- Latin Epigraphy, Renaissance antiquarianism, Renaissance Humanism, Antiquarianism in the sixteenth century, Epigraphic Forgeries, Collections of Antiquities, and 18 moreRenaissance Rome, Renaissance Historiography, Reception of Antiquity, Renaissance Florence, Renaissance Studies, Machiavelli, Agostino Vespucci, Neo-latin literature, Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, Humanism, Spanish Humanism, Marginalia, Niccolò Machiavelli, Angelo Poliziano, History of Classical Scholarship, Pomponio Leto, Ciriaco d'Ancona, and Pirro Ligorioedit
During the sixteenth century, antiquarian studies (the study of the material past, comprising modern archaeology, epigraphy, and numismatics) rose in Europe in parallel to the technical development of the printing press. Some humanists... more
During the sixteenth century, antiquarian studies (the study of the material past, comprising modern archaeology, epigraphy, and numismatics) rose in Europe in parallel to the technical development of the printing press. Some humanists continued to prefer the manuscript form to disseminate their findings – as numerous fair copies of sylloges and treatises attest –, but slowly the printed medium grew in popularity, with its obvious advantages but also its many challenges. As antiquarian printed works appeared, the relationship between manuscript and printed sources also became less linear: printed copies of earlier works were annotated to serve as a means of research, and printed works could be copied by hand – partially or even completely.
This book explores how antiquarian literature (collections of inscriptions, treatises, letters...) developed throughout the sixteenth century, both in manuscript and in print; how both media interacted with each other, and how these printed antiquarian works were received, as attested by the manuscript annotations left by their early modern owners and readers.
This book explores how antiquarian literature (collections of inscriptions, treatises, letters...) developed throughout the sixteenth century, both in manuscript and in print; how both media interacted with each other, and how these printed antiquarian works were received, as attested by the manuscript annotations left by their early modern owners and readers.
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The publication of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, Giacomo Mazzocchi, 1521) was a determining factor in the development of Roman studies in the 16th-century. As the first collection of classical inscriptions from the city of Rome,... more
The publication of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, Giacomo Mazzocchi, 1521) was a determining factor in the development of Roman studies in the 16th-century. As the first collection of classical inscriptions from the city of Rome, it set the example for subsequent epigraphic corpora, and became an exceptional witness to Rome's antiquities before the Sack of 1527. In the papers collected in this book, leading researchers in the field explore several aspects of the Epigrammata's composition and reception: Mazzocchi's editorial program, the question of its anonymous authorship, and the sources from which the book derived; the annotated copies of Latino Giovenale Manetti and Benedetto Egio; the circulation of the book among 16th-century transalpine humanists; a recension of the copies kept at the Vatican Library and in several American collections; the sifting of the Epigrammata for the collections of Martinus Smetius and Sanloutius; and the relevance of the Renaissance manuscript
tradition for the knowledge of the epigraphy from the city of Rome. These studies are supplemented with the first ever list of known copies of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis, which registers over three hundred copies worldwide.
Edited by Joan Carbonell e Gerard González Germain
Year: 2020
Publisher: L'ERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER
Series: Bibliotheca Archaeologica, 63
ISBN: 9788891319166
Binding: Paperback
Pages: 196, 33 ill. B/N, 30 ill. Col.
Size: 21,5 x 28 cm
tradition for the knowledge of the epigraphy from the city of Rome. These studies are supplemented with the first ever list of known copies of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis, which registers over three hundred copies worldwide.
Edited by Joan Carbonell e Gerard González Germain
Year: 2020
Publisher: L'ERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER
Series: Bibliotheca Archaeologica, 63
ISBN: 9788891319166
Binding: Paperback
Pages: 196, 33 ill. B/N, 30 ill. Col.
Size: 21,5 x 28 cm
Research Interests: Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, Renaissance Studies, Epigraphy (Archaeology), Incunabula, History of Latin Language, and 14 moreLatin Paleography, Neo-latin literature, Topography of Ancient Rome (Archaeology), Latin Epigraphy, Roman Epigraphy, Greek and Latin Epigram, Classical Reception Studies, Antiquarianism, Codicology of medieval manuscripts, Renaissance antiquarianism, Medieval Epigraphy, Storia antica ed epigrafia latina, Epigraphy, and Classical Studies
Agostino Vespucci’s De situ, longitudine, forma et divisione totius Hispaniae libellus represents one of the first, most thorough and lively Renaissance descriptions of Iberia. Combining the genres of chorography, travel literature and... more
Agostino Vespucci’s De situ, longitudine, forma et divisione totius Hispaniae libellus represents one of the first, most thorough and lively Renaissance descriptions of Iberia. Combining the genres of chorography, travel literature and the diplomatic report, the book deals with the country’s geography, ethnography, recent history and Roman antiquities, merging the past with the present and having recourse to both literary sources and the author’s own investigations. As Vespucci’s only extant literary work, it sheds light on his humanist activity and political ideas, and it allows us to assess the influence that figures such as Poliziano and Machiavelli exercised on him. The manuscript treatise, which was dedicated and presented to Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici (later Pope Clement VII) in 1520, is edited here for the first time.
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La historia de las síloges epigráficas elaboradas por intelectuales de gran vuelo o eruditos locales —todos ellos a menudo viajeros empedernidos— arranca con fuerza a mediados del siglo XV para extenderse hasta el siglo XIX. Este volumen... more
La historia de las síloges epigráficas elaboradas por intelectuales de gran vuelo o eruditos locales —todos ellos a menudo viajeros empedernidos— arranca con fuerza a mediados del siglo XV para extenderse hasta el siglo XIX. Este volumen es una muestra de este furor epigraphicus que nos ha dejado un cúmulo de manuscritos que han dormido en muchos casos el sueño de los justos hasta hace unas décadas. El «viaje y el viajero» —otra forma de referirnos a la «curiosidad y el curioso»— entre los siglos XV y XVII, emergen como medio y actor en la base de cualquier trabajo de recopilación de epígrafes. El volumen muestra estudios diversos sobre algunas de estas recopilaciones, desde los publicados y profusamente anotados Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (1521) hasta los carnés de Charles de l’Écluse (1526–1609) y de Lukas Holste (1596–1661), sin olvidar los de figuras conocidas, como André de Resende (c. 1500–1573) y Francisco de Holanda (1517–1584), o desconocidas, como Alfonso Tavera (s. XVI). Cierra el volumen el trabajo sobre la labor de la Real Academia Sevillana de Buenas Letras en pro del conocimiento epigráfico y arqueológico de las ciudades de la antigua Bética; y el estudio pormenorizado de la tradición manuscrita secular de un controvertido —y existente— epígrafe de Moura.
