Guido Sprenger
Universität Heidelberg, Institute of Anthropology, Faculty Member
- Southeast Asia, Ritual, Identity, Kinship, Myth, Gift Exchange, and 17 moreAnimism, Social and Cultural Anthropology, Laos (Lao PDR), Culture, Human-Environment Relations, Sexuality And Culture, Anthropology and Sexuality, Gift Giving (Economic Anthropology), Ethnicity, Social Systems Theory, Niklas Luhmann, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Structuralism, Ontology, Zomia, Anthropology of Dreams and Dreaming, and Lametedit
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Research Interests: Southeast Asia and Plural
People engage in transactions because they expect to bring about certain futures. This suggests replacing Marcel Mauss's three obligations of gift exchange—giving, taking, and returning—with the notion of expectations. From this... more
People engage in transactions because they expect to bring about certain futures. This suggests replacing Marcel Mauss's three obligations of gift exchange—giving, taking, and returning—with the notion of expectations. From this perspective, three contingencies constitute gift exchange: gifts create futures that remain indeterminate; they presuppose a social whole whose boundaries are unclear; and they visibly constitute opaque persons. Reconsidering gift exchange in these terms provides a set of analytical terms, like strong and weak expectations, moral horizons of value systems, and the opacity of personhood, that can be applied to sharing and commodity trade as well. This constitutes a dynamic and expansive theory for the analysis and comparison of case studies that understands society as a shared project of expecting the future.
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What if the institutions of modern society were not informed by the ideas of Descartes or Adam Smith but by those of Mauss, Viveiros de Castro or their anthropological inspirations? This extrapolation would lead to counterintuitive... more
What if the institutions of modern society were not informed by the ideas of Descartes or Adam Smith but by those of Mauss, Viveiros de Castro or their anthropological inspirations? This extrapolation would lead to counterintuitive utopias, to institutions that are always in the making, but that nevertheless offer alternative ways of dealing with xenophobia, capitalism or the environmental crisis. Xenophobia would be countered by the model of the stranger king, the integration of the stranger as a necessity for a complete society. Capitalism would be restricted to the market and subordinated to the principles of gift exchange. An objectifying notion of nature would be complemented by practices of animism that enable a moral relationship with non-humans. The value of otherness and concepts of personhood unite these three approaches.
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People engage in transactions because they expect to bring about certain futures. This suggests replacing Marcel Mauss's three obligations of gift exchange-giving, taking, and returning-with the notion of expectations. From this... more
People engage in transactions because they expect to bring about certain futures. This suggests replacing Marcel Mauss's three obligations of gift exchange-giving, taking, and returning-with the notion of expectations. From this perspective, three contingencies constitute gift exchange: gifts create futures that remain indeterminate; they presuppose a social whole whose boundaries are unclear; and they visibly constitute opaque persons. Reconsidering gift exchange in these terms provides a set of analytical terms, like strong and weak expectations, moral horizons of value systems, and the opacity of personhood, that can be applied to sharing and commodity trade as well. This constitutes a dynamic and expansive theory for the analysis and comparison of case studies that understands society as a shared project of expecting the future.
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What if the institutions of modern society were not informed by the ideas of Descartes or Adam Smith but by those of Mauss, Viveiros de Castro or their anthropological inspirations? This extrapolation would lead to counterintui-tive... more
What if the institutions of modern society were not informed by the ideas of Descartes or Adam Smith but by those of Mauss, Viveiros de Castro or their anthropological inspirations? This extrapolation would lead to counterintui-tive utopias, to institutions that are always in the making, but that nevertheless offer alternative ways of dealing with xenophobia, capitalism or the environmental crisis. Xenophobia would be countered by the model of the stranger king, the integration of the stranger as a necessity for a complete society. Capitalism would be restricted to the market and subordinated to the principles of gift exchange. An objectifying notion of nature would be complemented by practices of animism that enable a moral relationship with non-humans. The value of otherness and concepts of per-sonhood unite these three approaches.
