CVE

Preoccupation with the effort to fight extremist propaganda in an increasingly complex information environment has produced an overwhelming amount of literature from professors, practitioners, policymakers, and pundits. The problem of terrorist messaging is easily defined; solutions, in the form of effective counter-narrative strategies and the tools to disseminate them, are much harder to come by. Kurt Braddock's "Weaponized Words: The Strategic Role of Persuasion in Violent Radicalization and Counter-Radicalization" takes this on, providing well-researched and relatively jargon-free guidelines to the development of persuasive counter-narratives and the use of emerging communications technologies to fight back.

Since the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, media sources have instilled a fear of Muslims in Western countries by portraying them as a homogenous, irrational group that can be triggered into extreme violence. Such narratives on Muslims encouraged perceptions that the planet is divided into incompatible cultural domains, as proposed by Samuel Huntington in The Clash of Civilizations, and laid the groundwork for marginalizing Muslims within Western societies. Mohsin Hamid appropriated the use of these narrative devices in his work, The Reluctant Fundamentalist, to expose how the media and governments exaggerated and generalized the so-called threat posed by Muslims in the West. This paper compares the narrative devices exposed by Hamid in the construction of the Muslim threat with the techniques used by the government of Stephen Harper to justify legislative and policy changes that marginalized and vilified Muslims in Canada.

General anesthesia and regional anesthesia have both been shown to be suitable techniques for patients undergoing lower thoracic and lumbar spine surgery; however, GA is the most frequently used method. The purpose of this study was to conduct an acceptable RCT to compare the intraoperative parameters and postoperative outcome after SA and GA in patients undergoing elective lumbar disk surgery.Patients undergoing laminectomy for herniated lumbar disk during the years 2005 and 2007 were enrolled. They were randomly selected to undergo GA and SA. The variables recorded during the operation were the patients' HR, MAP, amount of blood loss, and surgeons' satisfaction with the operating conditions. The severity of pain, nausea, vomiting, and length of stay in the hospital were recorded in the postoperative course.The mean blood loss was less in the group undergoing GA; however, the difference was not statistically significant. The surgeon's satisfaction was reported to be higher in the GA group. No major intraoperative complication was reported in either series. During the recovery period, hypertension was reported to happen more frequently in the patients undergoing GA; and postoperative nausea and vomiting were more frequent among patients recovering from SA.Contrary to previous studies, the findings of the present study revealed that SA has no advantages over GA. Moreover, it was showed that GA can reduce the related risks and complications in several aspects.

This article seeks to examine the impact of the global war on terror around two main issues: the (mis)use of the war on terror rhetoric by politicians and the impact this has on Islamically associated activism. Instead of encouraging security, new forms of counter-insurgency practise such as countering violent extremism (CVE) programmes empower the very illiberal forces good-governance programmes proport to be combatting. What is more, this context forces us to rethink neat geographical boundaries separating Europe, the Balkans and the Middle East.

We present our experience with a usability evaluation of two prototype CVE applications being developed by the COVEN project. The applications are a teleconferenci ng system aimed at future business users of CVEs, and a holiday planning environment for the use of the general public. Our concerns in the evaluations were three fold: to refine the design of these applications,

The quality of studies drawing primary data from terrorists and violent extremist respondents varies substantially, with this body of literature exhibiting a variety of repeating methodological issues. For instance, researchers often uncritically accept interviewee responses at face value, overlook key theoretical insights, downplay or neglect potentially important explanatory variables, fail to offer sufficient information about their sampling methods, and deliver findings with inferences beyond what their sample allows. Indeed, certain studies demonstrate a number of these flaws, including the United Nations Development Programme’s recently published Journey to Extremism in Africa report. Within this context, the dual purposes of this article are (a) to discuss ways to overcome these specific methodological problems, and (b) to provide broader guidance for face-to-face research with such respondents.

