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The paper examines the situation of Miletus after the Persian conquest of 494 BC, on the basis of the few historical and epigraphic records. The city’s public life was conditioned for much of the 5th century BC by its close, but not... more
The paper examines the situation of Miletus after the Persian conquest of 494 BC, on the basis of the few historical and epigraphic records. The city’s public life was conditioned for much of the 5th century BC by its close, but not always peaceful, relationship with Athens. The theory that predicts the initial creation of an urban layout characterized by orthogonal streets on the peninsula before 494 BC is also examined, but the raising of the chronology does not currently appear to be supported by incontrovertible evidence. Finally, a novel interpretation of the change that the temple of Athena underwent is proposed. If the older 6th century BC temple was canonically oriented towards the East, the newer one, built in the second quarter of the 5th century BC, was oriented towards the South, in the direction of the destroyed acropolis of Miletus. The new orientation of the temple would indicate a precise intent of celebrating the memory of the perished cults and of the revenge against the Persians. Traces of this intent also seem to be found in a passage by Isocrates. In the light of these considerations, it is believed that the new temple of Athena may constitute the dedication for the victory of Mycale in 479 BC.
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Ogni volume è sottoposto a doppio referee anonimo.
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The sanctuary of Zeus was excavated at Iasos between 1973 and 1984. A court with stone-paving and two small cult buildings were brought to light. The importance of this sanctuary for the public and religious life of the city is also... more
The sanctuary of Zeus was excavated at Iasos between 1973 and 1984. A court with stone-paving and two small cult buildings were brought to light. The importance of this sanctuary for the public and religious life of the city is also confirmed by the discovery of several plinths supporting steles, some of which are certainly honorary decrees, and by the very rich collection of votive ceramics dated between the 6th and the 2nd century BC. The study of the two cult buildings allowed the dating of the construction of naiskos A to the end of the 6th-early 5th century BC and slightly later that of naiskos B. Around the 4th-3rd century BC the façade of naiskos A was completely rebuilt and later it was joined to naiskos B after its anta had also been reconstructed.
The overlapping of the supports for the cult statue of the naiskos A proves that the building is not a thesauros, which would be also unusual in a presumably local sanctuary.
The overlapping of the supports for the cult statue of the naiskos A proves that the building is not a thesauros, which would be also unusual in a presumably local sanctuary.
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The coastal regions of Asia Minor give the opportunity to analyse in which way the territory was occupied in the ancient times. Iasos and Bargylia, in Gulf of Mandalya, are two interesting cases of studies about. In particular, due to... more
The coastal regions of Asia Minor give the opportunity to analyse in which way the territory was occupied in the ancient times. Iasos and Bargylia, in Gulf of Mandalya, are two interesting cases of studies about. In particular, due to surveys and excavations by Archeaelogical Italian Mission at Iasos, it is possibly to examine the town-planning of these two cities, which are characterized by two different layout. The planning of Iasos, since the Geometric age, is based on paths which follow the bounders of a very stepped peninsula. The foci of the city planning are the most remarkable public city’s places, as the agora, the gymnasia, the sanctuary of Zeus and Hera and the theatre facing the east costal side, a big temple on the acropolis which was very well visible from far away. Bargylia, instead, has a regular town-planning since the V century B.C. and the most relevant public buildings are built in the very prominent places: a temple is at the top of a large road going up to the top of the hill from the agora laying below; another temple is at the top of the slop supporting the cavea of theatre. The different layout of these two Carian citys is comparable with that of Miletus, were the so called Hippodamean layout has replaced the previous and irregular one after the city was destroyed by the Persians in 494 B.C. -------------------
Le regioni costiere dell’Asia Minore offrono un panorama di notevole interesse per rintracciare le dinamiche dell’occupazione antica. Grazie agli studi condotti nella regione del Golfo di Mandalya, in particolare grazie a seguito delle ricognizioni e degli scavi italiani, si ha la possibilità di esaminare due realtà urbane di notevole importanza: Iasos e Bargylia. Le due città mostrano una diversa morfologia urbana. Iasos si sviluppa a partire dall’età geometrica secondo percorsi che seguono grosso modo il perimetro di una ripida penisola, con alcuni punti focali della vita pubblica disposti nei punti nodali della città: l’agorà e in seguito i ginnasi verso la terraferma, il santuario di Zeus ed Hera e il teatro verso l’approdo orientale, infine sull’acropoli un tempio offriva un riferimento visivo anche a grande distanza. Bargylia invece ha una struttura urbana pianificata secondo una griglia stradale regolare che si può attribuire al V secolo a.C. i cui principali complessi pubblici vengono realizzati sfruttando le potenzialità scenografiche del luogo. Un edificio templare chiude in alto l’asse viario principale che in basso parte dall’area dell’agorà, e una disposizione assiale si ritrova nel grande tempio posto sopra il pendio occupato dalla cavea del teatro. Le due differenti forme urbane trovano un confronto emblematico con Mileto, e nella trasformazione che la città ionica subisce con la distruzione persiana, passando da un impianto che si sviluppa attorno alle alture a quello ippodameo, tanto noto quanto ancora problematico.
