na Slovensku úplne neznámy Arnošt Kraus v práci o starých českých dejinách v nemeckej literatúre: " Každé to dílo a dílko, byť je napsal spisovatel o sobě nic neznamenající, je výrazem a spolutvůrcem pověsti naší, veřejného mínění, které působí nejen slovy, nýbrž i skutky. vedle historie, která nás poučuje o tom, co se stalo, má tudíž své oprávnění též historie toho, co se myslilo a učilo, ba tato historie se někdy významem svým může rovnat oné, dle slov epiktetových, že lidi bouří ne skutky, nýbrž mínění o skutcích. " Práve pamiatke tohto germanistu, ktorý zahynul roku 1943 v Terezíne, venovala Eva Hahnová svoju prácu, ktorá je viac ako len edíciou dokumentov. Autorka dala svojej antológii názov Od Palackého k Benešovi. Tieto historické postavy jednak antológiu rámcujú chronologicky, jednak zosobňujú kritické výhrady, ktoré autori jednotlivých textov adresovali vlastne celému českému národu. Nájdeme v nich veľmi málo skutočnej analý-zy činnosti týchto dvoch známych českých politikov. Palackému sa zazlieva najmä známy list Frankfurtskému snemu, v ktorom odmietol účasť českých zemí na nemeckom národnom štáte a vyjadril sa za spolužitie národov a národností v rámci rakúskeho súštátia. Benešovi sa pričítajú " zásluhy " na rozpade habsburskej monarchie, klamstvá dohodovým politikom ohľadom jej národnostného zloženia, menšinová politika 1. ČSR a odsun Nemcov po druhej svetovej vojne. Obidvoch českých politikov vykresľujú ako vedených nenávisťou voči Nemcom. Od Palackého ako autora údajného českého historického mýtu vraj viedla priama cesta k Benešovi, k versaillské-mu diktátu a po druhej svetovej vojne k presadzovaniu kolektívnej viny Nemcov a ich vyhnaniu z domoviny. Keď porovnáme tieto schematické obvinenia s ohlasom revolúcie 1848 a neskoršími štúdiami venovanými postave Františka Palackého ako historika a politika v dobovej francúzskej vedeckej literatúre, publicistike i tlači, musíme konštatovať, že na rozdiel od plochých nemeckých obrazov sa stretávame so záujmom, podrobnými analýzami a úsilím pochopiť skutočné udalosti v habsburskej monarchii a ich dosah. Francúzski autori, prirodzene, neprajú veľkonemeckému recenzie – anotácie – kronika
Research Interests:
Review of the Documents of the Vatican Archives edited by Emília Hrabovec
Research Interests:
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Štefánik diplomat - medzi Francúzskom a Talianskom (1914 - 1919). In: Generál dr. Milan Rastislav Štefánik - vojak a diplomat. Zborník príspevkov z vedeckej konferencie v Bratislave 4. - 5. mája 1999. Bratislava :... more
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Štefánik diplomat - medzi Francúzskom a Talianskom (1914 - 1919). In: Generál dr. Milan Rastislav Štefánik - vojak a diplomat. Zborník príspevkov z vedeckej konferencie v Bratislave 4. - 5. mája 1999. Bratislava : Vojenský historický ústav 1999, s. 87 - 108.
Research Interests:
Malá dohoda - nový aktér medzinárodných vzťahov v medzivojnovom období: stroskotanie demokratickej Európy? Príspevok B. Ferenčuhovej odznel na 22. zjazde historických vied v Jinane v auguste 2015. Vyšiel v roku 2022.
Research Interests:
Vedecká konferencia Milan Rastislav Štefánik a legionári. História a súčasnosť. Banská Bystrica, Aula Rotunda Ekonomickej univerzity, 1. - 2. júna 2022. Prezentácia k prednáške Bohumily Ferenčuhovej Bohdan I. Veľký, cár sibírsky. Kríza v... more
Vedecká konferencia Milan Rastislav Štefánik a legionári. História a súčasnosť. Banská Bystrica, Aula Rotunda Ekonomickej univerzity, 1. - 2. júna 2022. Prezentácia k prednáške Bohumily Ferenčuhovej Bohdan I. Veľký, cár sibírsky. Kríza v československom vojsku na Rusi v prvej polovici roka 1919.
Research Interests:
Convegno sulla Divisione Cecoslovacca in Italia, le sue origini, l'impiego in guerra.
