Ramon Maiz
University of Santiago de Compostela, Political Science, Faculty Member
- Critical Theory, Political Philosophy, Political Science, Political Theory, Federalism, Nationalism, and 6 moreEthnic politics, Modern Political Theory; History of Political Thought (Modern) - Hobbes to Marx, Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts, Carl Schmitt, Deliberative Democracy, and Participatory Democracyedit
- Ramon Maiz is EMERITUS PROFESSOR of Political Science at the University of Santiago de Compostela (Spain). His main f... moreRamon Maiz is EMERITUS PROFESSOR of Political Science at the University of Santiago de Compostela (Spain). His main fields of research are comparative nationalism, federalism, and political theory. He has published recently in journals as Regional and Federal Studies, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, Journal of Political Ideologies, Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, Latina America and Caribbean Studies and Nations and Nationalism. Some of his books are: with W. Safran Identity and Territorial Autonomy in Plural Societies London: Frank Cass, 2000; The Construction of Europe, Democracy, and Globalization USC. 2001; Democracy, Nationalism and Multiculturalism (coedited with Ferran Requejo) Routledge: London, 2004; Ethnicité et Politique (coedited with Jean Tournon) L’Harmattan: Paris, 2006. His last books are The Inner Frontier Buxelles: Frank Cass, 2014; and with Tiffay Shellam (eds) Salvado and the Australian Aboriginal World (CCG 2016). He is the director of the Research Group in Political Science at the University of Santiago de Compostela, member of the board of the IPSA Standing Committee on Ethnicity and Politics and coordinates, with Michael Keating, the Scotland- Galicia- Wales Network On Devolution. He is member of the international editorial board of Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, Araucaria, Pôle Sud and Nations and Nationalism.
Ramon Maiz
Facultad de Ciencias Políticas
Universidad de Santiago de Compostela
15782 Santiago de Compostela
Spain
e-mail: ramon.maiz@usc.esedit
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Research Interests: Humanities and Araucaria
In December 2005 the Aymaran Indian Evo Morales, at the head of the Movimiento al Socialismo party (Movement Toward Socialism or MAS), won the Bolivian presidential elections with 53.74 per cent of the valid votes. That in Latin America a... more
In December 2005 the Aymaran Indian Evo Morales, at the head of the Movimiento al Socialismo party (Movement Toward Socialism or MAS), won the Bolivian presidential elections with 53.74 per cent of the valid votes. That in Latin America a native Indian should attain presidential office with a pro-Indian programme of government constitutes a striking novelty; that he should do so with the massive, nationwide support of white and mixed-blood voters as well as Indians is amazing. This chapter attempts, albeit very schematically, to identify the factors responsible for the success of the indigenous movement in Bolivia; to explain why it was Morales’s MAS rather than Felipe Quispe’s Movimiento Indigena Pachakuti (Indigenous Pachakuti Movement, MIP) that gained the ascendancy within this movement; and to do so by reference to interpretational aspects of the indigenous discourse that have generally not been remarked on but which throw new light on previous accounts.
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This book sheds light on the complicated, multi-faceted relationship between nationalism and democracy by examining how nationalism in various periods and contexts shapes, or is shaped by, democratic practices or the lack thereof. This... more
This book sheds light on the complicated, multi-faceted relationship between nationalism and democracy by examining how nationalism in various periods and contexts shapes, or is shaped by, democratic practices or the lack thereof. This book examines nationalism's relationship with democracy looking at three questions: - The challenge of democracy for sub-state nationalism: analyzing the circumstances under which sub-state nationalism is compatible with democracy, and assessing the democratic implications of various nationalist projects. - The impact of state nationalism on democratic practices: examining the implications of state nationalism for democracy, both in countries where liberal democratic principles and practices are well established and where they are not. - How state nationalism affects democratization processes and what impact sub-state nationalism has in these contexts. Featuring a range of case studies from Western, Eastern and Central Europe, Russia, Africa and the Middle East, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, sociology, nationalism and democracy.