Research Interests: Renaissance Studies, Renaissance Humanism, Manuscript Studies, Latin Epigraphy, Renaissance antiquarianism, and 9 moreFrancisco de Hollanda, Antiquarianism in the seventeenth century, Antiquarianism in the sixteenth century, Marginalia, Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Lukas Holste, André de Resende, Jean Matal, and Carolus Clusius
1. La epigrafia en España a finales del s. XV (pp. 17-50) 2. El Antiquus Hispanus. Nueva recensión y estudio epigráfico (pp. 51-185) 3. La síloge de inscripciones de Florián de Ocampo (pp. 187-227) 4. Bibliografía (pp. 229-249) 5.... more
1. La epigrafia en España a finales del s. XV (pp. 17-50)
2. El Antiquus Hispanus. Nueva recensión y estudio epigráfico (pp. 51-185)
3. La síloge de inscripciones de Florián de Ocampo (pp. 187-227)
4. Bibliografía (pp. 229-249)
5. Índices (pp. 251-265)
2. El Antiquus Hispanus. Nueva recensión y estudio epigráfico (pp. 51-185)
3. La síloge de inscripciones de Florián de Ocampo (pp. 187-227)
4. Bibliografía (pp. 229-249)
5. Índices (pp. 251-265)
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El libro pone a disposición de filólogos, historiógrafos e historiadores de la España Moderna un corpus de inscripciones latinas antiguas supuestamente halladas en la península Ibérica, que en realidad fueron inventadas durante los... more
El libro pone a disposición de filólogos, historiógrafos e historiadores de la España Moderna un corpus de inscripciones latinas antiguas supuestamente halladas en la península Ibérica, que en realidad fueron inventadas durante los siglos XV y XVI. Se trata de un episodio cultural que, en cuanto a proporciones, no tiene paralelo en Europa y que marcó el devenir de los estudios de la Antigüedad en España durante toda la Época Moderna.
En un primer apartado se introduce al lector en el fenómeno de la falsificación epigráfica dentro del contexto europeo y español del humanismo anticuario y se aborda cómo la crítica se ha enfrentado a estos «falsos» hispánicos a lo largo de cinco siglos. El segundo apartado reúne un corpus de más de un centenar de documentos latinos, junto a su traducción y un comentario de sus aspectos más relevantes, tanto filológicos como históricos. Con ello pretendemos proporcionar claves que ayuden a comprender los usos y las razones que hicieron de la España de finales del siglo XV y de la primera mitad del siglo XVI uno de los territorios del Imperio Romano más prolíficos en el campo de la falsificación epigráfica.
En un primer apartado se introduce al lector en el fenómeno de la falsificación epigráfica dentro del contexto europeo y español del humanismo anticuario y se aborda cómo la crítica se ha enfrentado a estos «falsos» hispánicos a lo largo de cinco siglos. El segundo apartado reúne un corpus de más de un centenar de documentos latinos, junto a su traducción y un comentario de sus aspectos más relevantes, tanto filológicos como históricos. Con ello pretendemos proporcionar claves que ayuden a comprender los usos y las razones que hicieron de la España de finales del siglo XV y de la primera mitad del siglo XVI uno de los territorios del Imperio Romano más prolíficos en el campo de la falsificación epigráfica.
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The focus of this PhD Dissertation is the study and edition of the whole of the Latin spurious inscriptions located in Roman Hispania and created during the early Renaissance, from mid-Fifteenth century until 1550. They add up to about a... more
The focus of this PhD Dissertation is the study and edition of the whole of the Latin spurious inscriptions located in Roman Hispania and created during the early Renaissance, from mid-Fifteenth century until 1550. They add up to about a hundred epigraphic texts, which were actually never engraved on stone and were only written down in the epigraphical collections (syllogai) created at that time. The fact that the vast majority of them were based on earlier collections allowed a wide dissemination of these literary forgeries, at first in manuscript works and at a later stage through the press.
In the introduction (Chapter 0), the author carries out an overview of the studies on epigraphic fakes from the 19th to 21st centuries, as well as a brief exposition of the problems which are encountered in dealing with this subject.
The first part of the Dissertation is dedicated to the study of the context in which the fake inscriptions appeared. This study comprehends three great aspects: a) the development of the predominant ideologies in the contemporary Spanish historiography relating to the Roman period (Chapter 1); b) an exhaustive cataloguing of all documentation (both manuscript and printed) containing the fake inscriptions, from the first documents to the Inscriptiones antiquae totius orbis romani (1603) of Gruter (Chapter 2), and c) the philological analysis and comparison of the most important collections (Chapter 3).
The second part of the Dissertation is constituted by the critical edition and the commentary of the fake inscriptions (Chapter 4). The textual edition is based on the stemmatic conclusions reached in chapter three. Apart from fixing the Latin text, the author furnishes a complete critical apparatus and a translation, with which the author specifies his interpretation of the texts. At the end of the edition, the indexes referring to the content of the texts are included, following the model of the indices epigraphici usually found in the corpora of authentic inscriptions. The commentary of the inscriptions aims to explain the signification of the texts (whenever it is not obvious) and to identify the sources, whether epigraphic, literary or numismatic, used as models by the forgers. Likewise, the author points out the internal parallels between the spurious inscriptions (the ones included in our edition as well as the rest of the humanistic Latin epigraphic forgeries), and he notes the most interesting cases of historiographical repercussion and their survival through time.
In the conclusion (Chapter 5), the author provides a global analysis of the Hispanic epigraphic falsification at the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth, with a final note abut the possible origin and identity of the humanists responsible for the most relevant sets of fake inscriptions. The Dissertation is completed with four general indexes: persons (13th-17th centuries), classical citations, manuscripts and inscriptions.
In the introduction (Chapter 0), the author carries out an overview of the studies on epigraphic fakes from the 19th to 21st centuries, as well as a brief exposition of the problems which are encountered in dealing with this subject.