Despite the military efforts of the Kenyan, Ethiopian, and Somali Federal governments, the collaboration of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces with US and coalition forces, and despite the enormous tactical and strategic setbacks that al-Shabaab has faced over the last five years, its insurgency in the Horn of Africa (HoA) remains resilient. The Kenyan government's approach to stemming domestic recruitment to al-Shabaab remains fixated on law enforcement control and surveillance. As a result, many Somali communities are subject to daily crackdowns, interrogations, and discriminatory profiling practices whose negative effects are only heightened by current tribal and clan-based tensions in the country. Current scholarly evaluations of Kenya's 'Countering Violent Extremism' (CVE) & 'Preventing Violent Extremism' (PVE) policies tend to adhere to three major approaches: top-down evaluations by elites repeatedly locating the protection of national security in inter-agency cooperation; bottom-up CVE/PVE evaluations placing primacy on the voices of Muslim community elders, such as imams, social workers, parents, and community leaders for interventions with at-risk youth; and social scientific evaluations of CVE/PVE policy through empirical exploration of the push and pull factors of youth recruitment into militancy. To date, there is a dearth of studies asking what Kenyan youth leaders think about CVE/PVE policies especially in light of the fact that they are often the main targets of al-Shabaab attacks. This study has one key objective: to use input from Kenyan youth to evaluate the effectiveness, suitability, and appropriateness of Kenya's current CVE/PVE policies in order to dissect their utility, inefficiencies, and possible harms, and contribute to the academic and policy discussions on the best CVE/PVE policy mix.

In this paper we will give a short overview of the areas where VRML —the Virtual Reality Modelling Lan- guage— has to be extended in order to support collaborative virtual environments on the Internet. We will present extensions which allow an adequate representation of the individual participant within the virtual world. We will show how our approach supports shared interactions

Since the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States, there has been greater interest in countering violent extremism. Due to the U.S.-led " War on Terror, " madrassas in Pakistan have received international attention for initiating peace education programs through international NGOs. The motivation to work in madrassas is that erstwhile studies have blamed the madrassa education system for the lack of critical thinking and the vulnerability of madrassa students to extremist ideologies. While peace education interventions in Pakistan have continued for over a decade, there is a scarcity of scholarly assessments. This article aims to bridge that gap by analyzing the causes and consequences of extremism, particularly violent extremism in Pakistan, to make a case for and critically examine the application of peace education.

American national security is a priority that crosses partisan lines. Americans of all races, ethnicities, and religions are equally concerned with ensuring our country is safe from violence – whether politically motivated terrorism, state violence, or violent crime. Furthermore, we all share an interest in preventing violence before it occurs. Toward that end, citizens and elected officials have a responsibility to carefully examine whether the methods we are using to prevent terrorism are effective.

In 2011, the Obama administration initiated a “Countering Violent Extremism” program purportedly aimed at tackling the underlying causes that may contribute to terrorism domestically and abroad. According to the White House, “CVE efforts address the root causes of extremism through community engagement” and “the underlying premise of the approach to countering violent extremism in the United States is that (1) communities provide the solution to violent extremism; and (2) CVE efforts are best pursued at the local level, tailored to local dynamics, where local officials continue to build relationships within their communities through established community policing and community outreach mechanisms.” In January 2017, the Trump administration announced it would change the name of the program to “Countering Islamic Extremism” to reflect his administration’s intentions to focus exclusively on terrorism committed by individuals claiming to be Muslim, while excluding terrorism committed by others including White Supremacists. Notwithstanding the outcry by civil rights advocates on Trump’s renaming of the program, CVE has always been focused on Muslim communities in the United States. Trump’s actions merely validated what critics of the program claimed all along.

Despite the Obama administration’s lofty rhetoric, this article argues that CVE programs are fundamentally flawed for three reasons: they are counterproductive, unnecessary, and a waste of government resources. Government programs seeking to build community resilience are most effective when administered by social service agencies with the requisite expertise, not law enforcement agencies.

Accordingly, this article addresses four fundamental flaws with CVE:

1) CVE programs securitize Muslim communities and validate terrorists’ narratives that America is at war with Islam;

2) CVE programs are unnecessary to prevent domestic terrorism;

3) CVE programs are a waste of government resources; and

4) government funds for community development and resilience should be funded and administered by social service agencies without law enforcement control.

