CVE

Violent extremism has become the global concern especially after the beginning of 21st Century. Therefore, understanding the various aspects of violent extremism particularly multifaceted communication strategies which will be fit to handle the modern challenges has become imperative. On incidences of terrorism and violent extremism, Pakistan has lost on socio, economic, cultural and educational grounds. Meanwhile, there are contending positions that the incessant attacks are due to the gap in proper Communication between security apparatus, government and the extremist groups. In view of this, the article examines the roles of strategic communication in the countering of violent extremism and its influence on Pakistani society. The paper also brought to the open, some of the critical context and drivers of violent extremism. Based on this, the paper proffers a model which captured the contemporary communication strategies for countering violent extremism. It also argues that strategic communication can be assimilated into policies and actions of the major stakeholders as a strategic measure to handle the radicalized and violent extremism. Moreover, with the help of few judicious approaches/strategies, a balance and a moderate society can be established. Further to this are the ideal practices being recommended in line with the theory of strategic communication planning format that will not only help in tackling extremism but also bringing peace.

Preoccupation with the effort to fight extremist propaganda in an increasingly complex information environment has produced an overwhelming amount of literature from professors, practitioners, policymakers, and pundits. The problem of terrorist messaging is easily defined; solutions, in the form of effective counter-narrative strategies and the tools to disseminate them, are much harder to come by. Kurt Braddock's "Weaponized Words: The Strategic Role of Persuasion in Violent Radicalization and Counter-Radicalization" takes this on, providing well-researched and relatively jargon-free guidelines to the development of persuasive counter-narratives and the use of emerging communications technologies to fight back.

This research provides a preliminary evidence base to understand the extent to which violent extremist narratives have a wider resonance with men in Victoria, Australia. It identifies key sites and points at which the construction of masculinity in men intersect with, and challenge, extremist conceptions. It consequently provides an insight into where the potential appeal of extremist narratives can be challenged most effectively.

SQL injections attacks have been rated as the most dangerous vulnerability of web-based systems over more than a decade by OWASP top ten. Though different static, runtime and hybrid approaches have been proposed to counter SQL injection attacks, no single approach guarantees flawless prevention/ detection for these attacks. Hundreds of components of open source and commercial software products are reported to be vulnerable for SQL injection to CVE repository every year. In this mapping study, we identify different existing approaches in terms of the cost of computation and protection offered. We found that most of the existing techniques claim to offer protection based on the testing on a very small or limited scale. This study dissects each proposed approach and highlights their strengths and weaknesses and categorizes them based on the underlying technology used to detect or counter the injection attacks.

Since the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States, there has been greater interest in countering violent extremism. Due to the U.S.-led " War on Terror, " madrassas in Pakistan have received international attention for initiating peace education programs through international NGOs. The motivation to work in madrassas is that erstwhile studies have blamed the madrassa education system for the lack of critical thinking and the vulnerability of madrassa students to extremist ideologies. While peace education interventions in Pakistan have continued for over a decade, there is a scarcity of scholarly assessments. This article aims to bridge that gap by analyzing the causes and consequences of extremism, particularly violent extremism in Pakistan, to make a case for and critically examine the application of peace education.

Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Unpacking Kosovo's response to returnees from the war zones in Syria and Iraq

Authors:

Skënder Perteshi and Ramadan Ilazi

Date:

29 January 2020



It is estimated that around 403 citizens of Kosovo joined the war zones in Syria and Iraq, and in the aftermath of the collapse of the ‘Islamic State’ Kosovo government has been willing to repatriate its citizens from the region. This presents a significant challenge for the government and non-government sectors. Existing studies shows that establishing programs to facilitate and support reintegration of the returnees is essential for overall efforts of preventing and countering violent extremism. This report seeks to address a gap in the existing literature pertaining to the approaches of Kosovo in supporting rehabilitation/deradicalization as well  as reintegration of the returnees. By focusing on institutional and policy infrastructure, this report sheds light into the relevance of having a holistic (government + non-government +community), coherent and coordinated response to meet the needs of the returnees and effectively address the challenges for their social and economic reintegration, as well as ideological disengagement.