Le regioni costiere dell’Asia Minore offrono un panorama di notevole interesse per rintracciare le dinamiche dell’occupazione antica. Grazie agli studi condotti nella regione del Golfo di Mandalya, in particolare grazie a seguito delle ricognizioni e degli scavi italiani, si ha la possibilità di esaminare due realtà urbane di notevole importanza: Iasos e Bargylia. Le due città mostrano una diversa morfologia urbana. Iasos si sviluppa a partire dall’età geometrica secondo percorsi che seguono grosso modo il perimetro di una ripida penisola, con alcuni punti focali della vita pubblica disposti nei punti nodali della città: l’agorà e in seguito i ginnasi verso la terraferma, il santuario di Zeus ed Hera e il teatro verso l’approdo orientale, infine sull’acropoli un tempio offriva un riferimento visivo anche a grande distanza. Bargylia invece ha una struttura urbana pianificata secondo una griglia stradale regolare che si può attribuire al V secolo a.C. i cui principali complessi pubblici vengono realizzati sfruttando le potenzialità scenografiche del luogo. Un edificio templare chiude in alto l’asse viario principale che in basso parte dall’area dell’agorà, e una disposizione assiale si ritrova nel grande tempio posto sopra il pendio occupato dalla cavea del teatro. Le due differenti forme urbane trovano un confronto emblematico con Mileto, e nella trasformazione che la città ionica subisce con la distruzione persiana, passando da un impianto che si sviluppa attorno alle alture a quello ippodameo, tanto noto quanto ancora problematico.
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Like other cities in Caria, Iasos has a millennial history. The settlement puts its roots on a peninsula of a small extension, whose geomorphological structure imposes precise choices on the dislocation of the urban areas whose... more
Like other cities in Caria, Iasos has a millennial history. The settlement puts its roots on a peninsula of a small extension, whose geomorphological structure imposes precise choices on the dislocation of the urban areas whose destination remains stable for a long time. But, in addition to the historical events, are natural events such as earthquakes that cause significant changes to the urban organization. Public spaces are thus extensively restored and their functions are integrated with new ad hoc constructions. In Iasos, both areas gravitating on harbors, where extensive excavations have been conducted over the years, appear to be emblematic. The eastern harbor sector is heavily connected to the cults linked to Zeus Megistos and also attracts the regional Carian component. In the area of the Isthmus and of the western harbor, the wide agora finds a renewed articulation of its borders, what also happens to the so-called "Artemis Astias sector", centered on a temple building. The analysis of the architectural, archaeological and epigraphic data emerged during the excavations in these areas (in some cases conducted in distant years) allows us to grasp the contribution, innovative on the functional and religious level, of the interventions carried out during the 4th-3rd century BC, promoted both by dynasties and evergetes.
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Al pari di altre città della Caria, Iasos ha alle spalle una storia millenaria. L’insediamento mette radici sopra una penisola di limitata estensione, il cui assetto geomorfologico impone precise scelte nella dislocazione dei comparti urbani e la destinazione di questi ultimi resta per lungo tempo stabile. Vi sono tuttavia, oltre che eventi storici, anche eventi naturali, come i terremoti, che inducono delle rilevanti modifiche all’organizzazione della città. Gli spazi pubblici vengono così ampiamente ristrutturati e se ne integrano le funzioni con nuove costruzioni ad hoc. Emblematici, in tal senso, a Iasos appaiono entrambi i settori che gravitano sui porti, nei quali sono stati condotti estesi scavi nel corso degli anni. Il settore del porto orientale è significativamente rivolto ai culti che si aggregano attorno a Zeus Megistos e attira anche la componente caria della regione. Nell’area dell’istmo e del porto occidentale la già vasta agorà trova una rinnovata articolazione del suo peribolo e del cosiddetto “settore di Artemis Astias”, incentrato anch’esso sopra un edificio templare. Un esame dei vari dati architettonici, archeologici ed epigrafici emersi nel corso degli scavi (condotti anche in anni lontani) in tali settori consente di cogliere l’apporto, innovativo sul piano funzionale e religioso, d’interventi realizzati nel corso del IV-III secolo a. C., promossi sia da dinasti, sia da evergeti
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Al pari di altre città della Caria, Iasos ha alle spalle una storia millenaria. L’insediamento mette radici sopra una penisola di limitata estensione, il cui assetto geomorfologico impone precise scelte nella dislocazione dei comparti urbani e la destinazione di questi ultimi resta per lungo tempo stabile. Vi sono tuttavia, oltre che eventi storici, anche eventi naturali, come i terremoti, che inducono delle rilevanti modifiche all’organizzazione della città. Gli spazi pubblici vengono così ampiamente ristrutturati e se ne integrano le funzioni con nuove costruzioni ad hoc. Emblematici, in tal senso, a Iasos appaiono entrambi i settori che gravitano sui porti, nei quali sono stati condotti estesi scavi nel corso degli anni. Il settore del porto orientale è significativamente rivolto ai culti che si aggregano attorno a Zeus Megistos e attira anche la componente caria della regione. Nell’area dell’istmo e del porto occidentale la già vasta agorà trova una rinnovata articolazione del suo peribolo e del cosiddetto “settore di Artemis Astias”, incentrato anch’esso sopra un edificio templare. Un esame dei vari dati architettonici, archeologici ed epigrafici emersi nel corso degli scavi (condotti anche in anni lontani) in tali settori consente di cogliere l’apporto, innovativo sul piano funzionale e religioso, d’interventi realizzati nel corso del IV-III secolo a. C., promossi sia da dinasti, sia da evergeti
