Lorenzo Focanti

In this article the various problems related to the fragmentary corpus of Theagenes (FGrHist 774) are tackled. The author first proposes an analysis of the Antiquities of Macedonia (Μακεδονικὰ πάτρια), delving into its connections with local Greek historiography. Then he produces evidence to confirm Theagenes’ authorship of the History of Caria (Καρικά) quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium (cf. FGrHist 774 F 16). In addition he reaffirms the identification of the historian with the obscure Theogenes, author of a work On Aegina (Περὶ Αἰγίνης: cf. FGrHist 300). He finally suggests a new chronology for Theagenes, and dates his works to the late third century BC, linking the topics addressed in the corpus to the reign of Philip V of Macedonia.

The affair of Hadrian with his favorite Antinous is one of the most famous relationships of antiquity. The Bithynian youth followed the emperor to Egypt, where he died by drowning into the Nile (130 AD). The afflicted Hadrian deified him, and founded the city of Antinopolis to celebrate his memory. Along with well-known sources such as Athenaeus or Cassius Dio, the deeds of Antinous are narrated by a third-century Greek poem, partially transmitted by P. Oxy. LXIII 4352. The anonymous text describes the last hunt of Hadrian and his favorite, evoking the death of the latter and his deification. The celebration of Antinopolis and an invocation to the emperor Diocletian conclude the composition. The aim of the present work is to examine this intriguing text. This paper analyzes how the poet structured the use of the material he gathered, trying to reconstruct the reasons lying behind his choices. The study mainly focuses on three elements: first, the interpretatio graeca of Egyptian material; second, the references to Hermopolis, i.e. the rival of Antinopolis; third, the genre of the poem. In doing so, it will take into account literary documents of the age (such as the anonymous Cosmogony of Strasbourg), as well as archeological testimonies (e.g. the obelisk of the Pincian Hill and Hadrian's roundels from Constantine's arch). This work aims at improving our knowledge of late antique poetic production. In addition, it brings to light interesting aspects of late antique Egypt, showing a dynamism and a cultural activity far more intense than commonly assumed.

The studies concerning the sources of Malalas' Chronographia are usually characterized by a strong skeptical attitude. The fact that many of the seventy-five authors listed by the chronicle are not attested elsewhere is surely one of the main reasons for that. The lack of testimonies has encouraged scholars to consider these sources garbled secondary references, or inventions of Malalas (see, for instance, the studies of Bourier, Jeffreys, and Treadgold). Such a suspicious approach has latterly been questioned. A new strategy has been proposed, whose goal is to take «Malalas' references to lost authors seriously» (Van Nuffelen). It has achieved interesting results in analyzing historians such as Clemens, Bruttius and Theophilus. The aim of my paper is to apply it to another author, Brunichius. The seventh book of the Chronographia focuses on Roman Republic: along with the end of the monarchy and the deeds of Brutus, Malalas describes the Gallic siege of Rome, presenting Manlius Capitolinus as the hero who saved the city. After the liberation, the Roman banished the Gallic senator Februarius and gave his name to the shortest month of the year (Chron. VII 10-12). At the end of the episode, Malalas names his source: «the Account (Ἔκθεσις) of the Roman historian Brunichius» (Chron. VII 12). Such a reference presents many elements of interest: first of all, the name of the source. As Niebuhr already observed in his Römische Geschichte (688, n.1345), it probably reveals a Gothic origin (from the Germanic root *brunjō-, i.e. 'armor'). Moreover, Malalas writes that he has read the text of Brunichius in person, whereas most of his quotes are introduced in an impersonal way (e.g. with the adverb καθώς). According to the chronicler, the copy of Brunichius was conserved in Thessalonica. The city is itself a remarkable element: for better or for worse, it has often been linked to Gothic movements in late antiquity. Finally, the tale of Februarius and his banishment from Rome is quite interesting too. In spite of its historical mistakes (e.g. the absence of Camillus and the positive image of Manlius), it has enjoyed widespread appreciation in Byzantine literature. The story seems to mix the literary topos of the φαρμακός, the scapegoat, with the Roman celebration of the lupercalia, the ritual purifications of February. I will treat all these aspects: I think indeed that the results of the analysis will give us a deeper knowledge not only of Malalas' chronicle, but also of the literary context who inspired it. Bibliography H. Bourier (1899) Über die Quellen der ersten Vierzehn Bücher des Johannes Malalas. Augsburg.

From the late imperial age onwards, the word πάτρια has been used to name a particular kind of text presenting the origins of cities and the most attractive monument they had. According to the sources, they were written in verses and could reach a huge length. In spite of the diffusion these antiquarian works had in the eastern empire, none of them has survived: there are just brief mentions in later sources (Stephen of Byzantium, Suda, Photius etc.). Such a scanty material makes a literary evaluation of the patria almost impossible, but does not impede a historic analysis. The aim of my paper is to take these works as evidences of the urbanistic changes in the eastern empire. In other words, to show the connections between antiquarian interests and political and social needs. In spite of the long crisis of the third century AD, the urban network of the Roman East maintained in late antiquity all its complexity. The Greek cities of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria and Asia Minor kept building and dismantling their connections with their neighbors, and played different roles according to the political, economic and social contexts they faced. The well-marked perception of a strong hierarchy between the cities, along with the possibility for them to advance or regress along the pyramid, made the competition between the different communities particularly intense. The traditional Greek particularism found new ways of expression: the production of patria is one of them. They give testimony to the movements of the cities along the urban hierarchy of the eastern empire. In particular, they show the development of the centers linked to the three capitals of the Roman east: Alexandria, Antioch and Constantinople. Indeed, the presence of the imperial court (and the resulting flow of taxes and supplies) put these cities at the center of extended urban networks. These urbanized areas connecting the three capitals and their hinterland have been defined by Peter Brown ‘corridors of Empire’. The centers entering these large-scale corridors had to legitimate their new position in the imperial network, and the best way to achieve the goal was linking themselves to the mythical and historical circuits of the Greek world. The patria served the purpose. While modeling the collective memory of myths, histories, and traditions of these cities, they officialized the acquainted status. Moreover, they could be the right instruments to level the excessive presumptions of a snobbish rival, or to look better in comparison to an uncomfortable neighbor. My paper will present all these aspects, analyzing the testimonies about the patria in this historic perspective.