This report finds that the government of Kosovo as well as civil society have, overall, positively responded to the needs of the returnees and supported their reintegration, albeit shortcomings with the extent of implementation of proclaimed commitments towards the returnees.  Upon arrival in Kosovo institutions provide medical care, temporary housing, mental health sessions, while preparing them for reintegration in the society. Kosovo has two overall approaches to the returnees: punitive-restorative approaches and societal reintegration programs. Following a period of 72 hours returnees are interrogated by authorities to determine their roles in the war zones in Syria and Iraq, while confirmed foreign fighters are arrested. The first set of measures deals with those Kosovars who are found to have committed a criminal offense for participating in a foreign conflict in accordance with the national legislation. While in the correctional service, foreign fighters are offered access to programs that aim to help them with skills development to increase their employability, completion of education, as well as, training and lectures that target radical religious beliefs.

At the same time, the government has established a special division in the Ministry of Internal Affairs to exclusively work on coordinating and providing support for reintegration process of the returnees. Returnees are supported with housing, registering the children in the school, an emergency financial assistance package, counselling sessions, and continued support through the social welfare scheme. The report also finds that majority of the returnees have been successfully resettled in the society, and this is as a result of the strong community and family ties. Family and community ties were essential to also ensure effective reintegration of orphaned children. This is a demonstration of a strong social cohesion in Kosovo that has provided the most significant factor when examining reintegration of the returnees. Notes from the four focus groups in four different regions of Kosovo: Prizren, Mitrovica, Gjilan and  Kacanik, confirm that all citizens are welcoming of the returnees and harbor no discriminatory approaches that would impede their reintegration. These development show that reintegration of the returnees is most effective when it is not entirely orchestrated or managed by government, but it is facilitated by community and the well-kept family ties.

The report also finds that in practice government lacks a coherent policy and there are serious shortcomings with coordination and inclusion of civil society in the process.

This project was supported by the International Republican Institute (IRI). The views expressed in this research are those of Kosovar Centre for Security Studies and do not necessarily represent those of the IRI.

The political reality of many countries in the Muslim World is untenable and reforms and change is absolutely necessary. This article argues that use of force and violence for political change is making things worse as one can witness in Syria and Iraq. The article advances a Qur'ānic perspective on the desirability of peace as a goal and peaceful means as instruments of change. The article acknowledges that the Qur'ānic sanction for use of force to defend religious freedom prcludes the advocacy of pacifism but nevertheless the article does make a strong case for privileging peace over use of force.

Despite the military efforts of the Kenyan, Ethiopian, and Somali Federal governments, the collaboration of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces with US and coalition forces, and despite the enormous tactical and strategic setbacks that al-Shabaab has faced over the last five years, its insurgency in the Horn of Africa (HoA) remains resilient. The Kenyan government's approach to stemming domestic recruitment to al-Shabaab remains fixated on law enforcement control and surveillance. As a result, many Somali communities are subject to daily crackdowns, interrogations, and discriminatory profiling practices whose negative effects are only heightened by current tribal and clan-based tensions in the country. Current scholarly evaluations of Kenya's 'Countering Violent Extremism' (CVE) & 'Preventing Violent Extremism' (PVE) policies tend to adhere to three major approaches: top-down evaluations by elites repeatedly locating the protection of national security in inter-agency cooperation; bottom-up CVE/PVE evaluations placing primacy on the voices of Muslim community elders, such as imams, social workers, parents, and community leaders for interventions with at-risk youth; and social scientific evaluations of CVE/PVE policy through empirical exploration of the push and pull factors of youth recruitment into militancy. To date, there is a dearth of studies asking what Kenyan youth leaders think about CVE/PVE policies especially in light of the fact that they are often the main targets of al-Shabaab attacks. This study has one key objective: to use input from Kenyan youth to evaluate the effectiveness, suitability, and appropriateness of Kenya's current CVE/PVE policies in order to dissect their utility, inefficiencies, and possible harms, and contribute to the academic and policy discussions on the best CVE/PVE policy mix.