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The ruins of the theatre at Iasos have always been one of the major points of interest for the travellers who visited this ancient Greek city, such as Wheler, Chandler, Choiseul-Gouffier, Laborde, Texier and Le Bas. At the time it was... more
The ruins of the theatre at Iasos have always been one of the major points of interest for the travellers who visited this ancient Greek city, such as Wheler, Chandler, Choiseul-Gouffier, Laborde, Texier and Le Bas. At the time it was thought to have been built by a certain Zopatros, a name that is now known to have been Sopatros. Archaeological excavations were conducted in the two summer campaigns of 1960 and 1961 by an Italian team directed by D. Levi and published in two preliminary reports, by Levi himself and afterwards by W. Johannowsky, who correctly assigned the rebuilding of the northern analemma to the second quarter of the 2nd century BC, based on G. Pugliese Carratelli’s chronology for the stephanephoria of Sopatros (be- tween 179 and 147 BC).
The monument, however, is still not yet fully published. In 2010 the authors began a new survey of the theatre and a re-examination of the previous archaeological data. The first phase of the theatre consists of the cavea itself, which was probably built in the 3rd century BC. The existence of statues of Homonoia and Dikaiosyne from the 2nd century BC, attests to an organic programme of ideological exaltation of civic virtues. The layout of the theatre found by the authors, with its semi-elliptical cavea, is significantly different from that in the drawings previously published, where the cavea was presented as exactly semicircular. The overall theatre design seems to be based on the cubit, and its maximum width would be 125 cubits. The later layout of the skene and of the orchestra however, was probably based on the local foot.
Of great importance for our understanding of the techniques and influences active in the region during the 2nd century BC is the unusual bossed ashlar masonry style that is used in the northern analemma.
The monument, however, is still not yet fully published. In 2010 the authors began a new survey of the theatre and a re-examination of the previous archaeological data. The first phase of the theatre consists of the cavea itself, which was probably built in the 3rd century BC. The existence of statues of Homonoia and Dikaiosyne from the 2nd century BC, attests to an organic programme of ideological exaltation of civic virtues. The layout of the theatre found by the authors, with its semi-elliptical cavea, is significantly different from that in the drawings previously published, where the cavea was presented as exactly semicircular. The overall theatre design seems to be based on the cubit, and its maximum width would be 125 cubits. The later layout of the skene and of the orchestra however, was probably based on the local foot.
Of great importance for our understanding of the techniques and influences active in the region during the 2nd century BC is the unusual bossed ashlar masonry style that is used in the northern analemma.
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Burial mounds are artificially (or partially artificially) erected hills that cover a monumental tomb, usually in the form of a stone chamber. Different types of burial mounds are distributed worldwide and have built in different... more
Burial mounds are artificially (or partially artificially) erected hills that cover a monumental tomb, usually in the form of a stone chamber. Different types of burial mounds are distributed worldwide and have built in different archaeologically interesting periods. Use of non destructive geophysical surveys for their study offer the opportunity to image their internal structure and evidence peculiar anomalies that can be later investigated with archaeological excavations, limiting invasiveness. The main innovative part of this work lies on the combined use of Ground Penetrating Radar and Electric Resitivity Tomography over and inside an unexplored burial site in Japan, the Tobiotsuka Kofun, a late Kofun period burial mound, dated approximately late 6th-early 7th century CE and located in the Okayama Prefecture. Effectiveness of the geophysical surveys is demonstrated by the correct imaging of known structures and by the combined evidence of the mound organization, which allowed to draw a reliable initial archaeological interpretation with evidence of several interesting excavation spots. The adopted methodological surveying approach was verified as a valuable choice for investigations in similar archaeological settings.
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Datation : église dédiée en 512 sous l’archevêque Julien. L’église des Saints Serge, Bacchus et Léonc. D’après M. de Vogüé 1865, pl. 23 Le secteur de l’église des Saints Serge, Bacchus et Léonce et de la basilique de Bahîra. Photo au... more
Datation : église dédiée en 512 sous l’archevêque Julien. L’église des Saints Serge, Bacchus et Léonc. D’après M. de Vogüé 1865, pl. 23 Le secteur de l’église des Saints Serge, Bacchus et Léonce et de la basilique de Bahîra. Photo au cerf-volant Y. Guichard et relevé N. Masturzo L’église des Saints Serge, Bacchus et Léonce La grande église tétraconque a été dédiée aux Saints Serge, Bacchus et Léonce comme le rappelle une inscription gravée en lettres grecques sur l’architrave de la porte pr..