Research Interests:
UKONČIŤ VOJNU Od napoleonských vojen po druhú svetovú vojnu Vo Francúzsku od roku 2014 v historiografii dominuje pripomínanie si storočnice prvej svetovej vojny. V roku 2017 sa francúzski, slovenskí a českí historici rozhodli, že sa na... more
UKONČIŤ VOJNU
Od napoleonských vojen po druhú svetovú vojnu
Vo Francúzsku od roku 2014 v historiografii dominuje pripomínanie si storočnice prvej svetovej vojny. V roku 2017 sa francúzski, slovenskí a českí historici rozhodli, že sa na svojom pravidelnom stretnutí, ktoré sa tohto roku koná v Bratislave za účasti historikov z Poľska a Maďarska, zamyslia nad jej ukončením. A tiež nad ukončením iných vojen, ktoré pustošili strednú Európu od čias Napoleona Bonaparta až po koniec druhej svetovej vojny. Prominentní francúzski historici, univerzitní profesori Antoine Marès, Marie Pierre Rey, Robert Frank, Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau a Étienne Boisserie sa s nami podelia o výsledky svojich výskumov na túto tému.
I keď sa podpísanie prímeria často považuje za koniec vojny, novšie výskumy obdobia, ktoré po nej bezprostredne nasleduje, svedčia o priepustnosti hraníc medzi vojnou a mierom. Ukončiť vojnu neznamená len zastaviť vojenské operácie. Spoločnosť sa zväčša tak zaangažovala do vojnového úsilia, že nebolo možné okamžite ho zastaviť. Bolo potrebné vyrovnať sa so zármutkom zo straty blízkych, postarať sa o invalidov a siroty, zastaviť vojenskú propagandu, v prípade dlhých vojen rekonvertovať hospodárstvo, atď. Stredoeurópsky i francúzsky priestor za posledných dvesto rokov prešiel týmto procesom viackrát. Cieľom našej konferencie je analyzovať tieto prechodné obdobia a zistiť dopad týchto „tranzícií“ na individuálnej aj spoločenskej úrovni. Bude potrebné brať na zreteľ zmenu spoločenských a intelektuálnych paradigiem, ktoré v týchto spoločnostiach spôsobila nedávno ukončená vojna.
Konferencia sa bude konať 18. a 19. mája 2017 v budove Univerzity Komenského na Šafárikovom nám. 6, v Auditóriu maximum. Budete na nej všetci vítaní.
Od napoleonských vojen po druhú svetovú vojnu
Vo Francúzsku od roku 2014 v historiografii dominuje pripomínanie si storočnice prvej svetovej vojny. V roku 2017 sa francúzski, slovenskí a českí historici rozhodli, že sa na svojom pravidelnom stretnutí, ktoré sa tohto roku koná v Bratislave za účasti historikov z Poľska a Maďarska, zamyslia nad jej ukončením. A tiež nad ukončením iných vojen, ktoré pustošili strednú Európu od čias Napoleona Bonaparta až po koniec druhej svetovej vojny. Prominentní francúzski historici, univerzitní profesori Antoine Marès, Marie Pierre Rey, Robert Frank, Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau a Étienne Boisserie sa s nami podelia o výsledky svojich výskumov na túto tému.
I keď sa podpísanie prímeria často považuje za koniec vojny, novšie výskumy obdobia, ktoré po nej bezprostredne nasleduje, svedčia o priepustnosti hraníc medzi vojnou a mierom. Ukončiť vojnu neznamená len zastaviť vojenské operácie. Spoločnosť sa zväčša tak zaangažovala do vojnového úsilia, že nebolo možné okamžite ho zastaviť. Bolo potrebné vyrovnať sa so zármutkom zo straty blízkych, postarať sa o invalidov a siroty, zastaviť vojenskú propagandu, v prípade dlhých vojen rekonvertovať hospodárstvo, atď. Stredoeurópsky i francúzsky priestor za posledných dvesto rokov prešiel týmto procesom viackrát. Cieľom našej konferencie je analyzovať tieto prechodné obdobia a zistiť dopad týchto „tranzícií“ na individuálnej aj spoločenskej úrovni. Bude potrebné brať na zreteľ zmenu spoločenských a intelektuálnych paradigiem, ktoré v týchto spoločnostiach spôsobila nedávno ukončená vojna.