American national security is a priority that crosses partisan lines. Americans of all races, ethnicities, and religions are equally concerned with ensuring our country is safe from violence – whether politically motivated terrorism, state violence, or violent crime. Furthermore, we all share an interest in preventing violence before it occurs. Toward that end, citizens and elected officials have a responsibility to carefully examine whether the methods we are using to prevent terrorism are effective.

In 2011, the Obama administration initiated a “Countering Violent Extremism” program purportedly aimed at tackling the underlying causes that may contribute to terrorism domestically and abroad. According to the White House, “CVE efforts address the root causes of extremism through community engagement” and “the underlying premise of the approach to countering violent extremism in the United States is that (1) communities provide the solution to violent extremism; and (2) CVE efforts are best pursued at the local level, tailored to local dynamics, where local officials continue to build relationships within their communities through established community policing and community outreach mechanisms.” In January 2017, the Trump administration announced it would change the name of the program to “Countering Islamic Extremism” to reflect his administration’s intentions to focus exclusively on terrorism committed by individuals claiming to be Muslim, while excluding terrorism committed by others including White Supremacists. Notwithstanding the outcry by civil rights advocates on Trump’s renaming of the program, CVE has always been focused on Muslim communities in the United States. Trump’s actions merely validated what critics of the program claimed all along.

Despite the Obama administration’s lofty rhetoric, this article argues that CVE programs are fundamentally flawed for three reasons: they are counterproductive, unnecessary, and a waste of government resources. Government programs seeking to build community resilience are most effective when administered by social service agencies with the requisite expertise, not law enforcement agencies.

Accordingly, this article addresses four fundamental flaws with CVE:

1) CVE programs securitize Muslim communities and validate terrorists’ narratives that America is at war with Islam;

2) CVE programs are unnecessary to prevent domestic terrorism;

3) CVE programs are a waste of government resources; and

4) government funds for community development and resilience should be funded and administered by social service agencies without law enforcement control.

This paper will critically assess Daniel Koehler’s radicalization and deradicalization theory in light of the current landscape of countering violent extremism. It will also address the contours of the field in light of the glaring issue that most research focuses on international terrorism and specifically Islamism when it might be argued it should also more frequently analyze homegrown violent extremism and specifically non-Islamist types. Therefore the recommendation and analysis will focus on what we call Ariosophy, a far-right ideology which is plausibly at the root of many spurious forms of right-wing violent extremism. After analyzing the problems in counter-terrorism and countering violent extremism, we will look at two landscapes where there are current and active work being done: Minnesota and Scandinavia. It will conclude with the recommendation that CVE initiatives need to focus more on extremism-itself and less on the counter-terror strategy of the United States, opening up the challenge to work done by civil society, and not just the national security apparatus.

The terrorist organization, Daesh, also known as the so-called ‘Islamic State/IS/ISIS/ISIL’, has launched an extremely sophisticated information campaign targeting a wide range of audiences around the world to gain support for its expansion in the Middle East. Daesh first strategic success was the public address of self-styled Caliph Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi proclaiming the existence of a renewed Islamic Caliphate. The speech drew immediate and lasting attention.
The NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence was asked to conduct research into Daesh information strategy in order to gain a better understanding of how the Daesh information campaign is managed, and to propose practical solutions concerning the situation in the Middle East.
The methodology for analysing Daesh information strategy included examining the issue from a number of aspects related to strategic communications such as social psychology, communication, and social media analysis. The work was done in collaboration with experts and advisors from NATO member states in order to achieve the best result.
StratCom COE research into Daesh information strategy shows that the spectrum of the problem is much greater than only recruitment and radicalization alone.

Longtemps considéré comme un facteur explicatif du faible nombre d’attentats terroristes en France au cours des deux dernières décennies, le dispositif antiterroriste français apparaît sous pression au lendemain des attentats de janvier 2015. Restées jusqu’ici relativement hermétiques à une approche dite « douce » en matière de lutte contre l’extrémisme violent, les autorités françaises vont opérer à partir de cette période une inflexion avec l’émergence progressive d’une action publique de prévention de la radicalisation . Face aux limites d’un paradigme antiterroriste qui peine à saisir les nouveaux avatars de la menace jihadiste et une demande sociale qui requiert la mise en œuvre de solutions par les pouvoirs publics, se met en place, non sans une série de tâtonnements et de débats, un champ d’action publique inédit.