SQL injections attacks have been rated as the most dangerous vulnerability of web-based systems over more than a decade by OWASP top ten. Though different static, runtime and hybrid approaches have been proposed to counter SQL injection attacks, no single approach guarantees flawless prevention/ detection for these attacks. Hundreds of components of open source and commercial software products are reported to be vulnerable for SQL injection to CVE repository every year. In this mapping study, we identify different existing approaches in terms of the cost of computation and protection offered. We found that most of the existing techniques claim to offer protection based on the testing on a very small or limited scale. This study dissects each proposed approach and highlights their strengths and weaknesses and categorizes them based on the underlying technology used to detect or counter the injection attacks.

Our nation has a unique, long-cherished commitment to religious freedom. Indeed, the first wave of immigrants came seeking refuge from religious persecution in Europe. The free exercise of religion, regardless of one’s religious beliefs, is a fundamental right guaranteed to all Americans and embodied in the First Amendment to our Constitution. As a result, America has become a diverse nation enriched by its multiple religious communities that practice their faiths freely and peacefully. America’s unique cultural tolerance for religious diversity is due in large part to the enforcement of constitutional rights and statutory laws that protect individuals and congregations from discrimination in public accommodations, education, and employment.

While most people in America voluntarily comply with anti-discrimination laws based on a personal commitment to equality and justice for all, religious bigotry exists in American society. One need only review the increasing number of lawsuits filed by the EEOC over the past ten years. In 1997, religious discrimination lawsuits made up only 2.1% of the EEOC’s docket. By 2010, the rate of discrimination lawsuits increased significantly to 3.8%. Similarly, religious discrimination charges filed with the EEOC increased dramatically by 35% from 2001 to 2008. A disproportionate number of religious discrimination charges were filed by employees who wear headscarves, turbans, or beards for religious reasons because these practices carry a stigma that falsely stereotype them as terrorist, disloyal, or suspect.

In the years immediately following the tragic September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, there was an upsurge in hatred, violence, and discrimination against Muslims, Arabs and South Asians. Despite the passage of more than ten years, pervasive discrimination persists due to a variety of factors that directly impact the workplace. For example, media images stereotyping, darkskinned, bearded males with Arabic-sounding names as representing the primary threat to the national security of the United States contribute to racial, national origin, and religious harassment in the workplace. Government selective counter-terrorism practices and policies have institutionalized a policy of discrimination against persons perceived to be Muslim, Arab, Middle Eastern, or South Asian on the basis of their name, race, religion, ethnicity, and national origin. The government’s disparate treatment of these communities, based on the pretext of national security, legitimizes workplace harassment. The result is a conflation of the racial Arab or South Asian with the religious category of Muslim coupled with the misperception that Islam is a radical and violent religion. Therefore, efforts aimed at combatting post-9/11 religious discrimination must adopt a holistic approach that rectifies the “bias legitimizing” actions of other government agencies.

Accordingly, my recommendations are as follow:

1. Adopt creative legal theories of liability and use case briefs to educate judges about post-9/11 religious discrimination;

2. Train federal agencies about the adverse workplace consequences of selective law enforcement and immigration enforcement;

3. Train private sector employers about the rise in religious discrimination and how to proactively prevent it;

4. Normalize images of religious minorities in government publications; and

5. Diversify points of contact in outreach to religious communities about their legal rights and remedies.

Messaging has been an important aspect of the public outreach of the violent extremist organisation commonly known as Boko Haram. While significant attention has been given to what Boko Haram has done in terms of violent attacks, less has been devoted to what Boko Haram has said in terms of messaging content. By examining its record of public statements, important clues can be gleaned regarding the otherwise secretive group's operational processes and strategic outlook.