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Il teatro romano di Ascoli rappresenta uno dei maggiori edifici di spettacolo cornservati nella regione. I primi interventi di liberazione delle strutture, dopo le consistenti spoliazioni atrdoantiche e medievali, iniziarono nel 1929.... more
Il teatro romano di Ascoli rappresenta uno dei maggiori edifici di spettacolo cornservati nella regione. I primi interventi di liberazione delle strutture, dopo le consistenti spoliazioni atrdoantiche e medievali, iniziarono nel 1929. L'articolo offre il resoconto di un nuovo programma di conservazione e scavo iniziato nel 1995. Le ricerche hanno consentito di precisare la data di completamento del teatro, attorno agli anni centrali del I sec. d.C. (Bianchi, Masturzo 2006) e condotto a un insieme d'interventi di consolidamento delle strutture e di ricostituzione ottimale di livelli del terreno.
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Una importante aula absidata, disposta a lato della scena del teatro romano di Ascoli Piceno, conserva ancora i resti della pavimentazione in lastre di marmo. Lo schema pavimentale è 'isodomo listellato', con lastre di bardiglio e... more
Una importante aula absidata, disposta a lato della scena del teatro romano di Ascoli Piceno, conserva ancora i resti della pavimentazione in lastre di marmo. Lo schema pavimentale è 'isodomo listellato', con lastre di bardiglio e listelli di giallo antico. Lo schema riconduce al I secolo d.C., una datazione che trova conferma nella decorazione architettonica, attribuibile alla prima età flavia.
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From Šadrafa and Milk‘aštart to Roma and Augustus. Poliadic sanctuary and the Imperial order at Lepcis Magna. Nicolò Masturzo (Torino University). Abstract. According to the indication provided by the well-known inscription IPT 31, the... more
From Šadrafa and Milk‘aštart to Roma and Augustus.
Poliadic sanctuary and the Imperial order at Lepcis Magna.
Nicolò Masturzo (Torino University). Abstract.
According to the indication provided by the well-known inscription IPT 31, the two main gods of Leptis Magna in the neopunic period were Šadrafa and Milk’aštart. Their sanctuary stood probably in the area close the most recent forum of imperial age and it was probably planned according to a traditional Phoenician-Punic model, in agreement with the substantially Phoenician origin of the gods. The Roman interpretation of the two divine figures, and even before the Greek one, led to translate their names respectively as Liber and Hercules. With these two names both of them filled the role of ancestral gods and genii coloniae of the city during the most part of the imperial age.
The attribution to Liber Pater of the large temple located in the forum of Leptis on the west of the temple of Augustus and Rome came already with the excavation in 1934, spite an only indirect indication from an inscription. A new reexamination of the temples started in 1946 by J.B. Ward-Perkins was interrupted at a preliminary stage, but nevertheless could propose a reliable chronology of the monuments. The intriguing hypothesis of A. Di Vita, according to which the two ancestral gods would have been initially located inside the two major temples built up on the northwestern side of the forum, has anyway influenced the scientific literature up to now. However, the difficulties which are now to be encountered in reconciling this suggestive hypothesis with the objective archaeological situation - as it results thanks to the new studies started in 1990 on Di Vita’s initiative - or with new findings, have suggested to look for some alternative hypotheses, which have been advanced since 1996 .
An overall revision of the topic suggests that the integration process which took place in the province under Augustus had not occurred in Leptis with a radical alteration of the ancestral cults, due to a traumatic replacement of the traditional ancient shrines by Roman temples, but with the insertion of new cults alongside the oldest one, who were able to remain largely unchanged in their ritual spaces. For the new cult was planned the forum and built the first temple at the middle of its northwestern side: the consensus towards Rome was expressed at the beginning only through the cult of Jupiter Capitolinus. Under Tiberius and with the construction of the second large temple in the forum, citizens’ homage started to be addressed to Augustus and Rome as well.
Poliadic sanctuary and the Imperial order at Lepcis Magna.
Nicolò Masturzo (Torino University). Abstract.
According to the indication provided by the well-known inscription IPT 31, the two main gods of Leptis Magna in the neopunic period were Šadrafa and Milk’aštart. Their sanctuary stood probably in the area close the most recent forum of imperial age and it was probably planned according to a traditional Phoenician-Punic model, in agreement with the substantially Phoenician origin of the gods. The Roman interpretation of the two divine figures, and even before the Greek one, led to translate their names respectively as Liber and Hercules. With these two names both of them filled the role of ancestral gods and genii coloniae of the city during the most part of the imperial age.
