Jorge Heine

La irrupcion de China en America Latina ha sido uno de los hechos que ha marcado el nuevo siglo. Sin embargo, el boom chino se detuvo en 2014, en un punto de inflexion en las hasta ahora pujantes relaciones sinolatinoamericanas. El proposito de este articulo es examinar los desafios que ello implica para los paises de la region. Esto lo hace analizando la “nueva normalidad” en la economia china; la politica exterior china en esta fase; el estado actual de los lazos entre China y America Latina, y extrayendo ciertas conclusiones en materia de politicas a futuro

Pre-print versionThe global aid architecture is undergoing significant changes which could impair efficient delivery of global public goods. Given the considerable shifts in the balance of power in the global order over the past decade, this chapter explains how the rise of the BRICS countries (Brazil, China, South Africa, and India) as aid givers and their contestation with traditional donors is generating realignments in the structure of inter-state relations, the multilateral arrangements of the global aid system, and the main consultative forums for development cooperation. Internal dynamics of the individual BRICS countries are analyzed in separate chapters

Despues de la “decada perdida” de los ochenta, muchos consideran que los noventa pueden ser la “decada de America Latina”. ?Que estan haciendo los paises de la region para adaptarse al rapidamente cambiante entorno internacional? ?Que tipo de insercion estan buscando en el mundo de la post-Guerra Fria? ?Cuales son las perspectivas del nuevo tipo de integracion que ha cobrado nuevo vigor en America Latina? Destacados especialistas en relaciones internacionales en America Latina responden a estas y otras interrogantes en este Anuario, fuente obligada de consulta en cancillerias y universidades de todo el mundo.

The year 2009 marked a turning point in inter-American affairs. The inauguration of President Barack Obama, the United States’s first black president, on 20 January; the Fifth Summit of the Americas in Port-of-Spain, held from 17–19 April; the lifting of the Organization of American States (OAS) 1962 resolution that suspended Cuba’s membership, on 3 June; and the subsequent unanimous suspension of Honduras on account of the 28 June military coup there; all combined to generate a new dynamic in the Western Hemisphere. The present situation is very different from the low point reached following the Fourth Summit of the Americas held in Mar del Plata, Argentina in October 2005, remembered for, among other things, President George W. Bush ostentatiously taking off his earphones, refusing to listen to the speeches of his Latin American counterparts.

En este articulo se evalua el desarrollo del Mercosur desde su creacion por medio del Tratado de Asuncion en 1991 hasta el presente. Se identifican los cambios en el sistema internacional a los cuales respondio su creacion, el proceso por el cual se establecio, las diferentes etapas por las cuales ha atravesado y los obstaculos que ha enfrentado. El autor concluye con algunas recomendaciones para la consolidacion del Mercosur

Rick Farmer's article focuses on ways in which academic political scientists can influence policymakers. At the Toronto meeting of the Working Group on Practicing Politics, government political scientists also recognized that academics often are frustrated by the process of getting information from the government and cooperation from officials.

ABSTRACT This book, the third in a research program on energy and international development, examines energy profiles and prospects of Latin America, economic problems posed by the oil price increases of 1973, and attendant political dislocations. A particular emphasis is placed on the transportation sector as one of the major claimants on energy use. The individual countries' policy responses to new constraints are outlined both with respect to transport policy and to development policy more broadly defined. Some basic conclusions about energy, economy, and policy in Latin America provide a comprehensive perspective on the region's energy-related predicaments and insights into new policy imperatives. 503 references, 2 figures, 28 tables.

A quick look at the map of South America will show that eight out of the ten countries in the subcontinent are ruled by Left or Left-leaning governments. To this we could add a number of other Left governments elected in the recent past in the broader Latin American region, like those of President Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua and President Ren6 Preval in Haiti in 2006 and President Leone1 Fern6ndez in the Dominican Republic in 2004. We are also witnessing a major cultural shift in the region, as citizens are starting to elect more representative leaders to the highest positions in their governments-President Lula of Brazil is a metal worker and trade union leader who lost one of his fingers on the factory

The article examines conflict and terrorism in the age of globalisation. Through a range of terrorist events in South-Asia and in the Middle-East, the article evidences, explores and questions progress of global society, inviting the reader to rethink human rights, and, in particular, the framing of responsibilities that are essential to their contemporary protection. It engages with the ideas of political risks, perpetration and victimisation through terror networks and flawed governance. Considering numerous cases of Islamist