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Religious phenomena in Laos contain numerous examples of decentered and relational concepts of personhood, manifest in shamanic trance, wandering witchcraft spirits and soul loss. Possession in particular represents a connection between... more
Religious phenomena in Laos contain numerous examples of decentered and relational concepts of personhood, manifest in shamanic trance, wandering witchcraft spirits and soul loss. Possession in particular represents a connection between non-Buddhist uplands and Buddhist lowlands. The Rmeet, Mon-Khmer-speaking uplanders, provide examples of folded personhood – persons whose various aspects sometimes represent a coherent whole and sometimes split off, forming separate person-like entities. Folded persons can be positively valued, like in shamans’ relationships with their helping spirits, or negatively, as in witchcraft spirits. Both forms are associated with other phenomena, like soul journeys and dangerous shapeshifters. These forms all relate to the manipulation of processes that recreate life, particularly marriage. This also links them to lowland Theravada Buddhist forms of witchcraft, that equally derive from an abusive form of a central exchange relationship.
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Comparison is not only the foundation of anthropology, but may even be a human universal.It is a practice that emerges from the perception of cultural difference. Therefore, not only modern academics compare – comparison is always... more
Comparison is not only the foundation of anthropology, but may even be a human universal.It is a practice that emerges from the perception of cultural difference. Therefore, not only modern academics compare – comparison is always embedded in specific cultural relationships. This article shows how Rmeet uplanders in northern Laos and Jru’ in the south employ comparison when they talk about ethnic and religious difference. In particular, they compare their own ritual system with translocal and national Buddhism. They thus practice comparison in the sense that comparison is part of transcultural relationships and the valorization of cultural representations. This occurs in a framework of distinctions between Buddhism and its manifold “animist” others, which provides two bases of comparison – the otherness inbuilt into Buddhism and the adaptability of animism. Uplanders thus find themselves cast in the position of Buddhism’s other and construct the relationships in terms of reversible hierarchies.
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The term "animism" is at once a fantasy internal to modernity and a semiotic conduit enabling a serious inquiry into non-modern phenomena that radically call into question the modern distinction of nature and culture. Therefore, I suggest... more
The term "animism" is at once a fantasy internal to modernity and a semiotic conduit enabling a serious inquiry into non-modern phenomena that radically call into question the modern distinction of nature and culture. Therefore, I suggest that the labelling of people, practices or ideas as "animist" is a strategic one. I also raise the question if animism can help to solve the modern ecological crisis that allegedly stems from the nature-culture divide. In particular, animism makes it possible to recognize personhood in non-humans, thus creating moral relationships with the non-human world. A number of scholars and activists identify animism as respect for all living beings and as intimate relationships with nature and its spirits. However, this argument still presupposes the fixity of the ontological status of beings as alive or persons. A different view of animism highlights concepts of fluid and unstable persons that emerge from ongoing communicative processes. I argue that the kind of attentiveness that drives fluid personhood may be supportive of a politics of life that sees relationships with non-humans in terms of moral commitment.
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Südostasien: Der Umgang mit Geistern wird von jenen, die sich modern nennen, oft verächtlich gemacht: als angst-besetzt, als hinterwäldlerisch, als rückwärts gewandt. Dennoch bietet Animismus gegenüber Modernisierungs-Doktrinen oder... more
Südostasien: Der Umgang mit Geistern wird von jenen, die sich modern nennen, oft verächtlich gemacht: als angst-besetzt, als hinterwäldlerisch, als rückwärts gewandt. Dennoch bietet Animismus gegenüber Modernisierungs-Doktrinen oder Weltreligionen den Vorteil, dass er sich an der lokalen Alltagswelt der Menschen orientiert. Denn es geht dabei um Dialog statt um Indoktrination.
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Drawing on ethnographic observations in Lao markets and bazaars, this article proposes a new and experimental framework for the analysis of multi-ethnic trading. It explores bazaars and trade as sites of the (re-)production of ethnicity... more
Drawing on ethnographic observations in Lao markets and bazaars, this article proposes a new and experimental framework for the analysis of multi-ethnic trading. It explores bazaars and trade as sites of the (re-)production of ethnicity through the perspective of gift exchange theory. On markets, transcultural differences can be identified and stabilized through the exchange of goods and money. This draws attention to the role of trade items as foci – and perhaps even as non-human agents – in the emergence of ethnicity and other forms of local identity. The value of items’ specific origins is thus linked to social structure. This helps us to see how the shaping of group identity can be better understood by considering how the goods they bring to market carry with them some features of the gift.
