- Facoltà teologica dell'Italia Settentrionale, Sezione di Genova, Faculty MemberPontifical Biblical Institute, Biblical Faculty, Faculty Memberadd
- Theology, Biblical Theology, Droit Romain, Roman Law, Pecunia Constituta, NT, and 14 moreTextual Criticism, Codex Bezae, Western' Text, Acts 15, Acts of the Apostles, Jewish - Christian Relations, Luke-Acts, Book of Acts, Gospel of Luke, Diritto romano, Roman law and Civil Procedure, Acts of Apostles, Art, and History and archaeologyedit
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"L'obiettivo di questo lavoro richiede un'accurata analisi di un ampio spettro di fonti primarie, spesso ignorate dagli studiosi neo testamentari. Il risultato è una descrizione molto ben informata della vita sociale e culturale di... more
"L'obiettivo di questo lavoro richiede un'accurata analisi di un ampio spettro di fonti primarie, spesso ignorate dagli studiosi neo testamentari. Il risultato è una descrizione molto ben informata della vita sociale e culturale di Tessalonica antica, che aiuta a illuminare il significato di molti intricati dettagli che sono parte del racconto lucano della missione di Paolo nelle città". (Dalla presentazione di D. P. Béchard).
"Il lavoro di Paolo Costa attesta la bontà dei risultati che si possono ottenere in una ricerca impegnativa e delicata sugli Atti, ove si allarghi l'orizzonte all'esperienza giuridica romana, non come orpello e dotta citazione, ma con indagine correlata che può svolgere chi, come l'autore, ha notevole capacità di cogliere l'essenza dei problemi, sorretta da sensibilità nell'uso delle fonti e da acutezza interpretativa nelle questioni testuali." (Dalla Postfazione di M. Bianchini)
"Il lavoro di Paolo Costa attesta la bontà dei risultati che si possono ottenere in una ricerca impegnativa e delicata sugli Atti, ove si allarghi l'orizzonte all'esperienza giuridica romana, non come orpello e dotta citazione, ma con indagine correlata che può svolgere chi, come l'autore, ha notevole capacità di cogliere l'essenza dei problemi, sorretta da sensibilità nell'uso delle fonti e da acutezza interpretativa nelle questioni testuali." (Dalla Postfazione di M. Bianchini)
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Research Interests: Humanities and Art
In the book of Acts of the Apostles, the crowd, understood as a potentially uproarious gathering of people, plays a peculiar narrative role, especially in some episodes, which present its involvement in riots (θόρυβος, στάσις, σύγχυσις,... more
In the book of Acts of the Apostles, the crowd, understood as a potentially uproarious gathering of people, plays a peculiar narrative role, especially in some episodes, which present its involvement in riots (θόρυβος, στάσις, σύγχυσις, τάραχος). In these mob scenes – a subcategory of crowd scenes, to classify the scenes of crowd stirring that could become real riots – one notes the consistent precision in the description of urban contexts and the frequent use of technical-legal language. R. I. Pervo considered the mob scenes as one of the signs of the novelistic genre of Acts; the article would like to challenge this position. A preliminary study of these scenes in some contemporary authors (in primis Chariton and Philo) is proposed; their structure, content and function are considered in order to obtain keys for evaluating the form of this mob scenes, the aim pursued by the author, through their inclusion, and the historical reliability of their content. In conclusion, the article would like to demonstrate that the literary form of these scenes is not novelistic, but recalls historiographic forms (in particular apologetic historiography, which wants also to establish the identity of a group) and the vividness of the scenes derives from the use of the rhetorical figure of ἐνάργεια.
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In the final chapters of the Acts of the Apostles there are some speeches of Paul in “judicial” settings. In these speeches a relevant presence of the language of “hope” arises. Paul states that it is “for the hope” that he is “under... more
In the final chapters of the Acts of the Apostles there are some
speeches of Paul in “judicial” settings. In these speeches a relevant
presence of the language of “hope” arises. Paul states that it is “for the
hope” that he is “under judgment” (Ac 23.6: κρίνομαι), “accused” (26.7:
ἐγκαλοῦμαι) and “in chains” (28.20: τὴν ἅλυσιν ταύτην περίκειμαι). This
hope is shared with all or a part of Israel and is significantly considered
the “cause” of the trial and imprisonment. The purpose of this article is to show that Luke describes Paul’s insistence on being accused “for the
ἐλπίς” for three related reasons: 1. A kerygmatic reason: to announce the
eschatological and soteriological fulfilment, through the resurrection of
Christ, of Israel’s hope. 2. A precise trial strategy: to circumscribe the ar-
ea of conducts attributable to the accused within the sphere of religious
disputes irrelevant to the Roman Law. 3. Finally, the insistence on the
hope in Christ may represent a hidden political transcript, that is a sur-
reptitious yet consistent message of opposition to the political and impe-
rial propagandistic apparatus of the early Principate, when the promo-
tion and spread of the ideology of Spes Augusta led to the identification
of the hopes of the subjects for the vitality, welfare and survival of the
Empire in the action of the princeps and in the continuity of his dynasty.