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La obra de Robert Musil Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften no sólo se considera una de las cumbres de la novela del siglo XX, sino que constituye también un ensayo de profundo calado teórico político sobre la nación y los nacionalismos en la... more
La obra de Robert Musil Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften no sólo se considera una de las cumbres de la novela del siglo XX, sino que constituye también un ensayo de profundo calado teórico político sobre la nación y los nacionalismos en la Europa de entreguerras. La crisis del Imperio austrohúngaro sirve de motivo al autor para desarrollar una crítica profunda de algunos de los fundamentos teóricos fundamentales del pensamiento político moderno. Este artículo muestra cómo la crítica sistemática a la que el nacionalismo esencialista y racista se somete en la obra se basa en una revisión de dos de los presupuestos filosóficos que la hacen posible: la concepción lineal del tiempo y la historia, y la metafísica del sujeto. El análisis explora las profunda relación que existe en la obra entre la identidad individual (el sujeto) y la identidad colectiva (la nación), entre la crisis del sujeto unitario moderno como individuo autónomo y las dificultades de la construcción de un concepto pluralis...
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En este artículo trataré de argumentar y concretar algunos elementos tentativos para una propuesta de reforma ante el conflicto político de Cataluña. Lo haré desde una de las tres
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Abstract This article analyzes the main components of the Russian thinker Aleksndr Dugin (1962)’ political theory, very influential in Kremlin circles and in Putin’s own positions. In his prolific work, a traditionalist vision, indebted... more
Abstract
This article analyzes the main components
of the Russian thinker Aleksndr Dugin
(1962)’ political theory, very influential in
Kremlin circles and in Putin’s own positions.
In his prolific work, a traditionalist vision,
indebted to Evola and Guénon, is articulated
with elements of the German Conservative
Revolution and the Russian Eurasianist
tradition of Gumilev and others, to which
is added an Orthodox Christian fideist element
of the Old Believers. They are analyzed
in this order: 1) the traditionalist keys
to his thought; 2) the National Socialist elements
and the debts to Carl Schmitt and
Martin Heidegger; 3) his reworking of classical
Pan-Slavism and Eurasianism; and 4)
an omnipresent militarist component that
will become more acute due to the invasion
of Crimea in 2014. The articulating principle
of this motley set of elements of a whitered-
pardist Russian synthesis, which does
not hesitate to instrumentalize arguments
and concepts of postmodernism, it is constituted
by a Great Russian imperialist nationalism
of primordialist nature. The latter
promotes a totalitarian and undemocratic
system within Russia through unconditional
adherence to the “New Tsar”, while at the
same time designating, with the help of the
friend/enemy logic, its ethnic groups of exclusion
(USA, EU), as well as annexation
(Ukraine).
Keywords: Nationalism, Eurasianism, Traditionalism,
Fascism, Imperialism, Russia.
This article analyzes the main components
of the Russian thinker Aleksndr Dugin
(1962)’ political theory, very influential in
Kremlin circles and in Putin’s own positions.
In his prolific work, a traditionalist vision,
indebted to Evola and Guénon, is articulated
with elements of the German Conservative
Revolution and the Russian Eurasianist
tradition of Gumilev and others, to which
is added an Orthodox Christian fideist element
of the Old Believers. They are analyzed
in this order: 1) the traditionalist keys
to his thought; 2) the National Socialist elements
and the debts to Carl Schmitt and
Martin Heidegger; 3) his reworking of classical
Pan-Slavism and Eurasianism; and 4)
an omnipresent militarist component that
will become more acute due to the invasion
of Crimea in 2014. The articulating principle
of this motley set of elements of a whitered-
pardist Russian synthesis, which does
not hesitate to instrumentalize arguments
and concepts of postmodernism, it is constituted
by a Great Russian imperialist nationalism
of primordialist nature. The latter
promotes a totalitarian and undemocratic
system within Russia through unconditional
adherence to the “New Tsar”, while at the
same time designating, with the help of the
friend/enemy logic, its ethnic groups of exclusion
(USA, EU), as well as annexation
(Ukraine).
Keywords: Nationalism, Eurasianism, Traditionalism,
Fascism, Imperialism, Russia.