The first part of the Dissertation is dedicated to the study of the context in which the fake inscriptions appeared. This study comprehends three great aspects: a) the development of the predominant ideologies in the contemporary Spanish historiography relating to the Roman period (Chapter 1); b) an exhaustive cataloguing of all documentation (both manuscript and printed) containing the fake inscriptions, from the first documents to the Inscriptiones antiquae totius orbis romani (1603) of Gruter (Chapter 2), and c) the philological analysis and comparison of the most important collections (Chapter 3).
The second part of the Dissertation is constituted by the critical edition and the commentary of the fake inscriptions (Chapter 4). The textual edition is based on the stemmatic conclusions reached in chapter three. Apart from fixing the Latin text, the author furnishes a complete critical apparatus and a translation, with which the author specifies his interpretation of the texts. At the end of the edition, the indexes referring to the content of the texts are included, following the model of the indices epigraphici usually found in the corpora of authentic inscriptions. The commentary of the inscriptions aims to explain the signification of the texts (whenever it is not obvious) and to identify the sources, whether epigraphic, literary or numismatic, used as models by the forgers. Likewise, the author points out the internal parallels between the spurious inscriptions (the ones included in our edition as well as the rest of the humanistic Latin epigraphic forgeries), and he notes the most interesting cases of historiographical repercussion and their survival through time.
In the conclusion (Chapter 5), the author provides a global analysis of the Hispanic epigraphic falsification at the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth, with a final note abut the possible origin and identity of the humanists responsible for the most relevant sets of fake inscriptions. The Dissertation is completed with four general indexes: persons (13th-17th centuries), classical citations, manuscripts and inscriptions.
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The little-known Ms. Lat. qu. 102 of the Frankfurt University Library has hitherto been attributed to Petrus Apianus and regarded as a template for his Inscriptiones sacrosanctae vetustatis (Ingolstadt 1534). In reality, both manuscript... more
The little-known Ms. Lat. qu. 102 of the Frankfurt University Library has hitherto been attributed to Petrus Apianus and regarded as a template for his Inscriptiones sacrosanctae vetustatis (Ingolstadt 1534). In reality, both manuscript and print stem independently from the materials amassed by the editors. The analysis of the inscriptions in the manuscript that are absent from the print shows that, in some cases, it represents one of the earliest sources, and it records a few better readings than those accepted in the CIL. The date, authorship and purpose of the manuscript are discussed, and its full content is described in the Appendix.
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Edition and study of an unpublished military inscription from Santa Pudentiana (Rome), from a transcription in Angelo Colocci's copy of the Epigrammata antiquae urbis (BAV, Vat. lat. 8493).
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In 2022 the Johns Hopkins University purchased an annotated copy of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, 1521), the earliest published collection of inscriptions from Rome. A paleographical comparison shows that the annotator was the... more
In 2022 the Johns Hopkins University purchased an annotated copy of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, 1521), the earliest published collection of inscriptions from Rome. A paleographical comparison shows that the annotator was the Servite friar Alessandro Totti (1498-1570), a little-studied Brescian antiquarian. The present study confirms him as the source of numerous papers within Vat. lat. 5237 (a composite epigraphic manuscript assembled by Aldo Manuzio the Younger), and sheds light on his exchange of antiquarian information with Ottavio Pantagato, Paolo Manuzio, and his son Aldo Manuzio. The analysis of Totti's annotations in the Epigrammata, written in the 1550s, reveals not only his detailed study of Rome's inscriptions, but also his interest in two of the most heated antiquarian debates at the time: Roman chronology as attested by the discovery of the Fasti Capitolini, and the identification of the 35 Roman tribes.
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This paper brings to light the copy of P. Apianus’s and B. Amantius’s Inscriptiones sacrosanctae vetustatis (1534) owned and annotated by the humanist Antonio Agustín. The copy, which Agustín mentions in his Dialogos de medallas (1587),... more
This paper brings to light the copy of P. Apianus’s and B. Amantius’s Inscriptiones sacrosanctae vetustatis (1534) owned and annotated by the humanist Antonio Agustín. The copy, which Agustín mentions in his Dialogos de medallas (1587), is found in the Episcopal Public Library of the Seminari de Barcelona, and its marginalia have been washed out. In spite of that, his hand can still be recognised. Agustín annotated chiefly the Spanish and Roman sections by correcting some of the texts, by marking the fake inscriptions and by carrying out internal and external cross-references.
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The epigraphic manuscript preserved at the Estense Library (ms. Lat. 413), which was signed by Martin Sieder in 1503, has been noticed for a long time, but both its author and the collection itself are scarcely known. This paper provides,... more
The epigraphic manuscript preserved at the Estense Library (ms. Lat. 413), which was signed by Martin Sieder in 1503, has been noticed for a long time, but both its author and the collection itself are scarcely known. This paper provides, for the first time, a biographic profile of this – hitherto obscure – German humanist; it tracks down the reception and history of the manuscript, it analyses its physical structure and content, and it determines the intervention of Sieder (as well as some other sixteenth-century hands) in the epigraphic material gathered there.
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What follows is the provisional list of known copies of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, Giacomo Mazzocchi, 1521), which we have carried out as a first step towards a worldwide descriptive census. Our purpose is two-fold: to serve as... more
What follows is the provisional list of known copies of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, Giacomo Mazzocchi, 1521), which we have carried out as a first step towards a worldwide descriptive census. Our purpose is two-fold: to serve as an appendix to the papers that make up this volume, and to encourage researchers, librarians and private owners to help us locate further copies of the book, thus making the forthcoming census as complete as possible. We will be extremely grateful for any information to that end.
The list comprises 319 copies in known locations (including 3 destroyed during the World War II) plus 10 copies sold at auctions in the
21st century whose description does not match any of the previous ones.
The list comprises 319 copies in known locations (including 3 destroyed during the World War II) plus 10 copies sold at auctions in the
21st century whose description does not match any of the previous ones.
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The Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis was, through and through, a Roman book. Whoever its author, it was put together under the auspices of the Roman Academy. It dealt exclusively with inscriptions from Rome (or so the title proclaimed), and... more
The Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis was, through and through, a Roman book. Whoever its author, it was put together under the auspices of the Roman Academy. It dealt exclusively with inscriptions from Rome (or so the title proclaimed), and accordingly it was printed in that city. Yet the spread of the book throughout Northern Europe started early on. Although most known former owners of the book date from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, there is enough evidence that the book circulated among sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century humanists and book collectors.