La Alianza del Pacifico (AP) ha dado un nuevo impetu al proyecto de integracion regional y ha generado enorme interes internacional. Este articulo examina el origen, los objetivos, las estrategias y el andamiaje institucional de la AP. A partir de la busqueda de un nuevo tipo de insercion en la economia mundial, la AP se orienta a estrechar lazos con la region Asia-Pacifico, el area mas dinamica y de mayor crecimiento en lo que algunos senalan sera el siglo de Asia

El primer Foro de Cooperación Internacional de la Franja y la Ruta tuvo lugar en Lago Yanqi, en las afueras de Beijing, el quince del mayo de 2017. El imponente Centro de Convenciones (cuyos jardines fueron rediseñados y replantados para esta ocasión), donde se llevaron a cabo las deliberaciones, fue construido para la XXI Cumbre de APEC, llevada a cabo en noviembre del 2014, y es en sí testimonio del grado al cual China ha pasado, llegando a ser cada vez más sede de algunas de las principales cumbres diplomáticas en el mundo de hoy. En septiembre del 2016, había sido sede del G−20, llevada a cabo en la antigua capital imperial de Hangzhou, y hoy emblemática capital de la innovación en el otrora Imperio del Centro. En septiembre del 2017, lo fue de la IX Cumbre de los BRICS, en la isla de Xiamen, en el Sur de China1. Un total de treinta jefes de Estado y de gobierno, incluyendo a los de Rusia, Turquía, España, Italia, Indonesia y Pakistán, así como los de Chile y Argentina, entre ot...

The article examines conflict and terrorism in the age of globalisation. Through a range of terrorist events in South-Asia and in the Middle-East, the article evidences, explores and questions progress of global society, inviting the reader to rethink human rights, and, in particular, the framing of responsibilities that are essential to their contemporary protection. It engages with the ideas of political risks, perpetration and victimisation through terror networks and flawed governance. Considering numerous cases of Islamist terrorist attacks on India, Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Sri Lankan LTTE and the Nepalese Maoists, it narrates that conflicts in the age of globalisation are an outcome of socio-political processes which lie in the interface between the local and the global. Accordingly, it reasons why the dynamics of globalisation is about inclusion as well as exclusion, and argues that states and non-states should work together to overcome the dark side of globalisation.

The attack on the US Capitol on 6 January 2021 was the first such attack on the US Congress since the British-American War of 1812. It was also the event leading to the highest number of injured first responders from any single event in the US since 9/11. What led to it? To respond this question, this article places this event within the broader crisis of Western democracies and the rise of populism that has been its hallmark. It explains the attack on the Capitol as a result of the “Big Lie”, that is, the assertion that the November 3, 2020, presidential elction was stolen from Donald Trump. The remarkable resonance this unfounded claim has found among the US population, in turn, can be traced back to the huge division by race, class and geography currently affecting the United States, a division that makes for a highly polarized polity.

« Haiti fait partie de notre histoire, mais non de notre memoire. » Regis Debray, 2004 En octobre 2010, neuf mois a peine apres le seisme devastateur qui a bouleverse Haiti, un second desastre a lieu dans le pays des Jacobins noirs. Dans une partie du monde ou le cholera a ete eradique il y a un siecle, une epidemie soudaine de cette maladie apparait. Son origine est retracee jusqu’a la ville de Mirebalais, en Artibonite, une region souvent decrite comme le grenier d’Haiti, d’ou l’epidemie s’...

Extracto de texto: "Un tema recurrente en los últimos años ha sido el de la presencia de actores “extra-continentales” en la región. Varios libros se están preparando sobre el tema. El próximo número de la revista Pensamiento Propio está dedicado a ello. En algunos casos, esto es tratado en forma seria, como un fenómeno más en la cambiante inserción internacional de la región. Sin embargo, en muchos medios, e incluso en algunos foros académicos, ello se plantea como algo ilegítimo ( “¿ que hacen estos entrometidos en las Américas?”), si no derechamente alarmista (“esto es una amenaza”)..."

Abstract:Chile, a country that has been at the forefront of Latin America’s growing links with China, embodies a paradox in terms of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (COFDI). On the one hand, bilateral trade has thrived, increasing fourfold since the signing of a free trade agreement in 2005, turning Chile into China’s third largest trading partner in the region. On the other hand, Chinese direct investment in Chile has been low, much lower than in neighboring countries. In this article I explore the roots of this upsurge in bilateral trade while also explaining the reasons for the dearth of Chinese investment in a country traditionally considered to be attractive to foreign investors. Chile might be a victim of its own success as its economic accomplishments allow it to persist with investment policies that are currently daunting to Chinese investors.