Comparativement aux États européens ou aux États-Unis, le Canada est demeuré relativement préservé des phénomènes d’extrémismes violents et de terrorisme [Leman-Langlois et Brodeur, 2009]. Si l’histoire canadienne est émaillée d’événements terroristes meurtriers, il n’y a pas eu, à de rares exceptions près, une présence durable de mouvements contestataires violents sur le territoire canadien. Par conséquent, il est essentiel de pointer que le contexte canadien, et a fortiori québécois, doit être distingué du contexte européen afin de mieux comprendre la manière dont les enjeux de radicalisation et d’extrémisme violent peuvent être posés, de même que la nature des solutions déployées pour y faire face.

A Briefing Paper for Green Party Activists

This paper examines what Nathan Lean called the 'Islamophobia Industry' and its role in demonizing muslims and shaping the public debate about the nation's relationship with predominantly muslim nations.  It summarizes the impact of Islamophobia on muslims in the United States, including constitutional infringements by the US DoJ Countering Violent Extremism  program, the chilling impact on political discourse of such surveillance, violence perpetrated against muslims and islamic places of worship, the pejorative misuse of jihad and sharia in political speech, legislative attacks on the Muslim community and the Western narrative that US Imperialism, framed as humanitarian intervention, is necessary to save brown women from brown men and a presumptively misogynistic faith; albeit one known historically as first recognizing and protecting the rights of women to life, property, inheritance, support in divorce, etc.  The paper also serves to debunk common myths that FGM, honor killings and hijab are evidence that Islam oppresses women.  Finally, this paper offers guidance for community and Green Party activists for addressing Islamophobia encountered in their organizing work.

In January 2016, late in his term as secretary-general, Ban Ki-moon introduced a Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism (PVE). The approach promised to bring balance to multilateral counter-terrorism by adding much-needed focus on the drivers of mobilization into violence. Highly arguable in theory and with great potential against the online recruitment efforts of groups such as Islamic State, the PVE agenda has nonetheless found enemies at the UN, both among member-states and within the secretariat. Errors committed in the Plan of Action's roll-out made the new approach hostage to the very limitations and tensions that it was intended to resolve. PVE also rests on a shaky conceptual foundation and has been further stultified by the intensely political setting in which it was to be implemented. The future of this well-intended approach therefore looks at risk, even bleak. This article traces and explains the rise and likely fall of PVE at the United Nations, bringing to light a number of sobering insight into the possibilities and limits of multilateral counter-terrorism.

As today's tragic events in Barcelona underscore, efforts to counter violent extremism (CVE) must remain a top priority for the United States. However, the Trump administration’s mixed approach to violent extremism to date is cause for concern. On the one hand, the president’s campaign and early policies were packed with vilifying rhetoric about Islam and Muslims and included an ill-considered travel ban on the citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries. At the same time, the administration has made significant outreach to key leaders in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia and Egypt. However, this outreach has not included a demand for greater responsibility or concrete actions from those leaders that could reduce extremism.

Through the examination of current efforts to reduce extremism in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, and Tunisia, this report recommends that the Trump administration take the following four actions to succeed in defeating violent extremism in the Middle East and arrest negative trends:
1. Make the case to partner countries that repressive policies are counterproductive, and encourage leaders to support basic freedoms and respect for pluralism and inclusivity.
2. Support the adoption of national CVE strategies, prioritize monitoring and evaluation mechanisms, and promote research to identify local drivers of violent extremism.
3. Invest in multilateral organizations and initiatives such as the Global Counterterrorism Forum (GCTF), Hedayah, and the Ideological War Center.
4. Abandon Islamophobic and inflammatory rhetoric.

Messaging has been an important aspect of the public outreach of the violent extremist organisation commonly known as Boko Haram. While significant attention has been given to what Boko Haram has done in terms of violent attacks, less has been devoted to what Boko Haram has said in terms of messaging content. By examining its record of public statements, important clues can be gleaned regarding the otherwise secretive group's operational processes and strategic outlook.