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In mainland Southeast Asia, the center-periphery relation structures both upland and lowland socialities and provides a background on which current ideas of indigeneity unfold. This relation is articulated in rituals, in the structure of... more
In mainland Southeast Asia, the center-periphery relation structures both upland and lowland socialities and provides a background on which current ideas of indigeneity unfold. This relation is articulated in rituals, in the structure of settlements, and in myths and other cultural representations. However, there has been little attempt to compare types of center and periphery Relations between ethnicities. This article proposes such a comparison between the Rmeet of Laos and the Yao/Iu Mien, an ethnicity that has migrated from southern China across Laos to Thailand. It proposes that at least two types of center-periphery relation can be found among these groups, one characterized by continuity and replication, the other by contrast and boundary maintenance. It also proposes that besides the dominant method of articulating center and periphery in each society, subordinate models exist. This comparison is enabled by a synthetic series of theoretical models that structure analytical terms.
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This article addresses the question how extraordinary mental states, specifically 'dissociation' and social ideology interact with each other, from an anthropological perspective. This process is shaped by values and ideas of the society... more
This article addresses the question how extraordinary mental states, specifically 'dissociation' and social ideology interact with each other, from an anthropological perspective. This process is shaped by values and ideas of the society in question, as manifest in the concept of the person. Two types of societies are contrasted with each other: Rmeet (Lamet) society in Laos conceives persons as functions of reproductive social relations, in particular those of kinship. The shaman, who is temporarily possessed by spirits, appears as an extension of this concept. This is contrasted by modern European societies with their ideology of individualism, which conceives dissociation as a problem and associates it with the margins of sociality, like mental disease.
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Upland pioneering involves variations of two themes: drawing in power from the outside and the transcendence of local bounded social entities. Both integrate the distinction between inside and outside at the base of sociality in upland... more
Upland pioneering involves variations of two themes: drawing in power from the outside and the transcendence of local bounded social entities. Both integrate the distinction between inside and outside at the base of sociality in upland Southeast Asia. Pioneering is a valorised activity that continuously takes on new forms and thereby exemplifies the dynamics of inside and outside. Data from the Rmeet in Laos show that these movements have a gendered dimension.
Research Interests: Anthropology, Social Anthropology, Laos (Lao PDR), Gender, Mobility, and 4 moreZomia, Innovation, Lamet, and Rmeet
James C. Scott claimed that upland Southeast Asians consider their good life as dependent on their autonomy from the state. Given that the state today is present in various forms in the uplands, current uplanders can be considered as... more
James C. Scott claimed that upland Southeast Asians consider their good life as dependent on their autonomy from the state. Given that the state today is present in various forms in the uplands, current uplanders can be considered as post-Zomian. Staying and moving represent two contrastive values in this region whose realisation serves to make a good life possible. This article considers these values through the issue of resettlement in Laos, a situation in which local values intersect with or contradict government planning. Even in situations in which the state demonstrates its hegemony and force, ethnic Rmeet uplanders tend to stress their own agency. Therefore, resettlement and its avoidance may both appear as the realisation of local values, sometimes in the shape of ‘village agency’, as the good life is seen as life in a community.
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Our recent discovery and excavation of a series of iron smelting furnaces, dated to the eighth and ninth century CE, near upland Rmet villages in northwest Laos, potentially sheds new light on the role of regional upland groups during the... more
Our recent discovery and excavation of a series of iron smelting furnaces, dated to the eighth and ninth century CE, near upland Rmet villages in northwest Laos, potentially sheds new light on the role of regional upland groups during the immediate pre-Tai period. The oral tradition associated with these furnaces emphasises the role of an ancient population of metallurgists who left the area under pressure from the Rmet. These stories could refer to the actual arrival and departure (immigration and emigration) of a population of metallurgists in that area sometime during the second half of the first millennium CE or they can support the scenario of a dissimilation process. The latter would explain the existence of a Rmet subculture that the locals regard as ‘Chueang Lavae’ villages, a differentiation that Karl G. Izikowitz had labelled ‘Upper Lamet’ in the 1930s. Our finds show that archaeology and ethnology can both contribute to a much-needed reformulation of upland Lao history.