The attribution to Liber Pater of the large temple located in the forum of Leptis on the west of the temple of Augustus and Rome came already with the excavation in 1934, spite an only indirect indication from an inscription. A new reexamination of the temples started in 1946 by J.B. Ward-Perkins was interrupted at a preliminary stage, but nevertheless could propose a reliable chronology of the monuments. The intriguing hypothesis of A. Di Vita, according to which the two ancestral gods would have been initially located inside the two major temples built up on the northwestern side of the forum, has anyway influenced the scientific literature up to now. However, the difficulties which are now to be encountered in reconciling this suggestive hypothesis with the objective archaeological situation - as it results thanks to the new studies started in 1990 on Di Vita’s initiative - or with new findings, have suggested to look for some alternative hypotheses, which have been advanced since 1996 .
An overall revision of the topic suggests that the integration process which took place in the province under Augustus had not occurred in Leptis with a radical alteration of the ancestral cults, due to a traumatic replacement of the traditional ancient shrines by Roman temples, but with the insertion of new cults alongside the oldest one, who were able to remain largely unchanged in their ritual spaces. For the new cult was planned the forum and built the first temple at the middle of its northwestern side: the consensus towards Rome was expressed at the beginning only through the cult of Jupiter Capitolinus. Under Tiberius and with the construction of the second large temple in the forum, citizens’ homage started to be addressed to Augustus and Rome as well.
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Nicolò Masturzo, Massimo Nafissi, Il monumento di Iasos per i basileîs di Caria. The monument from Iasos for the basileîs of Caria. This paper presents the formal publication of the two remaining inscribed blocks belonging to the... more
Nicolò Masturzo, Massimo Nafissi, Il monumento di Iasos per i basileîs di Caria. The monument from Iasos for the basileîs of Caria. This paper presents the formal publication of the two remaining inscribed blocks belonging to the rectilinear base of a bronze dynastic group from Iasos. The monument has been already presented and discussed in other seats. Of the two blocks, one is preserved in Iasos, the other in Istanbul. As for the first, it was brought to light by the Italian Archaeological Expedition in Iasos in 2005. It had been reused during the imperial age in a room of the West stoa of the agora. On the front is a fourth-century BC epigram honouring the basileis, the satrap Idrieus and another member of the Hecatomnid family, whose name had been erased. The second block lies in the garden of the Istanbul Archaeological Museums, where many inscriptions from Iasos were brought to in 1887. It is the last on the right of a multipiece base, and a fourth-century inscription Αβα Υσσαλδωμου is carved on its front. The Museum inventory registers the block as ‘of unknown provenance’ (Istanbul inv. 3274), and as such it was published by L. Robert in Sinuri. He rightly recognized in Aba an otherwise unknown sister of Hekatomnos, the father of Maussollus and of the other satraps of the dynasty. Robert did not mention another inscription on the very damaged right short side of the stone, an honorary inscription for a well-known athlete from Iasos, Ti. Flavius Metrobios, who won the dolichos in the first Capitoline Games (86 AD). The stone in Istanbul comes therefore from Iasos. The size, mouldings, and other details of the two blocks show that they originally belonged to the same large monument in honour of the Hecatomnids. The paper consists of two parts. N. Masturzo illustrates, for the first time in detail, its monumental features. Different possible restitutions of the monument, as a four or as a six statues group, are proposed. M. Nafissi revises his previous reading of the epigram carved on the block in Iasos and offers an overview of the historical significance of the epigram and monument. The epigram is the first known contemporary document in Caria to call the Hecatomnids basileis. Its wording seems to imply that the monument was placed in a cultic context. Aba’s presence on the monument strongly suggests that Hecatomnos married his own sister, as Maussollus and Idrieus did later.
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Research in the Round Hall began in the 1930s, and led within a few decades to the complete excavation of the room and to form the hypothesis that it was covered by a conical roof with a wooden structure. Today it seems clear that this... more
Research in the Round Hall began in the 1930s, and led within a few decades to the complete excavation of the room and to form the hypothesis that it was covered by a conical roof with a wooden structure. Today it seems clear that this supposition was formulated on the basis of a strong influence from the Arsinoeion of Samothrace, according to the reconstruction proposed by Niemann (1875).
Within the systematic study of the Round Hall promoted in 1990, the author was directly responsible for the research in the eastern side of the room, and carried out the examination of the reconstruction hypotheses and of the architectural orders.
The investigations on the field (1993 and 1999) revealed the superimposition of two distinct structures. An outer rectilinear wall proves to be tangential to the inner circular perimeter, and it is against this wall that the remaining circular brickwork of the room leans. The same situation can be observed in the northern and southern sides of the inner perimeter. The square outer perimeter was therefore constructed in relation to the preliminary tracing of the architectural layout on the building site.
The new studies have produced a complete re-examination of the problem of the roof of the room, which according to the older hypothesis was alien to the building models generally used in the region (Besenval 1984). The survey (1991) revealed an evident inclination of the inner wall, compatible with a domed roof, according to a building technique which is still used in the region (one dome in Merv measures 16.9 m in diameter at the base). The calculation of the sections compatible with the curvature of the inner wall has led to the delineation of a probable semi-elliptical profile, the smaller axis coinciding with the floor and the height roughly equivalent to the internal diameter of the room. The tracing of the elliptical profile was probably drawn on the knowledge that had been gained about conic sections, the study of which dates from the fourth century BC. Moreover the examination of the documented filling layers of the room makes it possible to establish that the volume of mudbrick debris is more compatible with a solution consisting of a mud-brick dome.