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This article seeks to understand how the Galician nationalist movement (BNG) succeeded in overcoming its political marginality after the Spanish transition to democracy and today disputes with the Socialist party the second position in... more
This article seeks to understand how the Galician nationalist movement (BNG) succeeded in overcoming its political marginality after the Spanish transition to democracy and today disputes with the Socialist party the second position in the Galician party System. Beyond the historical preconditions and the political opportunities of the creation of the autonomous communities in Spain, the authors stress the organisational and strategic capacities of nationalist actors. The ongoing federalisation of Spain provides an open political opportunity structure, but other factors need to be taken into account, such as organisation, charismatic leadership and the repertoire of mobilisation, especially the moderation of nationalist demands. The article analysis specifically: (i) the successful strategy of ideological moderation and reframing during the 1990s and (ii) the progressive electoral coordination of most pre-existing nationalist parties around the BNG.
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En este artículo se sostiene que en los llamados escritos políticos de Marx se elabora, al hilo de los análisis de coyuntura de la Francia del siglo xix, una consideración de la política dotada de un estatuto autónomo y sustantivo, del... more
En este artículo se sostiene que en los llamados escritos políticos de Marx se elabora, al hilo de los análisis de coyuntura de la Francia del siglo xix, una consideración de la política dotada de un estatuto autónomo y sustantivo, del que en modo alguno puede darse cuenta con las manidas descalificaciones de economicismo o reduccionismo (superestructura), ni tampoco de autoritarismo antidemocrático (dictadura del proletariado). Este novedoso análisis de la política de Marx que aquí se investiga, tanto en sus dimensiones institucionales (Estado) como de acción (organización, movilización), se elabora en conexión interna y conceptual con la crítica de la economía política de El capital y subraya en igual medida de esta última el carácter constitutivo, estrictamente ontológico, del fetichismo y la mistificación en el proceso real de la reproducción social y política del capitalismo. Por último, se explica el origen de la lectura economicista y autoritaria de Marx por la presencia en s...
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This article presents a detailed analysis of the concept of nation in the work of Austro-Marxist Otto Bauer. In his view, the nation is conceived as an evolutionary process of political, open and plural construction. His work also... more
This article presents a detailed analysis of the concept of nation in the work of Austro-Marxist Otto Bauer. In his view, the nation is conceived as an evolutionary process of political, open and plural construction. His work also unravels the connections of nation with a plurinational democratic state, which was at the time a novel political and institutional vision. The article argues that his work is very relevant today, with rising complexity of the new contexts of global society and the multiplication of migrations and refugees; and the need to respond through an accommodation of minorities through mechanisms of territorial and non-territorial autonomy. Much of these concerns form the substance of Otto Bauer?s work.
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Research Interests: Philosophy, Humanities, Political Parties, Networks, Local Government and Local Development, and 15 morePolitical Corruption, Corruption, Case Study, Local Government and Regional Administration, Corrupción, Clientelismo, Partidos políticos, Galicia, Patronazgo, Clientelism, Patronage, Political Clientelism, Estudio De Caso, Favores, and Máquina política
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There is a hidden tension underlying current debates on issues such as liberalism, communitarianism, multiculturalism or nationalism in the field of political theory. This hidden tension is at least as problematic as the tensions... more
There is a hidden tension underlying current debates on issues such as liberalism, communitarianism, multiculturalism or nationalism in the field of political theory. This hidden tension is at least as problematic as the tensions expressed by other, more explicit binary codes, such as community/individual, monism/pluralism or universalism/particularism. In this chapter, I will argue that the Reason/Emotion dichotomy, a foundational dichotomy or more precisely a dualism, originating in a partial and radical interpretation of Enlightenment thought, lies as an undisputed assumption behind those other binary codes, hindering the very possibility of arriving at new developments in the theory of democracy and of politics itself. The Reason/Emotion dichotomy induces with the “blissful clarity” of myth – using Barthes’ expression – an undisputed and omnipresent hyper-rationality. In turn, this has very negative de-politicizing effects on a large part of the arguments advanced by political t...