This paper sheds light on the early spread of the Epigrammata north of the Alps, both as regards its geographic diffusion and its type of readership, from its publication in 1521 until the end of the century. Evidence comes partly from the volumes examined while preparing
the census of extant copies of the Epigrammata, partly from the letters and library catalogs of distinguished humanists.
This survey provides new information on the Epigrammata’s readership in Northern Europe, thus allowing for a comparison with what we already know about the book’s use in Italy.
This paper sheds light on the early spread of the Epigrammata north of the Alps, both as regards its geographic diffusion and its type of readership, from its publication in 1521 until the end of the century. Evidence comes partly from the volumes examined while preparing
the census of extant copies of the Epigrammata, partly from the letters and library catalogs of distinguished humanists.
This survey provides new information on the Epigrammata’s readership in Northern Europe, thus allowing for a comparison with what we already know about the book’s use in Italy.
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In 1521, the editor Giacomo Mazzocchi published in Rome the anonymous Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis, the first printed collection of ancient inscriptions found in the city of Rome. An analysis of the annotations in the surviving copies of... more
In 1521, the editor Giacomo Mazzocchi published in Rome the anonymous Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis, the first printed collection of ancient inscriptions found in the city of Rome. An analysis of the annotations in the surviving copies of the book shows that, besides the antiquarian, the Epigrammata had a different, more 'literate' type of reader, who focused-solely or primarily-on metrical inscriptions; who added Neo-Latin poems by renowned authors, and who appended compositions otherwise unknown, which were probably their own. Four such poems are edited and briefly studied here.
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The single copy preserved today in a Florentine library of the 1478 Roman edition of Ptolemy's Geography bears, on the front page, the Vespucci coat of arms. In addition to the intrinsic interest of an early printed copy of Ptolemy’s... more
The single copy preserved today in a Florentine library of the 1478 Roman edition of Ptolemy's Geography bears, on the front page, the Vespucci coat of arms.
In addition to the intrinsic interest of an early printed copy of Ptolemy’s Geography in the possession of the Vespucci family, the book contains manuscript annotations on the text as well as on some of the maps. Despite these elements, the volume itself has received very little attention, both as regards the Vespucci owner(s) of the book and the content and nature of its marginalia. The aim of this note is to shed light on both these aspects.
In addition to the intrinsic interest of an early printed copy of Ptolemy’s Geography in the possession of the Vespucci family, the book contains manuscript annotations on the text as well as on some of the maps. Despite these elements, the volume itself has received very little attention, both as regards the Vespucci owner(s) of the book and the content and nature of its marginalia. The aim of this note is to shed light on both these aspects.
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The verse inscription CIL II.4426 = II2/14.1809, attributed to Tarragona and transmitted only through Renaissance sources, is of great interest for its inclusion of a hexameter from Manilius’ Astronomica (4.16) and for the description of... more
The verse inscription CIL II.4426 = II2/14.1809, attributed to Tarragona and transmitted only through Renaissance sources, is of great interest for its inclusion of a hexameter from Manilius’ Astronomica (4.16) and for the description of the sarcophagus’s purported iconography. This paper argues that the inscription is in fact a literary invention made around 1490, a conclusion drawn from a new analysis of the inscription’s early manuscript tradition, the identification of the source of the iconographic subject, the reception of Manilius in the second half of the 15th century and the study of the text’s relationship with two other suspicious inscriptions with the same verse which were copied shortly afterwards. The creation of this epigraphic memento mori provides an exceptional case study of the transmission of texts and ideas between humanists based in Rome and in Catalonia during the last years of the Quattrocento.
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In this paper Conrad Peutinger’s copy of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, Jacobus Mazochius, 1521) — which appeared listed in his 1523 library catalog, but was hitherto unknown — is identified as one of the two copies kept at the... more
In this paper Conrad Peutinger’s copy of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis (Rome, Jacobus Mazochius, 1521) — which appeared listed in his 1523 library catalog, but was hitherto unknown — is identified as one of the two copies kept at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Peutinger’s marginal annotations in the volume are described and analyzed, and the book is contextualized within the antiquarian literature contained in his library. This case-study sheds new light on one aspect of Peutinger's antiquarianism, which has so far received little attention: his role as receptor, reader and annotator of antiquarian printed books.
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Un gravat que il·lustra el setge de 1714, impres a Viena l’any 1718, esta encapcalat pel lema Barcino magna parens . Malgrat les seves clares ressonancies virgilianes ( georg . 2, 173), la clausula en si es va forjar en el Renaixement com... more
Un gravat que il·lustra el setge de 1714, impres a Viena l’any 1718, esta encapcalat pel lema Barcino magna parens . Malgrat les seves clares ressonancies virgilianes ( georg . 2, 173), la clausula en si es va forjar en el Renaixement com a producte de dos actes independents i consecutius de falsificacio, un de caracter epigrafic i l’altre historiografic, amb Pere Antoni Beuter i Jeronimo Roman de la Higuera com a protagonistes.
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During Machiavelli’s years as second chancellor, members of the staff formed around him a true friendship network, exchanging both cultural and political ideas. Biagio Buonaccorsi and Agostino Vespucci stand out as Machiavelli’s closest... more
During Machiavelli’s years as second chancellor, members of the staff formed around him a true friendship network, exchanging both cultural and political ideas. Biagio Buonaccorsi and Agostino Vespucci stand out as Machiavelli’s closest friends in that group. Unlike the former, Vespucci has received little attention until he has recently been identified as the humanist who signed as Agostino Nettucci. The paper discusses Vespucci’s beginnings in the chancery; his earliest letter to Machiavelli is brought to light – a text known but hitherto not attributed to him –; the content of a now untraceable letter from Vespucci to Buonaccorsi is recovered thanks to a little-known 19th-century French translation, and Machiavelli’s historiographic project in that period is re-examined in the light of his coadjutors’ collaboration. Durante los años de Maquiavelo como segundo canciller, miembros de la cancillería formaron alrededor de él una verdadera red de amistad, intercambiando ideas cultural...