The excavation data, too, argue in favour of a dome. With the fragments of acanthus leaf from the interior not even a single capital can be completed, whereas the older reconstruction involved at least sixteen columns; so these fragments would seem to be of accidental provenance. One rather shapeless fragment of a gypsum cornice must come from a decoration situated at a certain height, which divided the inner surface into at least two broad registers. The series of holes into which vertical poles were inserted make it possible to reconstruct an arrangement of the scaffolding in progressive rings towards the centre, in order to build a self-supporting brick dome.
A preliminary structural examination of the dome had revealed tensions compatible with those hypothesizable for clay, so it was decided to continue the investigation using more complex methods (group from the University of Parma, coordinated by C. Blasi). The structural models thus constructed are all compatible with the resistance of mud-brick walls. The type of break indicated by the simulations, and the examination of the stratigraphy of the filling, make it possible to hypothesize that the break must have involved initial detachments of material in the area of the inner sides, followed by later falls, segment by segment, of the dome, and finally the progressive washing away of the supporting wall masonry.
The volumes of the room are defined by three access passages and by the high plastered dome that covered the wide internal space. The excavations have not revealed any supporting structures on the floor, so we may also hypothesize the presence of four niches at a certain height, whose function was to contain the statues, the remains of which have been found on the floor. The architectural details would seem to suggest the presence of a cornice at a certain height, forming a separation between the lower band and the high dome. The base of the wall was painted white, while for the upper area we may suppose a widespread use of purple red. The exterior presented a smooth socle, on which may have stood a more complex storey, perhaps with full corner projections and a central area with half-columns or shallow pilasters
Some details, such as the finding of a fragmentary portrait head attributed to Mithridates I and the particular architectural model, which has a partial analogy in the third palace of Herod at Jericho and in that of Aigai-Vergina, enable us to hypothesize a strong celebratory significance of the Hall, linked to dynastic representation.
Within the systematic study of the Round Hall promoted in 1990, the author was directly responsible for the research in the eastern side of the room, and carried out the examination of the reconstruction hypotheses and of the architectural orders.
The investigations on the field (1993 and 1999) revealed the superimposition of two distinct structures. An outer rectilinear wall proves to be tangential to the inner circular perimeter, and it is against this wall that the remaining circular brickwork of the room leans. The same situation can be observed in the northern and southern sides of the inner perimeter. The square outer perimeter was therefore constructed in relation to the preliminary tracing of the architectural layout on the building site.
The new studies have produced a complete re-examination of the problem of the roof of the room, which according to the older hypothesis was alien to the building models generally used in the region (Besenval 1984). The survey (1991) revealed an evident inclination of the inner wall, compatible with a domed roof, according to a building technique which is still used in the region (one dome in Merv measures 16.9 m in diameter at the base). The calculation of the sections compatible with the curvature of the inner wall has led to the delineation of a probable semi-elliptical profile, the smaller axis coinciding with the floor and the height roughly equivalent to the internal diameter of the room. The tracing of the elliptical profile was probably drawn on the knowledge that had been gained about conic sections, the study of which dates from the fourth century BC. Moreover the examination of the documented filling layers of the room makes it possible to establish that the volume of mudbrick debris is more compatible with a solution consisting of a mud-brick dome.
The excavation data, too, argue in favour of a dome. With the fragments of acanthus leaf from the interior not even a single capital can be completed, whereas the older reconstruction involved at least sixteen columns; so these fragments would seem to be of accidental provenance. One rather shapeless fragment of a gypsum cornice must come from a decoration situated at a certain height, which divided the inner surface into at least two broad registers. The series of holes into which vertical poles were inserted make it possible to reconstruct an arrangement of the scaffolding in progressive rings towards the centre, in order to build a self-supporting brick dome.
A preliminary structural examination of the dome had revealed tensions compatible with those hypothesizable for clay, so it was decided to continue the investigation using more complex methods (group from the University of Parma, coordinated by C. Blasi). The structural models thus constructed are all compatible with the resistance of mud-brick walls. The type of break indicated by the simulations, and the examination of the stratigraphy of the filling, make it possible to hypothesize that the break must have involved initial detachments of material in the area of the inner sides, followed by later falls, segment by segment, of the dome, and finally the progressive washing away of the supporting wall masonry.