Syftet med min avhandling är att utifrån teoribildningen om sociala representationer söka förståelse för hurudana självrepresentationer unga muslimer som rest till Syrien under konflikten och återvänt har av sig själva samt hur de upplever att de positioneras av omvärlden. Jag är även intresserad av hurdana behov de anser sig själva ha efter hemkomsten. Vidare granskar jag hur aktörer inom Finlands Exit-verksamhet ser på de unga vuxna samt hurudana behov de professionella uppfattar att dessa unga har. Avhandlingen avser redogöra för eventuella skillnader och likheter mellan de ovannämnda gruppernas uppfattningar samt diskutera möjliga konsekvenser av dessa i kontexten politiska åtgärder mot radikalisering och terrorism. I dagens läge är forskningsfältet gällande Syrienresenärer bristfälligt, trots ständigt pågående diskussioner gällande myndighetsåtgärder och stödtjänster för återvändande Syrienresenärer. Därmed är syftet att bidra med kunskap inom socialt arbete gällande återvändande Syrienresenärers livssituationer och behov av stöd.

Som datainsamlingsmetod valde jag kvalitativ intervju. Fyra intervjuer gjordes med professionella involverade i Finlands Exitverksamhet. Därtill intervjuade jag tre unga vuxna som återvänt från Syrien till Finland och en ung vuxen som fortfarande befann sig i Syrien. Av de fyra professionella som jag intervjuat till min studie arbetar tre personer inom den tredje sektorn och en för finska myndigheter. De unga vuxna jag intervjuat har alla finländskt medborgarskap, gruppen består av både män och kvinnor och samtliga är muslimer, en del berättar att de börjat praktisera religionen först i tonåren eller vuxen ålder. Alla de unga vuxna jag intervjuat har tillbringat kortare eller längre tider i Syrien.

Studien visar att de personer som intervjuats rest med intentioner att hjälpa de lidande i Syrien genom humanitär hjälpverksamhet. En del av de unga vuxna var beredda att delta i militär krigsföring mot Bashar al-Assads regeringsstyrkor inför resan till Syrien, men deltog aldrig i strider på plats. De huvudsakliga motiven bakom samtliga informanters resor till Syrien verkar ha varit ett starkt medkännande med lidande muslimer samt upplevelser av ett hårt samhällsklimat, känsla av utanförskap och islamofobi i hemlandet Finland.

De centrala teman som framträdde i de unga vuxnas berättelser om tiden efter hemkomsten var upplevelser av behov, möten med myndigheter, vikten av kulturell och religiös förståelse, vikten av rätt terminologi, upplevelser av skam samt konstruktionen av en positiv själv-identitet. Sammanfattningsvis visar resultatet i studien att den mediala och samhälleliga representation av Syrienresenärer upplevs som ensidig, stigmatiserande, felaktigt vinklad och en stereotyperad syn på Syrienresenärer som kriminella, potentiella terrorister och dehumaniserade individer. Syrienresenärer kategoriseras som ”den Andra”, en representation som både de unga och de professionella tar tydligt avstånd från. De unga vuxna positionerar sig genom sina tal som vanliga unga vuxna i förhållande till representationen om unga Syrienresenärer som hot mot samhällets säkerhet och som riskindivider. De positionerar sig som individer med mångfacetterade motiv bakom sina resor, i motsats till den upplevda ensidiga och misstolkade framställningen av dem som ett kollektiv av radikala och kriminella individer. På basen av de unga vuxnas berättelser kan man dra slutsatsen att alla återvändande Syrienresenärer inte behöver stödåtgärder efter hemkomsten. Dock kan man konstatera att en del av de återvändande kan befinna sig i en extra sårbar situation vid hemkomsten. De största behoven bland återvändande ungdomar efter hemkomsten framträder dock som behov av ett gott och neutralt bemötande från myndigheter, oavsett personens bakgrund och eventuella brottsutredningar. Behovet av praktisk hjälp och handledning framträder även som en vital del för en del av de återvändande. En del av de professionella motiverar stödåtgärderna för unga efter hemkomsten med en minimering av säkerhetsrisk, en representation om unga återvändande förankrade i en riskdiskurs, vilket de unga i sin tur tydligt tar avstånd från i sina uttalanden.