speeches of Paul in “judicial” settings. In these speeches a relevant
presence of the language of “hope” arises. Paul states that it is “for the
hope” that he is “under judgment” (Ac 23.6: κρίνομαι), “accused” (26.7:
ἐγκαλοῦμαι) and “in chains” (28.20: τὴν ἅλυσιν ταύτην περίκειμαι). This
hope is shared with all or a part of Israel and is significantly considered
the “cause” of the trial and imprisonment. The purpose of this article is to show that Luke describes Paul’s insistence on being accused “for the
ἐλπίς” for three related reasons: 1. A kerygmatic reason: to announce the
eschatological and soteriological fulfilment, through the resurrection of
Christ, of Israel’s hope. 2. A precise trial strategy: to circumscribe the ar-
ea of conducts attributable to the accused within the sphere of religious
disputes irrelevant to the Roman Law. 3. Finally, the insistence on the
hope in Christ may represent a hidden political transcript, that is a sur-
reptitious yet consistent message of opposition to the political and impe-
rial propagandistic apparatus of the early Principate, when the promo-
tion and spread of the ideology of Spes Augusta led to the identification
of the hopes of the subjects for the vitality, welfare and survival of the
Empire in the action of the princeps and in the continuity of his dynasty.
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Ep.Philem. 18-19 presenta la promessa di Paolo di Tarso di assumere su di sé le eventuali obbligazioni dello schiavo Onesimo verso il suo dominus. Alcuni romanisti hanno interpretato questo impegno come la conclusione di un constitutum... more
Ep.Philem. 18-19 presenta la promessa di Paolo di Tarso di assumere su di sé le eventuali obbligazioni dello schiavo Onesimo verso il suo dominus. Alcuni romanisti hanno interpretato questo impegno come la conclusione di un constitutum debiti alieni. L’autore – con- siderando anche l’ampio dibattito sul tema verificatosi tra i giuristi della scuola culta e della c.d. scuola elegante olandese – suggerisce che si tratti piuttosto di una promessa di novazione delle obbligazio- ni di Onesimo (una expromissio).
Ep.Philem. 18-19 presents the promise of Paul of Tarsus to take upon himself the potential obligations of the slave Onesimus towards his dominus. Some Romanists have interpreted this promise as the conclusion of a constitutum debiti alieni. The author – considering also the wide debate on the matter among the jurists of scuola culta and of ‘Dutch Elegant School’ – suggests that it is rather a promise of novation of Onesimus’ obligations (an expromissio).
Ep.Philem. 18-19 presents the promise of Paul of Tarsus to take upon himself the potential obligations of the slave Onesimus towards his dominus. Some Romanists have interpreted this promise as the conclusion of a constitutum debiti alieni. The author – considering also the wide debate on the matter among the jurists of scuola culta and of ‘Dutch Elegant School’ – suggests that it is rather a promise of novation of Onesimus’ obligations (an expromissio).
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The contribution aims to study the theme of the real form of concluding the “loan to use” (commodatum), in response to the positions of some authors, including recent ones, who deny that the commodatum was a real contract in classical... more
The contribution aims to study the theme of the real form of concluding the “loan to use” (commodatum), in response to the positions of some authors, including recent ones, who deny that the commodatum was a real contract in classical Roman law. The essay examines the origins of the contract and its judicial protection (with particular reference to the formulary system). The character of commodatum as real contract is explained in relation to its gratuitousness. In particular, it’s studied the meaning of the inclusion of actio commodati in the Title XVII of Lenel’s reconstruction of Edict. The paper also deals with particular figures such as the alienae rei commodatum, which offer further elements to confirm the majority doctrinal position on the real character of this contract.
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The article focuses on the exegesis of Scaev. 1 resp. D.13.5.26, within the context of Title 13.5 of the Digest to show the possibility that already at the end of the age of the Principate and in any case in the Prejustinian period,... more
The article focuses on the exegesis of Scaev. 1 resp. D.13.5.26, within the context of Title 13.5 of the Digest to show the possibility that already at the end of the age of the Principate and in any case in the Prejustinian period, constituta (especially debiti alieni) could be concluded per litteras, even without the adiectio diei, but with the respect for the link of dipendence with the principal obligation. The focus of the paper is specially on Ulp. 27 ad ed. D. 13.5.5.3; Marcel. l. sing. resp. D. 13.5.24; Scaev. 5 dig. D. 13.5.31; Ulp. 27 ad ed. D. 13.5.14.3. Thus, the aim of this article is to state that these formal elements do not represent a valid reason for considering that Scaev. D. 13.5.26 should concern the discipline of receptum argentarii.