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Debates on the taxonomy of transaction types have been a fertile source of analysis and comparison of societies. The present contribution aims at describing types of relationships in a terminology the renders visible both their... more
Debates on the taxonomy of transaction types have been a fertile source of analysis and comparison of societies. The present contribution aims at describing types of relationships in a terminology the renders visible both their differentiating features and their shared foundations, so as to make possible a more flexible use of categories. The focus is on the question how the concept of sharing relates to the axis of gift and commodity. Starting from the theory of the gift, the term obligation – to give, receive and return – is replaced by the term expectation. This draws attention to three constitutive contradictions of the gift that are found in modified ways in commodity transfers and in sharing: Each transfer makes expectable a future that, however, cannot be determined; each transfer relates to the values of a specific community whose boundaries and coherence always remain ambiguous; transfers constitute persons in a social, even public manner, but they remain opaque. These contradictions define a dynamic field of types of transfer that are variably characterized by weak or strong expectations, differing ranges of value systems and various degrees of opacity and transparence of persons.
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A review article on the anthropology of dreams and dreaming, proposing a new analytic framework for ist study. This field is structured by the tension between "externalist" (usually indigenous) and "internalist" (often scientific)... more
A review article on the anthropology of dreams and dreaming, proposing a new analytic framework for ist study. This field is structured by the tension between "externalist" (usually indigenous) and "internalist" (often scientific) interpretations of dreams, i.e. dreams as communications by Forces external to the dreamer versus dreams as products of internal psychic conditions.
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Among Jru' (Loven) uplanders in southern Laos, three different ecologies intersect. Animism focuses on local non-human persons like rice and earth spirits. Cash cropping elaborates translocal relationships with foreigners and technology,... more
Among Jru' (Loven) uplanders in southern Laos, three different ecologies intersect. Animism focuses on local non-human persons like rice and earth spirits. Cash cropping elaborates translocal relationships with foreigners and technology, but reduces the extent of non-human personhood. Buddhism stresses both the translocal character and the transcendence of non-human persons. Villages are now in transition from subsistence swidden agriculture to coffee production and from animism to Buddhism. These two processes reinforce each other, as the question of non-human personhood defines both the differences and the potential conflicts between ecologies. The translocalization of local reproductive cycles thus conditions the decreased importance of non-humans as persons.
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In Laos, cultural festivals and other forms of ethnic display communicate locality and ethnicity to external agencies, in particular the nation state. This article documents strategies of identity-making in a small festival that was... more
In Laos, cultural festivals and other forms of ethnic display communicate locality and
ethnicity to external agencies, in particular the nation state. This article documents
strategies of identity-making in a small festival that was staged spontaneously in a
Rmeet (Lamet) village. The chosen representations were conventional: dance, music,
clothing. The Rmeet thereby employed a festival code used by numerous minorities
worldwide. But these recently invented traditions are continuous with earlier representations that addressed various categories of strangers, including historic states and nonstate groups. What has changed is the connectivity of the representations. Dance or costume used to represent external relationships in the past, but have been recoded for present use. Moreover, Rmeet have appropriated a New Year’s festival invented by the
neighboring Khmu. Thus, ethnic displays appear as the most recent way of communicatingdifference in a code that connects them with the state, neighboring ethnicities, and a global language of locality.
ethnicity to external agencies, in particular the nation state. This article documents
strategies of identity-making in a small festival that was staged spontaneously in a
Rmeet (Lamet) village. The chosen representations were conventional: dance, music,
clothing. The Rmeet thereby employed a festival code used by numerous minorities
worldwide. But these recently invented traditions are continuous with earlier representations that addressed various categories of strangers, including historic states and nonstate groups. What has changed is the connectivity of the representations. Dance or costume used to represent external relationships in the past, but have been recoded for present use. Moreover, Rmeet have appropriated a New Year’s festival invented by the
neighboring Khmu. Thus, ethnic displays appear as the most recent way of communicatingdifference in a code that connects them with the state, neighboring ethnicities, and a global language of locality.