Scholars have critiqued the incorporation of gender into counterterrorism and countering violent extremism programs, noting they have instrumentalized the Women Peace and Security (WPS) agenda toward state-centric goals and essentialized the women (and men) they encounter. Furthermore, as Huckerby has outlined, the explicit inclusion of gender in security policy can produce specific gendered security harms: coercive and noncoercive practices, securitization of women's rights, and lack of attention to the gendered effects of seemingly gender-neutral policy. This article engages Huckerby's work to explore the gendered security harms produced in Nigeria's counterinsurgency against “Boko Haram.” It suggests first that a simplistic approach to ‘women’, rather than gendered power relations, leaves Nigeria ill-equipped to respond to the complex gendered dynamics of jihadist actors in the Northeast. Second, a neglect of human rights and the role of state actors in abuses actively enables gendered security harms. The article concludes that Nigeria is therefore still failing to protect women.

One of the biggest challenges to conducting research on radicalization to violent extremism is how to further knowledge in the absence of easy access to radical individuals. This lack of access makes it particularly difficult to fulfill the demand for original data on radicalization to violent extremism and on strategies to counter it.

This chapter presents the Royal United Services Institute’s (RUSI) effort to overcome this challenge. RUSI’s milieu approach takes into consideration the importance of the context in which specific cases of radicalization take place. This is based on an understanding that research participants within these areas are able to relay contextual information about potential grievances or broader incentives impacting radicalization. The chapter highlights that these participants are frequently able to share actual knowledge of radicalization based on their lived experiences and knowledge of events affecting friends, colleagues, and family members. This approach additionally recognizes the expertise of local communities and positions authorities to learn from them.

The chapter presents the theoretical basis and the practical implications (site selection, identifying and accessing participants; selecting research methods; and analyzing data) of applying the milieu approach using case study examples of research conducted by RUSI. These include a five-country study (UK, Canada, France, Germany and the Netherlands) on gender and radicalization, research on radicalization among internally displaced persons (IDPs) and host communities in Iraq, and the radicalization of Central Asian labor migrants in Russia. The chapter highlights the challenges faced, ways of overcoming them, and key takeaways and recommendations for those interested in applying the milieu approach.

In many cases of jihadist radicalisation, the direct environment perceived signs and/or knew about the plans of the individual to join a terrorist group (Gill et al., 2014, p. 429). Yet, it can be assumed that only a small number of these persons reported their observations to the competent authorities. The fear of putting the relationship with the radicalising individual or themselves at risk can lead these persons to keep their observations a secret (Williams et al., 2015). This paper argues that the establishment of local points of contact where trained resources persons operate as so-called gatekeepers (Williams et al., 2015, p. 45) could be a meaningful step towards overcoming the lack of trust in the relevant CVE service providers. The establishment of these points of contact as exemplified by the regional prevention network of the Federal State Democracy Centre Baden-Wuerttemberg advances the crucial transition from prevention work to deradicalisation through the qualification of locally embedded resource persons. The points of contact can implement prevention strategies in the districts which are tailored to local requirements and specificities (White House, 2015). Therefore, local points of contact operate at the intersection of prevention work and the federal deradicalisation unit. The concept of a regional prevention network demonstrates the possibility to establish an early warning system with respect to the radicalisation of youths.

Despite much talk about infiltration of ISIS into Latin America and participation from Latino Muslims, there is no concrete evidence yet. Latin America still represents the safest continent on the earth from ISIS threat. When we look at the recruitment strategy of ISIS, social media comes as a surprisingly first way of attracting young people to its ideology. Latin American Muslims are extremely well connected to social media, through which many of them do not only learn about Islam; but also feel close to Arabic or Middle Eastern culture. Yet, the strong presence of Latino Muslims in online spaces did not yield a success attracting Latinos to ISIS via these channels. Are Latino Muslims immune from ISIS’s attractiveness? What makes them keep away from ISIS’s social media messages and recruitment strategies? This article argues that this can only be explained with the nature of the socio-political context in which young and social media addicted Latino Muslims live.