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The Tuscan translation of Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae that Giovanni di messer Guidantonio Vespucci wrote in 1490 –when he was only twelve– has been known to scholars since the eighteenth century, when A. M. Bandini, in his Vita e lettere... more
The Tuscan translation of Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae that Giovanni di messer Guidantonio Vespucci wrote in 1490 –when he was only twelve– has been known to scholars since the eighteenth century, when A. M. Bandini, in his Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, first draw attention to it and edited its Latin preface, directed to Giovanni’s father. The manuscript (Biblioteca Moreniana, ms. Bigazzi 296), however, has raised almost no further interest, and both the translation’s text and context remain hitherto unstudied.
Many aspects make this document particularly interesting: translations of classical texts into the vernacular were not part of the school or university curriculum in Renaissance Italy; the production of a fair copy of a school exercise is certainly uncommon, while the prominent political role of both Guidantonio and Giovanni in late fifteenth- and early sixteenth century Florence calls for a deeper comprehension of this singular episode in Renaissance education.
The recent identification of Giovanni’s private tutor Augustinus –mentioned in the preface as the ultimate responsible for the translation– with Agostino di Matteo Vespucci allows for a complete new reading and understanding of both the preface and the whole work.
Many aspects make this document particularly interesting: translations of classical texts into the vernacular were not part of the school or university curriculum in Renaissance Italy; the production of a fair copy of a school exercise is certainly uncommon, while the prominent political role of both Guidantonio and Giovanni in late fifteenth- and early sixteenth century Florence calls for a deeper comprehension of this singular episode in Renaissance education.
The recent identification of Giovanni’s private tutor Augustinus –mentioned in the preface as the ultimate responsible for the translation– with Agostino di Matteo Vespucci allows for a complete new reading and understanding of both the preface and the whole work.
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Bebricius is the name of a Roman soldier from Calagurris who purportedly committed suicide after the death of Sertorius, and who has today a street and a sculpture in Calahorra dedicated to him. This paper explores the epigraphic origin... more
Bebricius is the name of a Roman soldier from Calagurris who purportedly committed suicide after the death of Sertorius, and who has today a street and a sculpture in Calahorra dedicated to him. This paper explores the epigraphic origin of this false legend, its diffusion in the bibliography from the 16th to the 20th century, and its fleeting appearance in the field of literature, as a character in John Bancroft’s play The Tragedy of Sertorius (1679).
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Through the analysis of his manuscript collection of inscriptions (BNE, ms. 5781, ff. 72r-82v; 84r), the handwritten sources used by Antonio Agustín (1517-1585) are identified, which the archbishop almost never cites and even undervalues.... more
Through the analysis of his manuscript collection of inscriptions (BNE, ms. 5781, ff. 72r-82v; 84r), the handwritten sources used by Antonio Agustín (1517-1585) are identified, which the archbishop almost never cites and even undervalues. They are Lluís Pons d’Icart’s Epigrammata antiquae urbis Tarraconensis; the Suma de las inscripciones romanas y memorias de la Bética and the Descripción de la provincia Bethica by Juan Fernández Franco; Joan Armengol’s sylloge; the so-called Liber Parmensis, and the anonymous ms. 5973 of the BNE. The study also provides information about the modus operandi and the epigraphic interests of the archbishop; it is completed with a table of correspondences between the manuscripts.
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Agostino Vespucci, secretary to the Florentine ambassador Giovanni Corsi during the latter’s embassy to Ferdinand II of Aragon (1513–1516), wrote in 1520 a Latin treatise on Iberia (De situ totius Hispaniae: BAV, MS Ott. lat. 2104), which... more
Agostino Vespucci, secretary to the Florentine ambassador Giovanni Corsi during the latter’s embassy to Ferdinand II of Aragon (1513–1516), wrote in 1520 a Latin treatise on Iberia (De situ totius Hispaniae: BAV, MS Ott. lat. 2104), which constitutes the earliest antiquarian description of Spain. This paper considers Corsi and Vespucci’s approach to antiquity as attested by their correspondence; and it brings to light the archaeological and epigraphic information contained in Vespucci’s work, especially with regard to Mérida, Cádiz, Alcántara, Bilbilis and Clunia. Vespucci’s account is compared with other 16th-century sources, and contextualized within the Italian antiquarian tradition of the early Cinquecento.
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In the first quarter of the 16th century, an anonymous humanist was responsible for the forgery of about 75 supposedly ancient Latin inscriptions from Iberia, which were actually literary creations never engraved on stone. Much later,... more
In the first quarter of the 16th century, an anonymous humanist was responsible for the forgery of about 75 supposedly ancient Latin inscriptions from Iberia, which were actually literary creations never engraved on stone. Much later, from the 1540s onwards, these texts started to spread through antiquarian manuscripts and ancient chronicles, decisively shaping late-Renaissance Spanish historiography. The inscriptions were located throughout the Iberian Peninsula, and comprised a great variety of types and topics, including tombstones, military epitaphs, imperial dedications, milestones or sacred offerings. In recent years, studies have shed light on the literary and epigraphic sources used in the forgeries, as well as on the ideology that these texts portray. However, little is known about their origin and authorship. New evidence regarding the early reception of these forgeries allows us to trace their creation, with fair certainty, to the humanist circles established at the royal court around 1515. The consideration of the forger’s nationality—and his possible identity—will bring us to discuss the spread of Latin humanism and antiquarianism in Spain at that time.
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The inscription CIL II 1433 (Turri genio), a copy supposed dating from the end of the 15th century, raises significant problems regarding its text, interpretation, physical form, location, etc. A new, systematic analysis of the sources... more
The inscription CIL II 1433 (Turri genio), a copy supposed dating from the end of the 15th
century, raises significant problems regarding its text, interpretation, physical form, location, etc. A new, systematic analysis of the sources that transmit the text brings to light its inseparable connection to the false inscription CIL II 164*, as well as the relationship of both texts with the Roman sepulchre known as Torre de Sant Josep in Villajoyosa (Alicante). The article argues that both inscriptions are, in fact, fake, their texts having been inspired through the observation of the archaeological site of the
Tower of Sant Josep; in turn, this constitutes the first known episode of the reception of this site in modern times.
century, raises significant problems regarding its text, interpretation, physical form, location, etc. A new, systematic analysis of the sources that transmit the text brings to light its inseparable connection to the false inscription CIL II 164*, as well as the relationship of both texts with the Roman sepulchre known as Torre de Sant Josep in Villajoyosa (Alicante). The article argues that both inscriptions are, in fact, fake, their texts having been inspired through the observation of the archaeological site of the
Tower of Sant Josep; in turn, this constitutes the first known episode of the reception of this site in modern times.