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Misunderstandings are not only the foundation of social and cultural anthropology but also a necessity in human communication. This article stresses the productive and creative aspects of misunderstanding. In particular, and in... more
Misunderstandings are not only the foundation of social and cultural anthropology but also a necessity in human communication. This article stresses the productive and creative aspects of misunderstanding. In particular, and in complementation to hermeneutic approaches, it stresses the expansive social nature of misunderstandings. Misunderstandings involve more than two speakers, and it should be the aim of an anthropological theory of misunderstandings to follow them through the lines of communication that they produce. In particular, cultural misunderstandings can be seen as the results of contacts between social systems, as theorized by Niklas Luhmann. One important difference is that between structured and unstructured misunderstandings. Structured misunderstandings employ terms and concepts that the partners in communication seemingly share. They communicate mostly successfully although the concepts they use are only superficially similar. This contrasts with unstructured misunderstandings in which concepts are not shared. Both types are exemplified with data from fieldwork in upland Laos. The examples serve to demonstrate that any solution of a misunderstanding is by necessity partial and full understanding would in fact terminate communication instead of reproducing it. Résumé : Le malentendu n'est pas seulement au fondement de l'anthropologie sociale et culturelle : c'est aussi une nécessité pour la communication humaine. Cet article souligne sa dimension productive et créatrice, ainsi que sa nature sociale expansive, au-delà de – et complémentairement à – une approche herméneutique. Les malentendus engagent plus que deux interlocuteurs ; toute théorie anthropologique du malentendu devrait les suivre à travers les lignes de communication qu'ils produisent. Suivant le modèle théorique de Niklas Luhmann, les malentendus culturels peuvent être interprétés comme résultant des contacts entre systèmes sociaux. On peut distinguer malentendus « structurés » et « non structurés ». Les premiers font usage de termes et concepts que les deux parties communicantes partagent apparemment. Ces parties communiquent pour l'essentiel avec succès, même si les concepts qu'elles utilisent ne sont que superficiellement similaires. A l'inverse, lorsque les concepts utilisés ne sont pas partagés par les parties, on est face à un malentendu non structuré. Les deux cas de figure sont exemplifiés au départ de données issues de recherches de terrain dans les hautes terres du Laos. On verra dans les deux cas que toute résolution d'un malentendu ne peut être que partielle et qu'une compréhension parfaite clôturerait la communication au lieu de la prolonger.
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The inclusion of non-humans as persons into social systems raises the question: How exactly are they constituted as communicating beings? This article suggests an approach informed by Niklas Luhmann's theory of autopoietic social systems.... more
The inclusion of non-humans as persons into social systems raises the question: How exactly are they constituted as communicating beings? This article suggests an approach informed by Niklas Luhmann's theory of autopoietic social systems. In particular, it addresses the question why some beings are more person-like in some contexts and more like objects or potencies in others. According to Luhmann, social systems consist not of persons but of self-reproducing, self-referential communications. Communicating beings emerge from communications that systems attribute to actors, not the other way around. The differentiated recognition of communication allows for a gradual, step-by-step ascription of personhood to non-human beings, with the possibility of shifting between ontological states. This approach is illustrated with rituals for agricultural spirits among Rmeet uplanders in Laos.
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Animism refers to ontologies or worldviews which assign agency and personhood to human and non-human beings alike. Recent years have seen a revival of this concept in anthropology, where it is now discussed as an alternative to... more
Animism refers to ontologies or worldviews which assign agency and personhood to human and non-human beings alike. Recent years have seen a revival of this concept in anthropology, where it is now discussed as an alternative to modern-Western naturalistic notions of human-environment relations. Based on original fieldwork, this book presents a number of case studies of animism from insular and peninsular Southeast Asia and offers a comprehensive overview of the phenomenon – its diversity and underlying commonalities and its resilience in the face of powerful forces of change. Critically engaging with the current standard notion of animism, based on hunter-gatherer and horticulturalist societies in other regions, it examines the roles of life forces, souls and spirits in local cosmologies and indigenous religion. It proposes an expansion of the concept to societies featuring mixed farming, sacrifice and hierarchy and explores the question of how non-human agents are created through acts of attention and communication , touching upon the relationship between animist ontologies, world religion, and the state. Shedding new light on Southeast Asian religious ethnographic research, the book is a significant contribution to anthropological theory and the revitalization of the concept of animism in the humanities and social sciences.