The volumes of the room are defined by three access passages and by the high plastered dome that covered the wide internal space. The excavations have not revealed any supporting structures on the floor, so we may also hypothesize the presence of four niches at a certain height, whose function was to contain the statues, the remains of which have been found on the floor. The architectural details would seem to suggest the presence of a cornice at a certain height, forming a separation between the lower band and the high dome. The base of the wall was painted white, while for the upper area we may suppose a widespread use of purple red. The exterior presented a smooth socle, on which may have stood a more complex storey, perhaps with full corner projections and a central area with half-columns or shallow pilasters
Some details, such as the finding of a fragmentary portrait head attributed to Mithridates I and the particular architectural model, which has a partial analogy in the third palace of Herod at Jericho and in that of Aigai-Vergina, enable us to hypothesize a strong celebratory significance of the Hall, linked to dynastic representation.
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Sono presentati vari elementi di decorazione architettonica attribuibili all'età arcaica. Il carattere sporadico dei frammenti impedisce talvolta di collocarli in relazione certa con le principali aree di culto della città, tuttavia ne... more
Sono presentati vari elementi di decorazione architettonica attribuibili all'età arcaica. Il carattere sporadico dei frammenti impedisce talvolta di collocarli in relazione certa con le principali aree di culto della città, tuttavia ne risulta un panorama di notevole interesse per la comprensione del profilo religioso della città. Vengono anche confermate le strette relazioni con Mileto.
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Close Document Image Close Document Printer Image Print This Document! Conservation Information Network (BCIN). Author: Masturzo, Nicolò Title Article/Chapter: "Il restauro della tomba monumentale chiamata l'Orologio ...
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Un semplice foglio consultabile per esaminare il luogo di rinvenimento nel foro di Leptis delle iscrizioni neopuniche e latine, al fine di verificare la possibilità di localizzazione dei culti - A simple sheet to see the approximate... more
Un semplice foglio consultabile per esaminare il luogo di rinvenimento nel foro di Leptis delle iscrizioni neopuniche e latine, al fine di verificare la possibilità di localizzazione dei culti -
A simple sheet to see the approximate location of the inscriptions found in the forum of Lepcis, with a consultable text for the examination of the cults in the post-punic and roman imperial fase.
A simple sheet to see the approximate location of the inscriptions found in the forum of Lepcis, with a consultable text for the examination of the cults in the post-punic and roman imperial fase.
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Il lavoro di studio architettonico del tempio e del peribolo porticato è iniziato nel 2013 e nel 2014 sono state completate le misurazioni per l'elaborazione della pianta e degli elevati. Nel 2015 si conta di concludere l'elaborazione dei... more
Il lavoro di studio architettonico del tempio e del peribolo porticato è iniziato nel 2013 e nel 2014 sono state completate le misurazioni per l'elaborazione della pianta e degli elevati. Nel 2015 si conta di concludere l'elaborazione dei disegni, dei fotopiani e dei modelli 3d delle parti più significative.
Sono benvenuti e saranno molto utili per la pubblicazione finale dello studio i contributi che eventualmente si dovessero aggiungere ai fondi impegnati nel progetto, attualmente di € 6.700.
Sono benvenuti e saranno molto utili per la pubblicazione finale dello studio i contributi che eventualmente si dovessero aggiungere ai fondi impegnati nel progetto, attualmente di € 6.700.
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R. Fabiani, N. Masturzo, M. Nafissi, The monument for the Hekatomnid basileis from Iasos. Reconstruction of a statuary monument for the Hecatomnids erected in the city of Iasos, thanks to the reunion of two elements of its base. The... more
R. Fabiani, N. Masturzo, M. Nafissi, The monument for the Hekatomnid basileis from Iasos.
Reconstruction of a statuary monument for the Hecatomnids erected in the city of Iasos, thanks to the reunion of two elements of its base. The former was brought to light 2005 in
the West stoa of the agora by the Italian Archaeological Mission in Iasos, the second, exhibited at the Istanbul Archaeological Museums, was hitherto “of unknown provenance”. An epigram honoring Idrieus engraved on the block from Iasos and the
presence on the monument of Aba, Hekatomnos' sister, permits some important historical deductions.
Reconstruction of a statuary monument for the Hecatomnids erected in the city of Iasos, thanks to the reunion of two elements of its base. The former was brought to light 2005 in
the West stoa of the agora by the Italian Archaeological Mission in Iasos, the second, exhibited at the Istanbul Archaeological Museums, was hitherto “of unknown provenance”. An epigram honoring Idrieus engraved on the block from Iasos and the
presence on the monument of Aba, Hekatomnos' sister, permits some important historical deductions.
