Arber Fetiu
Université de Montréal, Département de sociologie, Department Member
- Secularism, Charles Taylor, Alasdair MacIntyre, Martha Nussbaum, Secularisms and Secularities, Jurgen Habermas, and 29 moreHermeneutics, Virtue Ethics, Richard Rorty, Nishitani Keiji, Kyoto School, Islamic Studies, Kalam (Islamic Theology), Epistemology, Philosophy Of Language, Secularization, Politics of Secularism, Islam and Secularism, Modern Turkey, Ottoman Balkans, Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, Albanian Studies, Yugoslavia, Political Theology, Ibn Taymiyya, Abu Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazali (d. 1111), Ibn Rushd (Averroës), Medieval Philosophy, Continental Philosophy, Martin Heidegger, Critical Theory, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, Walter Benjamin, and Contemporary French Philosophyedit
Research Interests:
"This chapter argues that, notwithstanding the violence and the emotional impact of the Paris attacks against Charlie Hebdo, nothing really new has emerged in the way public narratives related to the « Muslim problem » have been... more
"This chapter argues that, notwithstanding the violence and the emotional impact of the Paris attacks against Charlie Hebdo, nothing really new has emerged in the way public narratives related to the « Muslim problem » have been displayed in France since January 2015. The terms of the public discussion sparked by these events merely actualise the various strata on which, since the late 1980s-early 1990s, the "Muslim problem" has gradually been constructed in France (Amiraux, 2004; Hajjat, Mohammed, 2013). In fact, these publications feed into previous public discussions on Islam and Muslims, which have been going on in France since the late 1980s. The violent events legitimated the intensification of securitarian discourse, and paved the way for political decisions to implement new policies in so-called priority sectors (urban policy, education). Yet, these intensifications have to be understood in terms of the pattern of public conversation that have emerged in France roughly over the last 15 years, and which structures the way French citizens have been used to talk about Islam and Muslims co-citizens."
Research Interests:
The objectives of this study are firstly to promote a preventive approach in intervention strategies and projects when it comes to radicalisation leading to violence, and then to gather information concerning conceptualization, trends and... more
The objectives of this study are firstly to promote a preventive approach in intervention strategies and projects when it comes to radicalisation leading to violence, and then to gather information concerning conceptualization, trends and research, as well as prevention tools (legislative and practical), especially those linked to the social prevention of this issue.
This study involves a review and analysis of both scientific and grey literatures, national and international norms and legislations, and promising programmes or practices on the subject on a global scale.
In order to accomplish this goal, we conducted two systematic reviews of the literature on radicalisation leading to violence, focusing on a diversity of keywords.
a) The first review focused on literature linked to contextualisation of the phenomenon exclusively in western countries, mainly trends, radicalisation and recruitment contexts, factors determining this process, as well as explanatory models and radicalisation trajectories.
b) The second review focused on prevention strategies, programmes and projects on radicalisation leading to violence. In this case, due to the limited number of studies on this specific subject, we considered studies without geographical limitations.
This study involves a review and analysis of both scientific and grey literatures, national and international norms and legislations, and promising programmes or practices on the subject on a global scale.
In order to accomplish this goal, we conducted two systematic reviews of the literature on radicalisation leading to violence, focusing on a diversity of keywords.
a) The first review focused on literature linked to contextualisation of the phenomenon exclusively in western countries, mainly trends, radicalisation and recruitment contexts, factors determining this process, as well as explanatory models and radicalisation trajectories.
b) The second review focused on prevention strategies, programmes and projects on radicalisation leading to violence. In this case, due to the limited number of studies on this specific subject, we considered studies without geographical limitations.
Research Interests:
The main objective of this systematic review is to synthesize the empirical evidence on how the Internet and social media may, or may not, constitute spaces for exchange that can be favorable to violent extremism. Of the 5,182 studies... more
The main objective of this systematic review is to synthesize the empirical evidence on how the Internet and social media may, or may not, constitute spaces for exchange that can be favorable to violent extremism. Of the 5,182 studies generated from the searches, 11 studies were eligible for inclusion in this review. We considered empirical studies with qualitative, quantitative, and mixed designs, but did not conduct meta-analysis due to the heterogeneous and at times incomparable nature of the data. The reviewed studies provide tentative evidence that exposure to radical violent online material is associated with extremist online and offline attitudes, as well as the risk of committing political violence among white supremacist, neo-Nazi, and radical Islamist groups. Active seekers of violent radical material also seem to be at higher risk of engaging in political violence as compared to passive seekers. The Internet’s role thus seems to be one of decision-shaping, which, in association with offline factors, can be associated to decision-making. The methodological limitations of the reviewed studies are discussed, and recommendations are made for future research.
This paper intends to look on how the counterterrorism and anti-radicalization discourse talks about, and transplants thereof, what it calls “incubators of radicalization” into the security narrative. I look on how these “incubators” such... more
This paper intends to look on how the counterterrorism and anti-radicalization discourse talks about, and transplants thereof, what it calls “incubators of radicalization” into the security narrative. I look on how these “incubators” such as mosques, coffeehouses, marketplaces and universities, have been subjected to politics of surveillance and suspicion through diverse programs that have emerged September 11, 2001. Delving, in one hand, on Habermasian inquiries regarding the “public sphere” I try to understand the role of these locuses and on the other hand, using Foucault’s concept of “heterotopias”, I treat these places as spaces of resistance and counter-culture which, while retaining their "conventional" function, have historically been transgressive. Beyond their conventional functions, these sites have historically proved to be places from which subversives organize themselves and emerge.
How the distrust that is embedded into the counterterrorist discourse regarding these spaces challenges our conception of them and in turn change the nature of the city? Ans, how this metamorphosis has the possibility to shift out very relationship with the city?
To do this I will first make historical survey of how some of these sites of assembly (ex. coffeehouses) have played an important role for the coagulation of the counterculture in the modern space and how they have often been submitted to significant control by authoritarian regimes. Then I will look at how in the literature regarding (Islamic) radicalization - NYPD programs, FBI and PREVENT and other anti-radicalization programs – views these sites as ones concealing potential danger and how these influential programs have been translated in practice through surveillance, informants, etc. I will finally look at how this directly affects trust in these sites of the city by generating a climate of suspicion.
How the distrust that is embedded into the counterterrorist discourse regarding these spaces challenges our conception of them and in turn change the nature of the city? Ans, how this metamorphosis has the possibility to shift out very relationship with the city?
To do this I will first make historical survey of how some of these sites of assembly (ex. coffeehouses) have played an important role for the coagulation of the counterculture in the modern space and how they have often been submitted to significant control by authoritarian regimes. Then I will look at how in the literature regarding (Islamic) radicalization - NYPD programs, FBI and PREVENT and other anti-radicalization programs – views these sites as ones concealing potential danger and how these influential programs have been translated in practice through surveillance, informants, etc. I will finally look at how this directly affects trust in these sites of the city by generating a climate of suspicion.