Konferencia sa bude konať 18. a 19. mája 2017 v budove Univerzity Komenského na Šafárikovom nám. 6, v Auditóriu maximum. Budete na nej všetci vítaní.
Research Interests:
SORTIES DE GUERRES Des guerres napoléoniennes à la Deuxième Guerre mondiale En France, depuis 2014, les historiens commémorent le centenaire de la première guerre mondiale. En 2017, historiens français, slovaques et tchèques, secondés... more
SORTIES DE GUERRES
Des guerres napoléoniennes à la Deuxième Guerre mondiale
En France, depuis 2014, les historiens commémorent le centenaire de la première guerre mondiale. En 2017, historiens français, slovaques et tchèques, secondés par leurs invités de Pologne et de Hongrie, décidèrent de penser lors de la rencontre régulière se déroulant cette année à Bratislava, la sortie de cette guerre. Et aussi de penser les sorties des autres guerres qui ravagèrent l’Europe médiane des guerres napoléoniennes à la deuxième guerre mondiale. Nous sommes heureux de recevoir à Bratislava les meilleurs spécialistes français de ces problématiques – professeurs d’université Antoine Marès, Marie Pierre Rey, Robert Frank, Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau et Étienne Boisserie.
Si l’armistice est souvent considéré comme la fin de la guerre, les recherches récentes sur les immédiats après-guerres montrent la porosité des frontières entre la période de la guerre et celle de la paix. Finir la guerre ne signifie pas seulement en finir avec les opérations militaires. L’engagement des sociétés dans l’effort de guerre est souvent si grand qu’il n’est pas possible de l’interrompre tout d’un coup. Il faut gérer le deuil des proches disparus, prendre soin des invalides et des orphelins, arrêter la propagande de guerre, éventuellement reconvertir les économies en cas de guerre longue, etc. Les espaces centre-européens ou français ont connu ces processus à de nombreuses reprises au cours des deux derniers siècles. Le colloque a pour but d’analyser comment les espaces correspondant aux actuels pays de Visegrad et la France ont traversé ces épisodes, depuis les guerres napoléoniennes jusqu’à la sortie de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Il s’agira de voir l’impact de ces « transitions » tant au niveau individuel qu’au niveau des sociétés. Il faudrait aussi tenir compte des changements de paradigmes sociaux et intellectuels que les guerres qui viennent de s’écouler ont alors introduits dans ces sociétés.
Le colloque aura lieu les 18 – 19 mai 2017 à l’Université Comenius de Bratislava, Šafárikovo námestie 6, Auditorium maximum. Vous y serez tous bienvenus.
Des guerres napoléoniennes à la Deuxième Guerre mondiale
En France, depuis 2014, les historiens commémorent le centenaire de la première guerre mondiale. En 2017, historiens français, slovaques et tchèques, secondés par leurs invités de Pologne et de Hongrie, décidèrent de penser lors de la rencontre régulière se déroulant cette année à Bratislava, la sortie de cette guerre. Et aussi de penser les sorties des autres guerres qui ravagèrent l’Europe médiane des guerres napoléoniennes à la deuxième guerre mondiale. Nous sommes heureux de recevoir à Bratislava les meilleurs spécialistes français de ces problématiques – professeurs d’université Antoine Marès, Marie Pierre Rey, Robert Frank, Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau et Étienne Boisserie.
Si l’armistice est souvent considéré comme la fin de la guerre, les recherches récentes sur les immédiats après-guerres montrent la porosité des frontières entre la période de la guerre et celle de la paix. Finir la guerre ne signifie pas seulement en finir avec les opérations militaires. L’engagement des sociétés dans l’effort de guerre est souvent si grand qu’il n’est pas possible de l’interrompre tout d’un coup. Il faut gérer le deuil des proches disparus, prendre soin des invalides et des orphelins, arrêter la propagande de guerre, éventuellement reconvertir les économies en cas de guerre longue, etc. Les espaces centre-européens ou français ont connu ces processus à de nombreuses reprises au cours des deux derniers siècles. Le colloque a pour but d’analyser comment les espaces correspondant aux actuels pays de Visegrad et la France ont traversé ces épisodes, depuis les guerres napoléoniennes jusqu’à la sortie de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Il s’agira de voir l’impact de ces « transitions » tant au niveau individuel qu’au niveau des sociétés. Il faudrait aussi tenir compte des changements de paradigmes sociaux et intellectuels que les guerres qui viennent de s’écouler ont alors introduits dans ces sociétés.