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Among the manuscript collections with Spanish epigraphy used by Jean Matal, one belongs to a certain Alfonso Tavera, a figure hitherto unstudied. This paper analyses the content of his collection, brings to light a second manuscript of... more
Among the manuscript collections with Spanish epigraphy used by Jean Matal, one belongs to a certain Alfonso Tavera, a figure hitherto unstudied. This paper analyses the content of his collection, brings to light a second manuscript of this tradition, and studies an annotated copy of Apianus’s Inscriptiones sacrosanctae vetustatis (1534), emended with another ‘Taverian’ source. The corrections on the inscriptions of the bridge of Alcántara found there allows us to delve deeper into André de Resende’s own lost transcription.
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The epigraphic manuscript known as Liber Parmensis (whose existence was pointed out in the 19th century, but which has never been studied) constitutes a document of high value as one of the very few collections of inscriptions written... more
The epigraphic manuscript known as Liber Parmensis (whose existence was pointed out in the 19th century, but which has never been studied) constitutes a document of high value as one of the very few collections of inscriptions written down in Iberia at the beginning of the 16th century. This paper reconstructs the origin of the collection — composed in Barcelona around 1510, and largely derived from Pere Miquel Carbonell’s —, it analyses its content in the light of the Renaissance manuscript tradition, and divulges the new epigraphical information contained therein.
Research Interests: Renaissance Studies, Renaissance Humanism, Rare Books and Manuscripts, Manuscript Studies, Latin Epigraphy, and 8 moreHistory of Classical Scholarship, Renaissance antiquarianism, Early modern Spain, Antiquarianism in the sixteenth century, History of Barcelona, Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Barcino, and Pere Miquel Carbonell
Among the papers of the so-called Liber Parmensis (a collection of inscriptions whose existence was pointed out in the 19th century, but has never been studied), a brief, independent collection can be found, made up of five inscriptions... more
Among the papers of the so-called Liber Parmensis (a collection of inscriptions whose existence was pointed out in the 19th century, but has never been studied), a brief, independent collection can be found, made up of five inscriptions from Córdoba and another one from Alcalá de Henares. The fact that the collection was copied de visu, its very early date and the possibility of reconstructing its context turns it into an exceptional case in the epigraphic studies of the Spanish Renaissance.
Research Interests: Renaissance Studies, Renaissance Humanism, Rare Books and Manuscripts, Manuscript Studies, Latin Epigraphy, and 9 moreHistory of Classical Scholarship, Antiquarianism, Renaissance antiquarianism, Early modern Spain, Antiquarianism in the sixteenth century, Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Roman cities of Baetica (Hispania), Corduba, and Pere Miquel Carbonell
This paper presents a new philological study of the manuscripts that contain the epigraphic collection of the humanist Pietro Sabino (15th c. ex.). The picture of the textual tradition that emerges from it differs widely from those... more
This paper presents a new philological study of the manuscripts that contain the epigraphic collection of the humanist Pietro Sabino (15th c. ex.). The picture of the textual tradition that emerges from it differs widely from those proposed until now, and it features two consecutive recensions envisaged by its author. Moreover, the analysis allows us to shed light on the first diffusion of the collection, as well as on the chronology, interests and working method as regards Pietro Sabino’s epigraphic studies.
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The interest of the Italian humanist Alessandro Geraldini (1455-1524) in the monumenta antiquitatis (and especially in Roman inscriptions) is made clear in his Itinerarium ad regiones sub aequinoctiali plaga constitutas, written at the... more
The interest of the Italian humanist Alessandro Geraldini (1455-1524) in the monumenta antiquitatis (and especially in Roman inscriptions) is made clear in his Itinerarium ad regiones sub aequinoctiali plaga constitutas, written at the end of his life. This paper analyses the antiquarian information contained in Geraldini’s work; the epigraphic sources used in his Itinerarium are revealed for the first time; the collection of inscriptions from which he knew these texts is identified; and finally his actual engagement in the epigraphic studies carried out during his long stay in Spain (ante 1475-1519) is assessed.
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The interest in classical epigraphy in the Renaissance appeared and developed in Catalonia in the last quarter of the fifteenth century. A survey of the existing evidence on this incipient phenomenon shows that the research, transcription... more
The interest in classical epigraphy in the Renaissance appeared and developed in Catalonia in the last quarter of the fifteenth century. A survey of the existing evidence on this incipient phenomenon shows that the research, transcription and study of Roman inscriptions in Catalonia was carried out by a small—but highly active—group of humanists, at the vanguard of the new antiquarian trends that arrived from Italy. Pere Miquel Carbonell was at the center of this truly «epigraphical network», in direct contact with Jeroni Pau—from Rome—as well as Francesc Vicent and Lluís Desplà —in Catalonia—, among others.
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This paper reconstructs the diplomatic mission of Giovanni Corsi and Agostino Vespucci in Spain (1513-1516), studies the composition of the latter's De situ totius Hispaniae by means of its original manuscript, BAV Ott. lat. 2104, and... more
This paper reconstructs the diplomatic mission of Giovanni Corsi and Agostino Vespucci in Spain (1513-1516), studies the composition of the latter's De situ totius Hispaniae by means of its original manuscript, BAV Ott. lat. 2104, and sheds light on the reception of the work.