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El objetivo de este articulo es someter a escrutinio, desde las exigencias normativas dela teoria contemporanea de la democracia, los argumentos desarrollados en el debatesobre el “nacionalismo liberal”. Asi, por una parte se valorara la... more
El objetivo de este articulo es someter a escrutinio, desde las exigencias normativas dela teoria contemporanea de la democracia, los argumentos desarrollados en el debatesobre el “nacionalismo liberal”. Asi, por una parte se valorara la reubicacion de la nacioncomo una dimension clave de la democracia, la legitimacion del demos, o demoi en elcaso del Estado plurinacional. Por otra, se subrayara la insuficiencia de la reformulacionculturalista del concepto de nacion llevada a cabo por los principales autores de estacorriente, para poner de relieve la necesidad normativa de abandonar el concepto objetivoy expresivo al uso y proceder a su radical politizacion endogena. Solo asi se estara encondiciones de resaltar el caracter constructivo, abierto y contingente de las naciones,condicion indispensable para garantizar tanto su pluralismo interno, cuanto la participaciony deliberacion como elementos irrenunciables de una comunidad democratica noexcluyente, capaz de generar identidades sup...
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Les francophones du monde entier sont culturellement allergiques a tout ce qui pourrait troubler leur devotion, tantot au nationalisme, tantot a l'universalisme. Ce livre essaie de leur suggerer que les attachements et aspirations... more
Les francophones du monde entier sont culturellement allergiques a tout ce qui pourrait troubler leur devotion, tantot au nationalisme, tantot a l'universalisme. Ce livre essaie de leur suggerer que les attachements et aspirations d'un collectif culturel, conscient de sa particularite historique et (generalement) territoriale, sont, plus encore que legitimes, constitutifs de l'identite humaine, que l'ethnicisme n'est pas simplement jouissance d'un heritage culturel (que chacun aura d'ailleurs du prealablement explorer et s'approprier a sa facon), mais travail collectif pour verifier sa pertinence et assurer son developpement en adequation avec ses valeurs et avec chaque nouvelle situation. Ce rapport social, via la culture, s'etend de la micro ethnicite du quartier ou du hameau jusqu'a la mega ethnicite des " civilisations ", en passant par les diasporas et les communautes immigrees ou rapatriees. C'est dire que chacun de nous empile ou, plutot, reorganise continuellement ses multiples appartenances ethniques. Et que celles-ci sont rarement antagonistes d'un pouvoir etatique. En revanche, l'Etat, dynastique puis rationnel-legal, a souvent instrumentalise ou malmene les groupes ethniques qu'il rencontrait sur le terrain qu'il ambitionnait de controler ; ce qui ne l'empechait pas de copier habilement leur lexique et leurs solidarites. Illustree de cas choisis sur tous les continents, cette reflexion sur la relation entre ethnicite et politique tombe bien, a l'heure ou le concept de subsidiarite a redore le blason des autonomies de tous niveaux et ou la diversite culturelle est un cheval de bataille de la Francophonie. RESUME CATALOGUE A travers des etudes d'elections (notamment les presidentielles francaises de 2002), de partis politiques (notamment israeliens), de mobilisations des appartenances ou des minorisations, l'on s'efforce de montrer a la fois les racines et les effets de la conscience ethnique dans des contextes extremement differents et son implication variable dans la vie politique, en particulier par rapport au nationalisme des Etats ou de l'ideal civique.