Le colloque aura lieu les 18 – 19 mai 2017 à l’Université Comenius de Bratislava, Šafárikovo námestie 6, Auditorium maximum. Vous y serez tous bienvenus.
Research Interests:
Rencontres franco-tchéco-slovaques des 23 - 24 octobre 2015. La construction des savoirs réciproques à travers l'enseignement (19e et 20 siècles). Lieu : Pardubice, Château Compte-rendu du colloque In: Historický časopis, ročník 65,... more
Rencontres franco-tchéco-slovaques des 23 - 24 octobre 2015.
La construction des savoirs réciproques à travers l'enseignement (19e et 20 siècles). Lieu : Pardubice, Château
Compte-rendu du colloque
In: Historický časopis, ročník 65, 2017, číslo 1, s. 171-173, ISSN 0018-2575
La construction des savoirs réciproques à travers l'enseignement (19e et 20 siècles). Lieu : Pardubice, Château
Compte-rendu du colloque
In: Historický časopis, ročník 65, 2017, číslo 1, s. 171-173, ISSN 0018-2575
Research Interests:
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Mierové zmluvy po prvej svetovej vojne z hľadiska geopolitiky: stredoeurópsky priestor a druhá fáza rokovaní o mierovej zmluve s Maďarskom. Prednáška na medzinárodnej vedeckej konferencii Mierové zmluvy v kontexte... more
FERENČUHOVÁ, Bohumila. Mierové zmluvy po prvej svetovej vojne z hľadiska geopolitiky: stredoeurópsky priestor a druhá fáza rokovaní o mierovej zmluve s Maďarskom.
Prednáška na medzinárodnej vedeckej konferencii Mierové zmluvy v kontexte geopolitiky 20. a 21. storočia. Bratislava, Európska škola práva 10. – 11. septembra 2010. Prepracované ako kapitola do publikácie : Mierové zmluvy v kontexte geopolitiky 20. a 21. storočia. Eds. Jozef Klimko a Slavomír Michálek. Bratislava 2013. Nepublikované.
Woodrow Wilson spolu s Georgesom Clemenceauom a Davidom Lloydom Georgeom patrili k najvýznamnejším rozhodovateľom o mierových záležitostiach. Francúzsky a britský štátnik rešpektovali reprezentanta veľmoci, ktorá sa po vojne stala finančne a politicky najmocnejšou na svete, a v mnohom mu ustúpili. Niesli rovnakú zodpovednosť za prijaté rozhodnutia. Wilson však nedokázal obhájiť svoje dielo vo vlastnej krajine a americký senát Versailleskú a Saint-germainskú zmluvu neratifikoval. Stabilite medzinárodných vzťahov neposlúžilo, že Európa sa mala sama postarať o ich aplikáciu. Napriek týmto globálnym súvislostiam veľmoci vnímali ako nestabilný práve ten priestor, kde žili Slováci, Česi a ich bezprostrední susedia. Štúdia sa venuje stredoeurópskym súvislostiam mierovej zmluvy s Nemeckom, Rakúskom a Maďarskom, skúma mechanizmus prijímania rozhodnutí o hraniciach na mierovej konferencii a zdôrazňuje význam práce odborníkov na konečné rozhodnutia. Podrobne analyzuje druhú fázu rokovaní o mierovej zmluve s Maďarskom (január – jún 1920). V závere sumarizuje pokusy o stabilizáciu stredoeurópskeho priestoru v medzivojnovom období.
Prednáška na medzinárodnej vedeckej konferencii Mierové zmluvy v kontexte geopolitiky 20. a 21. storočia. Bratislava, Európska škola práva 10. – 11. septembra 2010. Prepracované ako kapitola do publikácie : Mierové zmluvy v kontexte geopolitiky 20. a 21. storočia. Eds. Jozef Klimko a Slavomír Michálek. Bratislava 2013. Nepublikované.