Countering terrorism and preventing radicalization and violent extremism have taken center-stage in donors’ and governmental policy agendas in the region more broadly and in Kosovo in particular. International donors, national governments and civil societies in the Western Balkans increasingly emphasise the risk of youth radicalization and at the same time they are seeking new strategies for counter-radicalization that would prevent the young from slipping into violent and extremist paths. More broadly, youth, education and local communities have become crucial entry points for securitized responses against the challenges and threats of terrorism and radicalization. This chapter aims to critically analyse counter-radicalization and countering violent extremism discourses and practices and reflect upon their implications and effects for a number of Kosovo societal sectors and actors such as youth, education and local communities. While many research and policy initiatives have focused on drivers, causes and mechanisms to counter violent extremism and radicalization, there has been no critical analysis of their societal effects. In this regard, this study has both theoretical and policy-making relevance as it tries to fill this research gap, while also reflecting on dilemmas of current
strategies and projects as well as providing insights for future policy initiatives in Kosovo.

The web and its recent advancements represent a great opportunity to build universal, rich, multi-user and immersive Web3D/WebXR applications targeting Cultural Heritage field—including 3D presenters, inspection tools, applied VR games, collaborative teaching tools and much more. Such opportunity although, introduces additional challenges besides common issues and limitations typically encountered in this context. The “ideal” Web3D application should be able to reach every device, automatically adapting its interface, rendering and interaction models—resulting in a single, liquid product that can be consumed on mobile devices, PCs, Museum kiosks and immersive AR/VR devices, without any installation required for final users. The open-source ATON framework is the result of research and development activities carried out during the last 5 years through national and international projects: it is designed around modern and robust web standards, open specifications and large open-source e...

Quelques milliers d’Européens sont partis faire le djihad en Syrie et en Irak. Plusieurs centaines d’entre eux sont déjà revenus. Pour faire face à ce phénomène, certains pays ont développé des programmes de prévention de la radicalisation et de déradicalisation. Si l’efficacité de ces programmes est difficile à évaluer, les exemples allemand, britannique et danois permettent néanmoins de tirer certaines leçons qui pourraient s’avérer utiles en France.

The right to free expression is the heart of a democracy. It is necessary to ensure minimal government regulation in the communication of ideas, especially when it comes to diverse opinions and dissent. Freedom of expression entails the individual's right to participate in decisions that affect him/her and the public's right to unrestricted access to information that enables an informed decision to assist democratic decision-making and self-expression. Thus far, in instances of legal challenges to free speech and the need for civil discourse, the Supreme Court of India has been careful to avoid judicial overreach by clearly dictating its intention to function under the purview of existing laws, and a legal interpretation of the ambit of 'reasonable restrictions' as outlined in the Constitution of India. There is reluctance in creating exceptions since greater value has been accorded to expression. The explosion of social media, the absence of filters in social communication , the credibility crisis of mainstream media and the spread of fake news and propaganda have all combined to create an environment in which the stifling of dissent is done not necessarily by the state, but by the public itself via hate speech, personal abuse and threats of violence. Hate speech relies on stereotypes which can carry on from historic ideas or symbolism usually directed towards minority groups (races, caste, gender, etc.). The prevalence of hate/extreme speech and the inadequate response to it by both the public and the state pose a challenge of definitions, of the need to for clarity on what reasonable restrictions mean and on ensuring that the response to it be principled and not whimsical in order to suppress what we don't like to hear. This paper aims to discuss the need for online self-regulatory mechanisms rather than Government involvement as well as adequate definitions without placing open-ended limitations on Speech. Online platforms must ensure sensitization and spread awareness by running counter narratives against hate.