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The phrase λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν, which is read in Acts 17.9, is often interpreted as referring to the provision of a surety. This article proposes an examination of the papyrological and epigraphic evidences, where ἱκανόν is found with... more
The phrase λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν, which is read in Acts 17.9, is often interpreted as referring to the provision of a surety. This article proposes an examination of the papyrological and epigraphic evidences, where ἱκανόν is found with λαμβάνειν, ποιεῖν, παρασχεῖν, διδόναι and seeks to demonstrate the polyfunctional purposes of the provision of an ἱκανόν. The study of these evidences allows us to interpret the behavior of Jason of Thessaloniki in Acts 17.9 as a promise that Paul of Tarsus won’t return to the city.
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In the book of Acts of the Apostles, the crowd, understood as a potentially uproarious gathering of people, plays a peculiar narrative role, especially in some episodes, which present its involvement in riots (θόρυβος, στάσις, σύγχυσις,... more
In the book of Acts of the Apostles, the crowd, understood as a potentially uproarious gathering of people, plays a peculiar narrative role, especially in some episodes, which present its involvement in riots (θόρυβος, στάσις, σύγχυσις, τάραχος). In these mob scenes – a subcategory of crowd scenes, to classify the scenes of crowd stirring that could become real riots – one notes the consistent precision in the description of urban contexts and the frequent use of technical-legal language. R. I. Pervo considered the mob scenes as one of the signs of the novelistic genre of Acts; the article would like to challenge this position.
A preliminary study of these scenes in some contemporary authors (in primis Chariton and Philo) is proposed; their structure, content and function are considered in order to obtain keys for evaluating the form of this mob scenes, the aim pursued by the author, through their inclusion, and the historical reliability of their content. In conclusion, the article would like to demonstrate that the literary form of these scenes is not novelistic, but recalls historiographic forms (in particular apologetic historiography, which wants also to establish the identity of a group) and the vividness of the scenes derives from the use of the rhetorical figure of ἐνάργεια.
A preliminary study of these scenes in some contemporary authors (in primis Chariton and Philo) is proposed; their structure, content and function are considered in order to obtain keys for evaluating the form of this mob scenes, the aim pursued by the author, through their inclusion, and the historical reliability of their content. In conclusion, the article would like to demonstrate that the literary form of these scenes is not novelistic, but recalls historiographic forms (in particular apologetic historiography, which wants also to establish the identity of a group) and the vividness of the scenes derives from the use of the rhetorical figure of ἐνάργεια.
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A ‘Lex Iulia de Collegiis’? A Critical Appraisal of a Scholarly Paradigm. This article is a critical review of the most widespread doctrine regarding the content of the lex Iulia de collegiis and its application in the early Principate.... more
A ‘Lex Iulia de Collegiis’? A Critical Appraisal of a Scholarly Paradigm.
This article is a critical review of the most widespread doctrine regarding the content of the lex Iulia de collegiis and its application in the early Principate. The majority of scholars believe that this law provided for a general system of authorization of the associations. The sources often cited to prove this theory have been reviewed and it is demonstrated that repressive interventions are not because of the application of the lex Iulia de collegiis, but for the application of criminal law, in primis the lex de vi.
This article is a critical review of the most widespread doctrine regarding the content of the lex Iulia de collegiis and its application in the early Principate. The majority of scholars believe that this law provided for a general system of authorization of the associations. The sources often cited to prove this theory have been reviewed and it is demonstrated that repressive interventions are not because of the application of the lex Iulia de collegiis, but for the application of criminal law, in primis the lex de vi.
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Some inscriptions found at Ephesus (IEph. Ia 17-19) evidence a part of the edict that the proconsul Paullus Fabius Persicus addressed to the city in 44 AD. A section of this edict (IEph. Ia 17, ll. 48-49) attests some of the banking... more
Some inscriptions found at Ephesus (IEph. Ia 17-19) evidence a part of the edict that the proconsul Paullus Fabius Persicus addressed to the city in 44 AD. A section of this edict (IEph. Ia 17, ll. 48-49) attests some of the banking operations carried out by the temple of Artemis, the allowing of loans on the basis of the provision by the debtor (probably the city) of the pledges on the incomes of the current and the following year. After the study of the epigraphic problems that arise from the inscription (rather fragmentary) and its editions, and after the reconstruction of the historical context when the edict was placed, the article shows how the measures of the proconsul aimed at limiting the use of those guarantees, which appeared unreliable and especially conflicting with the Roman juridical mens. In particular, a comparison is made with the discipline of the pledge of future things, as known from the Digest and from some imperial constitutions. Finally, the responsibility of city officials, acting in the name of the city, is briefly considered.