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- Base della statua di Aba figlia di Hyssaldomos, e poi dell'atleta T. Flavius Metrobios - Esedra dedicata ad Apollo stephanephoros da Phormion figlio di Exegestos - Decreti onorari per stranieri incisi sulle pareti dell'Apollonion -... more
- Base della statua di Aba figlia di Hyssaldomos, e poi dell'atleta T. Flavius Metrobios
- Esedra dedicata ad Apollo stephanephoros da Phormion figlio di Exegestos
- Decreti onorari per stranieri incisi sulle pareti dell'Apollonion
- Base di statua con epigrafe onoraria per l 'atleta T. Flavius Metrobios e graffiti a carattere agonistico
- Architrave della stoa dei presbyteroi offerta dal ginnasiarca Sopatros figlio di Epikrates
- Colonna con decreto onorario per il paidonomos C. Iulius Capito
- Esedra dedicata ad Apollo stephanephoros da Phormion figlio di Exegestos
- Decreti onorari per stranieri incisi sulle pareti dell'Apollonion
- Base di statua con epigrafe onoraria per l 'atleta T. Flavius Metrobios e graffiti a carattere agonistico
- Architrave della stoa dei presbyteroi offerta dal ginnasiarca Sopatros figlio di Epikrates
- Colonna con decreto onorario per il paidonomos C. Iulius Capito
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Nicolò Masturzo, Massimo Nafissi, Il monumento di Iasos per i basileîs di Caria. The monument from Iasos for the basileîs of Caria. This paper presents the formal publication of the two remaining inscribed blocks belonging to the... more
Nicolò Masturzo, Massimo Nafissi, Il monumento di Iasos per i basileîs
di Caria.
The monument from Iasos for the basileîs of Caria.
This paper presents the formal publication of the two remaining inscribed blocks belonging to the rectilinear base of a bronze dynastic group from Iasos. The monument has been already presented and discussed in other seats. Of the two blocks, one is preserved in Iasos, the other in Istanbul.
As for the first, it was brought to light by the Italian Archaeological Expedition in Iasos in 2005. It had been reused during the imperial age in a room of the West stoa of the agora. On the front is a fourth-century BC epigram honouring the basileis, the satrap Idrieus and another member of the Hecatomnid family, whose name had been erased.
The second block lies in the garden of the Istanbul Archaeological Museums, where many inscriptions from Iasos were brought to in 1887. It is the last on the right of a multipiece base, and a fourth-century inscription Αβα Υσσαλδωμου is carved on its front. The Museum inventory registers the block as ‘of unknown provenance’ (Istanbul inv. 3274), and as such it was published by L. Robert in Sinuri. He rightly recognized in Aba an otherwise unknown sister of Hekatomnos, the father of Maussollus and of the other satraps of the dynasty.
Robert did not mention another inscription on the very damaged right short side of the stone, an honorary inscription for a well-known athlete from Iasos, Ti. Flavius Metrobios, who won the dolichos in the first Capitoline Games (86 AD). The stone in Istanbul comes therefore from Iasos. The size, mouldings, and other details of the two blocks show that they originally belonged to the same large monument in honour of the Hecatomnids.
The paper consists of two parts. N. Masturzo illustrates, for the first time in detail, its monumental features. Different possible restitutions of the monument, as a four or as a six statues group, are proposed.
M. Nafissi revises his previous reading of the epigram carved on the block in Iasos and offers an overview of the historical significance of the epigram and monument. The epigram is the first known contemporary document in Caria to call the Hecatomnids basileis. Its wording seems to imply that the monument was placed in a cultic context. Aba’s presence on the monument strongly suggests that Hecatomnos married his own sister, as Maussollus and Idrieus did later.
di Caria.
The monument from Iasos for the basileîs of Caria.
This paper presents the formal publication of the two remaining inscribed blocks belonging to the rectilinear base of a bronze dynastic group from Iasos. The monument has been already presented and discussed in other seats. Of the two blocks, one is preserved in Iasos, the other in Istanbul.
As for the first, it was brought to light by the Italian Archaeological Expedition in Iasos in 2005. It had been reused during the imperial age in a room of the West stoa of the agora. On the front is a fourth-century BC epigram honouring the basileis, the satrap Idrieus and another member of the Hecatomnid family, whose name had been erased.
The second block lies in the garden of the Istanbul Archaeological Museums, where many inscriptions from Iasos were brought to in 1887. It is the last on the right of a multipiece base, and a fourth-century inscription Αβα Υσσαλδωμου is carved on its front. The Museum inventory registers the block as ‘of unknown provenance’ (Istanbul inv. 3274), and as such it was published by L. Robert in Sinuri. He rightly recognized in Aba an otherwise unknown sister of Hekatomnos, the father of Maussollus and of the other satraps of the dynasty.
Robert did not mention another inscription on the very damaged right short side of the stone, an honorary inscription for a well-known athlete from Iasos, Ti. Flavius Metrobios, who won the dolichos in the first Capitoline Games (86 AD). The stone in Istanbul comes therefore from Iasos. The size, mouldings, and other details of the two blocks show that they originally belonged to the same large monument in honour of the Hecatomnids.
The paper consists of two parts. N. Masturzo illustrates, for the first time in detail, its monumental features. Different possible restitutions of the monument, as a four or as a six statues group, are proposed.
M. Nafissi revises his previous reading of the epigram carved on the block in Iasos and offers an overview of the historical significance of the epigram and monument. The epigram is the first known contemporary document in Caria to call the Hecatomnids basileis. Its wording seems to imply that the monument was placed in a cultic context. Aba’s presence on the monument strongly suggests that Hecatomnos married his own sister, as Maussollus and Idrieus did later.