Woodrow Wilson spolu s Georgesom Clemenceauom a Davidom Lloydom Georgeom patrili k najvýznamnejším rozhodovateľom o mierových záležitostiach. Francúzsky a britský štátnik rešpektovali reprezentanta veľmoci, ktorá sa po vojne stala finančne a politicky najmocnejšou na svete, a v mnohom mu ustúpili. Niesli rovnakú zodpovednosť za prijaté rozhodnutia. Wilson však nedokázal obhájiť svoje dielo vo vlastnej krajine a americký senát Versailleskú a Saint-germainskú zmluvu neratifikoval. Stabilite medzinárodných vzťahov neposlúžilo, že Európa sa mala sama postarať o ich aplikáciu. Napriek týmto globálnym súvislostiam veľmoci vnímali ako nestabilný práve ten priestor, kde žili Slováci, Česi a ich bezprostrední susedia. Štúdia sa venuje stredoeurópskym súvislostiam mierovej zmluvy s Nemeckom, Rakúskom a Maďarskom, skúma mechanizmus prijímania rozhodnutí o hraniciach na mierovej konferencii a zdôrazňuje význam práce odborníkov na konečné rozhodnutia. Podrobne analyzuje druhú fázu rokovaní o mierovej zmluve s Maďarskom (január – jún 1920). V závere sumarizuje pokusy o stabilizáciu stredoeurópskeho priestoru v medzivojnovom období.
Research Interests:
Non published paper presented on the conference: The Versailles - Washington international law-system : origins, development, crisis.
Moskva, Russian Academy of Sciences, 23 - 24 of September 2009
Moskva, Russian Academy of Sciences, 23 - 24 of September 2009
Research Interests:
Des mémoires réconciliées? Le Traité de Trianon 90 après. Colloque international organisé par l‘Association des amis de l’Institut hongrois de Paris sous l’égide du groupe interparlementaire d’amitié France-Hongrie du Sénat et avec le... more
Des mémoires réconciliées? Le Traité de Trianon 90 après. Colloque international organisé par l‘Association des amis de l’Institut hongrois de Paris sous l’égide du groupe interparlementaire d’amitié France-Hongrie du Sénat et avec le soutien de l´Ambassade de Hongrie en France, Paris; le 11 juin 2010. Conférence invitée. FERENČUHOVÁ, B. La perception du Traité de Trianon en Tchécoslovaquie. Evenement et historiographie.
Research Interests:
Slovenský národný komitét historikov (SNKH) bol založený 5. 2. 1990 a až do roku 1992 pôsobil ako autonómna súčasť federačného Česko-slovenského komitétu historikov (člen CISH). Za samostatného člena Comité international des Sciences... more
Slovenský národný komitét historikov (SNKH) bol založený 5. 2. 1990 a až do roku 1992 pôsobil ako autonómna súčasť federačného Česko-slovenského komitétu historikov (člen CISH). Za samostatného člena Comité international des Sciences histo-riques/International Committee of Historical Sciences, Skratka: CISH/ICHS http:// www.cish.org bol prijatý 19. mája 1993. Rozhodnutie definitívne schválilo Valné zhro-maždenie CISH v Montreale na Medzinárodnom kongrese historických vied v augus-te 1995. SNKH až do roku 2011 pôsobil ako samostatná organizácia s celoslovenskou pôsobnosťou, ktorého úlohou bolo zastupovať historikov SR v tejto celosvetovej organizácii, a tiež napomáhať voľnému prúdeniu informácií a vedeckým väzbám medzi historickou vedou na Slovensku a vo svete. Činnosť SNKH sa od svojich začiatkov úzko viaže na činnosť Slovenskej historickej spoločnosti (SHS). Od roku 2006 Valné zhro-maždenie SHS na svojom zjazde, zvolávanom raz za päť rokov, volí 11-členný SNKH.
Research Interests:
Brunello Vigezzi študoval na Filozofickej fakulte Milánskej univerzity, kde získal v roku 1955 vysokoškolský diplom. Vedeckú prípravu absolvoval v Ústave historických štúdií Benedetto Croce v Neapoli (Istituto di Studi Storici Benedetto... more
Brunello Vigezzi študoval na Filozofickej fakulte Milánskej univerzity, kde získal v roku 1955 vysokoškolský diplom. Vedeckú prípravu absolvoval v Ústave historických štúdií Benedetto Croce v Neapoli (Istituto di Studi Storici Benedetto Croce a Napoli) pod vedením renomovaného historika Federica Chaboda, ktorý bol odborníkom na dejiny talianskej zahraničnej politiky a autorom známych posmrtne vydaných diel L'Idea di nazione (1961) a Storia dell'idea di Europa (1970). Vigezzi viedol prácu kolektívu, ktorý analyzoval Chabodov vplyv na taliansku historiografiu od konca prvej do konca druhej svetovej vojny a svoje výsledky publikoval v diele Federico Chabod e la nuova storiografia italiana dal