The CVE concept has been intensively promoted since 2015 and counters the process of radicalization through various stakeholders within the civil society intending to raise awareness and build resilience among vulnerable target groups. The UN since 2006 has recognized the important role of civil society in the implementation of counter-terrorism and counter-extremism. Civil society has many advantages in CVE, especially through answering grievances in society; improving societal inclusion, and facilitation of government-citizen relations. Civil society in the Western Balkans has been actively engaged in CVE since 2015 with the exaggerating problem of radicalization and recruitment in the Syrian context. Public awareness about the radicalization and terrorism phenomena within the society, promotion of the CVE concept, research on the local specifics of radicalization, organization of conferences and workshops, and inter-sectoral cooperation were the main response of the civil society. The example from Albania is presented through the efforts of the Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM) and their project based on a research study serving as a basis for public awareness activities in different municipalities, especially within schools as well as representatives of different state institutions. The example from Kosovo is presented through the work of the Kosovar Center for Security Studies (KCSS) as a leader in the field. KCSS has been active in several CVE areas of activities such as research on various aspects of the radicalization phenomena, public awareness, emphasizing the role of different stakeholders within society, specialized training for target groups, and organization of workshops, conferences, and roundtables. From the extensive KCSS CVE program, selected project examples at the municipal level are presented that illustrate public awareness campaigns, especially among students and inter-sectoral cooperation and coordination. The example of Serbia is presented through the "whole of community" approach by Cultural Center "DamaD" focused on Sandzak area, especially the activities related to the referral mechanism for preventing extremism and radicalism, sensibilization of different stakeholders from the central and local government, development fo training packages and related activities for strengthening community's resilience

The concept of Jihad has been abused and used by both extremists with the Muslim community and by critics of Islam. This essay examines the meaning of Jihad based primarily on the Quranic sources in the hope that it will provide instruction to both Muslims and others who wish to use the idea of Jihad in their narratives.

Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Journalists' guide - Violent Extremism: Definition and Terminology

Author:

Skender Perteshi

Date:

May 2018

This guide is an effort by the Kosovo Center for Security Studies (KCSS) to address, in cooperation with Kosovo media, the absence of a compendium of the terminology and practices, in order to properly respond to the need for more accurate and substantive surveys and reporting on the phenomenon of violent extremism in Kosovo. This guide is a product of KCCS’s research and of the longstanding experience of its researchers on recognizing and studying violent extremism and its origin in Kosovo, compiled with the support of the US Department of State and the US Embassy in Kosovo and through broad consultations with Kosovo media news desks, editors, journalists and local reporters from municipalities and the capital.

Through this document, the KCSS aims to initiate a process of cooperation, which has already proven to be fruitful, among Kosovo media, researchers and civil society to push forward a progressive agenda that focuses its efforts on the democratization of the public sphere and the promotion of a genuine debate on informing Kosovo citizens as accurately as possible. Despite being primarily intended for use by the media, this guide is an initial effort to harmonize the knowledge on violent extremism and to clarify a host of issues pertaining to this phenomenon. It is also intended for use by Kosovo institutions, non-governmental organizations, research institutes, analysts and commentators, and all researchers seeking basic knowledge on violent extremism.

In addition, this guide provides an overview of the background and main established facts on violent extremism in Kosovo, an overview of the legal aspects related to tackling this phenomenon, some international media practices on reporting on specific terrorist groups and terrorist attacks, and a glossary of over 7,000 words employed in the propaganda effort of the Islamic State terrorist organization, which have not been previously used in Kosovo, in order to increase the media's awareness of the usages of these words or terms in their reports

E n quelques années à peine, le terme de radicalisation semble être devenu un « buzzword », un « concept attrape-tout » dans le champ des études sur le terrorisme, comme chez les praticiens de l’antiterrorisme. Souvent pointée du doigt comme un « concept essentiellement contesté », cette notion de radicalisation fait aujourd’hui l’objet de nombreuses critiques et de débats. Alors que certains s’interrogent sur le sens précis à attribuer à ce concept, d’autres remettent en question son utilité scientifique. Criti-
qué comme une coquille vide par certains, il n’en demeure pas moins que cette notion de radicalisation fait aujourd’hui office de paradigme central dans les études portant sur le terrorisme et la militance clandestine violente au sens large. À cet égard, il nous semble important d’en évoquer le rayonnement et de proposer à une discussion critique ses diverses implications théoriques. Cet exercice permet, à notre sens, de mieux nous
saisir des controverses théoriques actuelles et d’esquisser, en retour, les avenues de théorisation qui en découlent.