This research provides a preliminary evidence base to understand the extent to which violent extremist narratives have a wider resonance with men in Victoria, Australia. It identifies key sites and points at which the construction of masculinity in men intersect with, and challenge, extremist conceptions. It consequently provides an insight into where the potential appeal of extremist narratives can be challenged most effectively.

For over two decades, preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) has proven a daunting challenge for foreign assistance policy makers and implementers. The challenges are rooted in its rapid emergence, continuous and uneven development, and lingering skepticism about its future and effectiveness. The purpose of this study is to provide policy makers and practitioners with a deeper understanding of how certain factors have driven the development of P/CVE policy. The research questions focused on the nature of policy alignment at all policy levels and the identification and nature of the factors that have driven rapid P/CVE policy change. The theoretical framework included the use of punctuated equilibrium theory, policy feedback theory, and path dependence. A qualitative case study and document analysis design was used. The study completed 7 semi-structured interviews with P/CVE specialists and a document analysis of 37 policy documents. Data from the interviews and documents were coded and categorized for thematic analysis and comparison. Results indicated a robust policy alignment across policy levels but also reflected a very uneven policy evolution due to numerous intervening factors. Participants also expressed a significant degree of skepticism about P/CVE effectiveness and its distinctiveness from other development tools.  The implications for social change include informing practitioners and policy makers of the importance of effective, coordinated, and well-considered P/CVE policy at all levels of government. Doing so assists policy makers and practitioners to achieve important foreign assistance objectives and improve the lives of those adversely affected around the world.

Violent extremism has become the global concern especially after the beginning of 21st Century. Therefore, understanding the various aspects of violent extremism particularly multifaceted communication strategies which will be fit to handle the modern challenges has become imperative. On incidences of terrorism and violent extremism, Pakistan has lost on socio, economic, cultural and educational grounds. Meanwhile, there are contending positions that the incessant attacks are due to the gap in proper Communication between security apparatus, government and the extremist groups. In view of this, the article examines the roles of strategic communication in the countering of violent extremism and its influence on Pakistani society. The paper also brought to the open, some of the critical context and drivers of violent extremism. Based on this, the paper proffers a model which captured the contemporary communication strategies for countering violent extremism. It also argues that strategic communication can be assimilated into policies and actions of the major stakeholders as a strategic measure to handle the radicalized and violent extremism. Moreover, with the help of few judicious approaches/strategies, a balance and a moderate society can be established. Further to this are the ideal practices being recommended in line with the theory of strategic communication planning format that will not only help in tackling extremism but also bringing peace.

Nowadays there are an increasing evolution of technological solutions providing the virtual collaboration among people geographically distributed to obtain some common goals. At the same time virtual collaborative environments are often used for learning purposes because increase the interaction among users. These systems are usually developed in a custom way according to the specific requirements without any kind of standardization in terms of definition of collaboration among involved users. Although the literature shows attempts to formally express learning processes through a standard language, there are not proposals that combine e-learning languages with typical concepts of 3D collaborative experiences. This paper propose a notation model able to design collaboration for e-learning virtual environments. In this paper we present also the architecture of a tool that helps the designer in the use of the notation model here proposed.

The terrorist organization, Daesh, also known as the so-called ‘Islamic State/IS/ISIS/ISIL’, has launched an extremely sophisticated information campaign targeting a wide range of audiences around the world to gain support for its expansion in the Middle East. Daesh first strategic success was the public address of self-styled Caliph Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi proclaiming the existence of a renewed Islamic Caliphate. The speech drew immediate and lasting attention.
The NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence was asked to conduct research into Daesh information strategy in order to gain a better understanding of how the Daesh information campaign is managed, and to propose practical solutions concerning the situation in the Middle East.
The methodology for analysing Daesh information strategy included examining the issue from a number of aspects related to strategic communications such as social psychology, communication, and social media analysis. The work was done in collaboration with experts and advisors from NATO member states in order to achieve the best result.
StratCom COE research into Daesh information strategy shows that the spectrum of the problem is much greater than only recruitment and radicalization alone.