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En este capítulo exploraremos la cuestión de si existe espacio político para una eventual acomodación federal de las demandas de autogobierno en la Cataluña actual y, en su caso, como se configura el mismo. Con el fin de responder a esta... more
En este capítulo exploraremos la cuestión de si existe espacio político para una eventual acomodación federal de las demandas de autogobierno en la Cataluña actual y, en su caso, como se configura el mismo. Con el fin de responder a esta pregunta, sin embargo, se impone una cuestión previa; a saber: qué entendemos por " federalismo ". La preconcepción sobre lo que constituye una federación resulta de todo punto decisiva, porque condiciona no solo la lectura e interpretación de las encuestas sobre la " solución al problema de Cataluña " , sino, de modo aún más decisivo, la propia operacionalización del concepto y su traducción en el diseño del cuestionario. Sostendremos en lo que sigue que la utilización acrítica de un modelo reduccionista y muy problemático de federalismo ha sesgado en muchas ocasiones la posibilidad misma de conocer con precisión las opiniones y actitudes del electorado hacia una solución de tipo federal en Cataluña y en España. La crítica de este modelo standard y la elaboración de una visión alternativa de federalismo están en la base del parcialmente innovador diseño que se ha experimentado en la encuesta que sirve de base a esta investigación y que se elabora tanto en este capítulo dedicado a la solución territorial del problema catalán, como en el estudio de las identidades colectivas del capítulo anterior.
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MODERNISMO Y POSMODERNISMO EN METROPOLIS DE FRITZ LANG Y BLADE RUNNER DE RIDLEY SCOTT.
DIMENSIONES.
DIMENSIONES.
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1.-Concept and evolutionist process of State building. The thesis I defend in this text is that the arguments which predict the disappearance or crisis of the State in the age of neo-liberal globalisation have their roots in a... more
1.-Concept and evolutionist process of State building. The thesis I defend in this text is that the arguments which predict the disappearance or crisis of the State in the age of neo-liberal globalisation have their roots in a theoretically and historically implausible concept, which ignores and distorts central aspects of statehood in terms of both institutional structure and political action. In the following pages I will propose a perspective that is both historical neo-institutionalist and relational strategic to proceed to criticism of the hurried death certificates of this " mortal god " which are so frequent these days.
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1. The origins of the debate: " culture " vs " civilization " in the romantic criticisms of the Enlightenment. 2. The challenge of the " inter-textual " notion of culture vs the avant-garde in post-modernism. 3. The pluralist concept of... more
1. The origins of the debate: " culture " vs " civilization " in the romantic criticisms of the Enlightenment. 2. The challenge of the " inter-textual " notion of culture vs the avant-garde in post-modernism. 3. The pluralist concept of culture in recent inter-culturalism. 4. The (pen)ultimate crisis in the dichotomy civic nationalism/ethnic-cultural nationalism " Culture is always composed of seriously contested codes and representations " James Clifford, Writing Culture " If the word " culture " is an historical and philosophical text, it is also the site of a political conflict… culture arises when civilization begins to seem self-contradictory " Terry Eagleton, The Idea of Culture
Comencemos por un dato para situarnos ante el problema: según la relatoría de la ONU para la vivienda digna, más de 1.000 millones de seres humanos viven en chabolas, 1.800 millones si sumamos las personas que viven en infraviviendas y en... more
Comencemos por un dato para situarnos ante el problema: según la relatoría de la ONU para la vivienda digna, más de 1.000 millones de seres humanos viven en chabolas, 1.800 millones si sumamos las personas que viven en infraviviendas y en la calle. Solo en Madrid existen en la actualidad unas 400.000 infraviviendas, sin contar la Cañada Real…. En estas páginas sostendremos la tesis de que el acceso a una vivienda digna constituye una demanda y una movilización no solo prioritaria por su relieve cuantitativo sino estratégica, por su naturaleza cualitativa, de la lucha política contra la desigualdad estructural. Argumentaremos que en torno a esta cuestión se articulan diversos vectores desigualitarios que se potencian mutuamente exacerbando, en las sociedades neoliberales, nuevas y más altas cotas de injusticia social. Ahora bien, la introducción con toda centralidad del derecho a la vivienda y la ciudad dignas no supone la mera adición de un factor más a la lucha contra la ecología de las desigualdades sino que implica una completa rearticulación de la teoría política y la causa igualitaristas. En primer lugar, supone la necesidad de recentrar una visión del Estado de Bienestar monopolizada hasta ahora por las temáticas, por lo demás irrenunciables, del acceso universal a la sanidad y a la educación en pro de la igualdad de oportunidades, también el seguro de paro y las pensiones de jubilación. En segundo lugar, implica una reformulación profunda de aspectos básicos del igualitarismo; entre otros: cuestiona el 1