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In mainland Southeast Asia, the center-periphery relation structures both upland and lowland socialities and provides a background on which current ideas of indigeneity unfold. This relation is articulated in rituals, in the structure of... more
In mainland Southeast Asia, the center-periphery relation structures both upland and lowland socialities and provides a background on which current ideas of indigeneity unfold. This relation is articulated in rituals, in the structure of settlements, and in myths and other cultural representations. However, there has been little attempt to compare types of center and periphery Relations between ethnicities. This article proposes such a comparison between the Rmeet of Laos and the Yao/Iu Mien, an ethnicity that has migrated from southern China across Laos to Thailand. It proposes that at least two types of
center-periphery relation can be found among these groups, one characterized by continuity and replication, the other by contrast and boundary maintenance. It also proposes that besides the dominant method of articulating center and periphery in each society, subordinate models exist. This comparison is enabled by a synthetic series of theoretical models that structure analytical terms.
center-periphery relation can be found among these groups, one characterized by continuity and replication, the other by contrast and boundary maintenance. It also proposes that besides the dominant method of articulating center and periphery in each society, subordinate models exist. This comparison is enabled by a synthetic series of theoretical models that structure analytical terms.
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Cosmological Zoogamy. On the marriage of humans and animals. While formal marriage between human beings and animals is virtually inexistent as an everyday occurrence of any society, such marriages are extremely widespread in narratives.... more
Cosmological Zoogamy. On the marriage of humans and animals.
While formal marriage between human beings and animals is virtually inexistent as an everyday occurrence of any society, such marriages are extremely widespread in narratives. A concept of marriage as a means to integrate asymmetric differences into virtual wholes allows interpreting such stories as explorations of the relations between humans and non-humans. This is demonstrated in three different sections: first, as mutually exclusive relations between human and non-human socialities in tales of shape-shifters, in particular the swan maiden; second, as relations across a socio-ontological hierarchy within society in dog ancestors myths; and thirdly as dangerous erotic relations between hunter and prey in the stories of unusual, but real events told by hunters. In all these cases, the necessity to explore the relations between humans and animals in regard to their potentials for kinship contrasts with the impossibility to build lasting relations with actual animals into social structure.
While formal marriage between human beings and animals is virtually inexistent as an everyday occurrence of any society, such marriages are extremely widespread in narratives. A concept of marriage as a means to integrate asymmetric differences into virtual wholes allows interpreting such stories as explorations of the relations between humans and non-humans. This is demonstrated in three different sections: first, as mutually exclusive relations between human and non-human socialities in tales of shape-shifters, in particular the swan maiden; second, as relations across a socio-ontological hierarchy within society in dog ancestors myths; and thirdly as dangerous erotic relations between hunter and prey in the stories of unusual, but real events told by hunters. In all these cases, the necessity to explore the relations between humans and animals in regard to their potentials for kinship contrasts with the impossibility to build lasting relations with actual animals into social structure.
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... der Gesellschaft. Die Gegensätze und Widersprüche des Wertesystems sind die wichtigsten Triebfedern der Reproduktion und Dynamik der Ge-sellschaft (vgl. Dumont 1980 [1966], 1991 [1983], Heesterman 1985). 1. 2 Der ...
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This felicitation volume for Josephus D.M. Platenkamp brings some central concerns of anthropology into focus: social morphology, exchange, cosmology, history and practical applications. Ranging across several disciplines and continents,... more
This felicitation volume for Josephus D.M. Platenkamp brings some central concerns of anthropology into focus: social morphology, exchange, cosmology, history and practical applications. Ranging across several disciplines and continents, the contributions look at a common approach that unites these diverse themes. In the view, the most constitutive relationships of society are based on exchange. Exchange and ritual articulate central values of a society, thus appearing as parts in relationship to a whole. These relationships encompass both human and non-human beings, the social and the cosmological domain. Thus, the study of these subject issues merges into a single project.
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A short overview of Southeast asian Animism