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During Machiavelli’s years as second chancellor, members of the staff formed around him a true friendship network, exchanging both cultural and political ideas. Biagio Buonaccorsi and Agostino Vespucci stand out as Machiavelli’s closest... more
During Machiavelli’s years as second chancellor, members of the staff formed around him a true friendship network, exchanging both cultural and political ideas. Biagio Buonaccorsi and Agostino Vespucci stand out as Machiavelli’s closest friends in that group. Unlike the former, Vespucci has received little attention until he has recently been identified as the humanist who signed as Agostino Nettucci. The paper discusses Vespucci’s beginnings in the chancery; his earliest letter to Machiavelli is brought to light – a text known but hitherto not attributed to him –; the content of a now untraceable letter from Vespucci to Buonaccorsi is recovered thanks to a little-known 19th-century French translation, and Machiavelli’s historiographic project in that period is re-examined in the light of his coadjutors’ collaboration.
http://www.vitaepensiero.it/autore-gerard-gonzalez-germain-241373.html
http://www.vitaepensiero.it/autore-gerard-gonzalez-germain-241373.html
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Juvenal’s mention of the child killer Pontia, who (according to the scholiast) poisoned her two children before killing herself, aroused the imagination of some 15th-century Italian humanist, who made up an epitaph for her. Half a century... more
Juvenal’s mention of the child killer Pontia, who (according to the scholiast) poisoned her two children before killing herself, aroused the imagination of some 15th-century Italian humanist, who made up an epitaph for her. Half a century later, the inscription’s theme inspired again another forger, who used the text to create another funerary inscription, supposedly found in Talavera la Vieja. At the end of the century, the Spanish text was altered one last time by the famous author of a series of false chronicles, Jerónimo Román de la Higuera. The reconstruction of this exceptional chain of reused literary and epigraphic sources allows us to better understand the methods employed by the first epigraphists during the 15th and 16th centuries, and it sheds light on the interests and motivations which moved the minds of the forgers.
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A fake inscription forged in the early 16th century mentions the existence "in ripis Tagi" of a temple dedicated to the Great Mother "sub nomine magnae Pasitheae" (CIL II 97*). As its falsehood was already detected in the early 17th... more
A fake inscription forged in the early 16th century mentions the existence "in ripis Tagi" of a temple dedicated to the Great Mother "sub nomine magnae Pasitheae" (CIL II 97*). As its falsehood was already detected in the early 17th century, there has never been a satisfactory explanation of the reason which led the forger to use Pasithea (according to Homer, one of the Graces, and to Hesiod, a Nereid) as an appellation of the Magna Mater. A revision of the epigraphic sources is provided and, by using the philological instruments (early editions, humanistic commentaries, etc.) available to the author of the forgery, the origin of the confusion between Pasithea and Cybele is identified. This can be traced to Catullus’ poem 63, the corrupt state of which made the text very difficult to understand, and favoured a series of mistakes and inexact interpretations, whose last consequence was the Spanish fake inscription.
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Conrad Peutinger’s epigraphical activity is mainly known for his edition of the Romanae vetustatis fragmenta in Augusta Vindelicorum (1505), but it also included the assembling of several collections of inscriptions and the use of... more
Conrad Peutinger’s epigraphical activity is mainly known for his edition of the Romanae vetustatis fragmenta in Augusta Vindelicorum (1505), but it also included the assembling of several collections of inscriptions and the use of epigraphic sources for his historiographical works. The comparative analysis of all Hispanic material allows us to delimit the number and chronology of the sources he had access to, as well as to observe some features of his work method as far as epigraphy of manuscript tradition is concerned.
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The revision of the manuscript tradition for the epigraphy of Baetica –and particularly the use of Francisco Porras de la Cámara’s collection of inscriptions– allows us now to significantly increase the known text of a lost statue base... more
The revision of the manuscript tradition for the epigraphy of Baetica –and particularly the use of Francisco Porras de la Cámara’s collection of inscriptions– allows us now to significantly increase the known text of a lost statue base from Alcalá del Río (the ancient Ilipa). The edition, for the very first time, of some of its lines reveals a prominent member of the local oligarchy, who held the most important political and religious positions in this town.
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Research Interests: Roman Religion, Latin Epigraphy, Forgery, Fakery, Fraud, Roman Epigraphy, Antiquarianism, and 8 moreArchaeology of Roman Hispania, Renaissance antiquarianism, Archaeology of Roman Religion, Roman Spain, Epigraphic Forgeries, Pyrénées, Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, and Jupiter Fulgurator Juppiter Lightning Zeus
This paper analyses the presence of three Spanish fake inscriptions (CIL II 382*, 383* and 410*) belonging to the tradition of Cyriac of Ancona. In many manuscripts, a farewell sentence is incorporated at the end of CIL II 383*, and was... more
This paper analyses the presence of three Spanish fake inscriptions (CIL II 382*, 383* and 410*) belonging to the tradition of Cyriac of Ancona. In many manuscripts, a farewell sentence is incorporated at the end of CIL II 383*, and was finally included by Hübner as part of the text. We present evidence that the interpolation would have been comitted by Felice Feliciano through the Bern manuscript of Giovanni Marcanova.
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Among the different copies of the Epigrammata Antiquae Vrbis (1521) published by J. Mazochius and abundantly annotated by 16th century humanists, Jean Matal’s (ms. Vat. Lat. 8495) is undoubtedly the one that reveals the clearest... more
Among the different copies of the Epigrammata Antiquae Vrbis (1521) published by J. Mazochius and abundantly annotated by 16th century humanists, Jean Matal’s (ms. Vat. Lat. 8495) is undoubtedly the one that reveals the clearest objectives and the most systematic work method. The importance of Matal’s efforts, as well as those of his many informants, to correct the inscriptions based on their autopsy has already been highlighted. However, his study of several manuscript sources, to which he also compared the printed texts, has remained largely unnoticed. In this paper we progress in the identification of these manuscript sources and we analyse the work method developed by Matal, for which he deserves to be considered not only one of the forerunners of epigraphical science, but also the initiator of the use of philological tools in the edition of epigraphic texts.
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The section of Jean Matal’s epigraphic sylloge (ms. Vat. Lat. 6039) attributed to M. Antonius Prudens was one of the main sources that Hübner used for the inscriptions which were copied in the 16th century and were subsequently lost. This... more
The section of Jean Matal’s epigraphic sylloge (ms. Vat. Lat. 6039) attributed to M. Antonius Prudens was one of the main sources that Hübner used for the inscriptions which were copied in the 16th century and were subsequently lost. This paper analyses the content of this sylloge, which corresponds exactly to an anonymous manuscript owned by Matal (ms. Vat. Lat. 6037). In turn, this collection comes from a previous one written some years before by Honorato Juan and which has survived inside the ms. 3610 of the BNE. The only other known reference to M. Antonius Prudens (given by Benedetto Egio) is dealt with, and another anonymous sylloge (owned by Pighius) deriving from this same epigraphic tradition is identified.
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Four anonymous drawings of a 16th century manuscript and another one by F. X. Delgado give us new data on five inscriptions found in Cantillana (Sevilla), the ancient Naeva. All of them are altars, a characteristic monument of the... more
Four anonymous drawings of a 16th century manuscript and another one by F. X. Delgado give us new data on five inscriptions found in Cantillana (Sevilla), the ancient Naeva. All of them are altars, a characteristic monument of the funerary epigraphic landscape of the lower Guadalquivir.
Research Interests: Latin Epigraphy, Roman Epigraphy, Archaeology of Roman Hispania, Roman Baetica, Archaeology, Classical archaeology, Greek and Roman history, Greek Colonization (Magna Graecia and Sicily), Material Culture Studies, Funerary Archaeology, and 2 moreRoman cities of Baetica (Hispania) and Epigraphic Manuscripts
Research Interests: Renaissance Humanism, Latin Epigraphy, Forgery, Fakery, Fraud, Roman Epigraphy, Archaeology of Roman Hispania, and 16 moreRenaissance antiquarianism, Roma, Antiquarianism in the sixteenth century, History of Antiquarianism, Hispania, Historia Institucional, Roman Spain, Epigraphic Forgeries, Italia, Prosopografia, Roman Lusitania, Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Extremadura, Hispania romana, Élites locales, and Magistraturas
During the 15th and 16th centuries, the writing of epigraphical collections was mainly a textual process, to which only afterwards autoptic transcriptions were added. This allowed the compilation of an increasing corpus of texts and the... more
During the 15th and 16th centuries, the writing of epigraphical collections was mainly a textual process, to which only afterwards autoptic transcriptions were added. This allowed the compilation of an increasing corpus of texts and the transmission of some inscriptions which were eventually lost, but it also permitted the diffusion of some spurious texts which were actually never engraved in stone. In the 19th century, the editors of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL), who were well aware of this fact, gathered together and studied a great number of manuscripts and editions, but only partially did they manage to establish their stemmatic relationship. Finally, in the 20th century, despite the important progress in fields such as palaeography, codicology or the history of humanism, the only attempts to resume the task begun by the CIL scholars have been sporadic and partial. The project of editing a group of fake, textual inscriptions compels the editor to address the problem of adapting the rules of textual criticism to these very specific texts, and to explore the limitations of this discipline as far as the establishment of a final stemma codicum is concerned.
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Contemporary criticism has emphasized the importance of the analysis of the so called “epigraphic fakes” – either handwritten or material ones – as documents with social, cultural and political values that go beyond the information... more
Contemporary criticism has emphasized the importance of the analysis of the so called “epigraphic fakes” – either handwritten or material ones – as documents with social, cultural and political values that go beyond the information transmitted by the text. This article analyzes and comments thoroughly on a set of five false inscriptions related to the war between the Romans and Viriathus, which were circulated between 1513 and 1516 by Agostino Nettucci (a poorly known humanist). This episode gives us an insight into the modus operandi employed by sixteenth – and seventeenth-century forgers and the eventual motives for carrying out these forgeries.
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This paper analyzes as a whole the epigraphic forgeries located in the Iberian Peninsula in the first Renaissance (ca. 1440-1550). Specifically, we focus ontheir common formal features and on the literary and epigraphic models used by the... more
This paper analyzes as a whole the epigraphic forgeries located in the Iberian Peninsula in the first Renaissance (ca. 1440-1550). Specifically, we focus ontheir common formal features and on the literary and epigraphic models used by the counterfeiters. We identify two different (and yet complementary) uses of the sources, through imitatio and inventio.
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Since the publication of the CIL II and its supplementum, epigraphical syllogai referred to Hispania have registered four honorary inscriptions where Lucius Aemilius Rectus is mentioned, two of which have been attributed to Cartagena (CIL... more
Since the publication of the CIL II and its supplementum, epigraphical syllogai referred to Hispania have registered four honorary inscriptions where Lucius Aemilius Rectus is mentioned, two of which have been attributed to Cartagena (CIL II 3423, 3424) and the other two to Caravaca (CIL II 5941, 5942). Coincidences of the text of these inscriptions and the loss of two of them have led researchers to consider different hypotheses about their relationship. This article integrates the study of the handwritten transmission of each one of them (as well as of the historiography referred to their finding) with a special epigraphical analysis of CIL II 5941 done in situ, with the aim of sheding more light on its origin and character.
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In the process of compiling epigraphical collections (15th and 16th centuries), a great number of fakes with a textual origin were forged. This article contextualizes this phenomenon in the field of Hispanic epigraphy and proposes a... more
In the process of compiling epigraphical collections (15th and 16th centuries), a great number of fakes with a textual origin were forged. This article contextualizes this phenomenon in the field of Hispanic epigraphy and proposes a philological approach to the subject. It also presents some examples of the different kind of sources, both literary and epigraphic, used by the forgers.
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During the XVIth century, several Hispanic fake inscriptions were attributed to Cyriacus of Ancona. This led modern epigraphists to take sides with or against him. This paper proposes to overcome the dichotomy through the systematic... more
During the XVIth century, several Hispanic fake inscriptions were attributed to Cyriacus of Ancona. This led modern epigraphists to take sides with or against him. This paper proposes to overcome the dichotomy through the systematic analysis of the accusations reported in the XVIth century and through the study of the textual tradition of the syllogai which carried those fakes.
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The study of epigraphical manuscripts of the XVth and XVIth centuries allows us to understand better the textual transmission of the Epigraphy in the Humanistic period. This article reconstructs the process of confusion of four numismatic... more
The study of epigraphical manuscripts of the XVth and XVIth centuries allows us to understand better the textual transmission of the Epigraphy in the Humanistic period. This article reconstructs the process of confusion of four numismatic legends for epigraphical texts, for which they entered the falsae vel alienae section of CIL II. This episode gives us some important clues for a future reconstruction of the lost arquetipe of the late XVth century named by Hübner Antiquus Hispanus.
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Date: January 24-25, 2019.
Hosted at: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (Bellaterra, Barcelona, Spain).
Organized by: Prof. Joan Carbonell Manils (UAB) and Dr. Gerard González Germain (UAB).
Abstracts submission Deadline: October 19, 2018.
Hosted at: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (Bellaterra, Barcelona, Spain).
Organized by: Prof. Joan Carbonell Manils (UAB) and Dr. Gerard González Germain (UAB).
Abstracts submission Deadline: October 19, 2018.