The third wave of democratization has meant the end of autocratic rule and oppressive state-sponsored practices in many countries around the world. Yet the transition from authoritarianism and state-sponsored terror to more open and participatory societies has its own imperatives. After autocratic rule and protracted conflicts, it is necessary to heal the wounds caused by years, sometimes decades, of mistrust, fear, and violence. Systematic violations of human rights, in the form of oppression, physical and psychological violence, and death, leave lasting individual and collective wounds. Transitional (or restorative) justice is designed to address and (hopefully) mitigate such legacies left by the previous regime. In doing so, it draws on a variety of instruments: criminal prosecutions, special tribunals, amnesties, apologies, memorials, lustrations, and truth commissions (TCs), among others. The end of the Cold War also gave a new impetus to international criminal justice. Special tribunals for the former Yugoslavia, for Rwanda, and for Sierra Leone were established, as was, most prominently, the International Criminal Court, originated in the 1999 Rome Treaty and based in The Hague. For many, this portends a major shift in international relations, one in which the traditional, Westphalian, and sovereignty-centered international system gives way to another, based on more porous units, in which individual and human rights have more sway and human rights abuses trigger a more proactive international reaction. In turn, these developments have given rise to a whole new field of study: transitional justice. This is an interdisciplinary field in which political science, law, sociology, history, anthropology, psychology, theology, and other disciplines converge. Not surprisingly, since transitional justice emerges as a result of the developments described above, it is, much like democratization and political transitions, also marked by contingency and paradox. Transitions are fluid and political action and the uses of the law find themselves under a different set of rules than under ordinary circumstances. Grasping the transformative opportunities presented by the conjuncture becomes a key test of political leadership. (1) Truth commissions have emerged as a popular tool of transitional justice, especially in cases where a delicate balance between the extant remnants of the previous regime coexist with the new dispensation. (2) TCs have come to the fore because of their flexibility, their open-endedness, and their ability to act as a bridge of sorts between an evil past and a democratic present, thus laying the foundations for a future society at peace with itself. At first, transitional justice was mainly concerned with transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule. However, after the large number of internal conflicts that arose in the post-Cold War era, it has also been applied within the wider panoply of nation- and peacebuilding instruments following the end of a war or conflict. This has been especially true for Africa. Some transitional justice tools, like TCs, have shown to be so prevalent and useful for a variety of reasons that they are now deployed in advanced Western democracies, like Canada, to investigate historical human rights abuses as well as to investigate the conditions that led to the breakdown of democracy, as happened with the TC set up in Honduras after the June 2009-January 2010 crisis. Especially in Latin America and Africa, TCs as well as truth and reconciliation commissions have been deployed to come to terms with past injustices while rebuilding trust in government and among social groups, although they have also been deployed in Asia, Europe, and North America. (3) While they share a number of common features, TCs must reflect local specificities to address the crimes of the past amidst the fluid, uncertain, and challenging conditions that are the hallmark of democratic transitions. …

It has been said that being against globalization is like being against the sun coming up every morning, and about as fruitful. That may or may not be the case, but there is little doubt that globalization, that is, the increased flow of goods, services, capital, data and cultural products across international borders, has been one of the driving forces of international affairs over the past 30 years. In the light of the 2008–9 world financial crisis, some questions have been raised as to whether this will continue to be the case – the World Trade Organization reported a 12.2 per cent drop in world trade in 2009 (WTO 2010) – or whether we will enter a process of “deglobalization”. However that may be, since the Third Industrial Revolution was launched in 1980, when the first personal computer and round-the-clock television news from CNN came on the market, information technology (IT) and telematics have been bringing the world closer together and deterritorializing it. We may not be living at a time of “the end of history”, as Francis Fukuyama famously argued (1992), but a case can be made that we are moving towards “the end of geography” as we had known it. The effective, “real” cost of a telephone call from New Delhi to Denver is no different from one made from New Delhi to Mumbai.

A convenient date for marking the transition from one epoch to another remains 1945, for three reasons: the end of the Second World War; the establishment of the United Nations as a universal organization to maintain international peace and security, protect human rights and promote human welfare and development; and the inauguration of the atomic age. Today’s global environment is vastly more challenging, complex and demanding than the world of 1945. Just consider the vocabulary and metaphors of the new age, every one of which would have mystified the 1945 generation: Srebrenica, Rwanda, Kosovo, East Timor, Darfur; child soldiers, ethnic cleansing, blood diamonds, 9/11, regime change, HIV/AIDS, global warming; Microsoft, Google, iPod, Blackberry, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube. All of them both symbolize and result from the age of globalization. Moreover, they all empower both forces for good and forces of evil.

Crises are watershed moments that mark a profound break from the past. It is not yet clear whether the earthquake of January 2010 will constitute such a tipping point, although it is easy to conceive of at least two opposing scenarios that could emerge from the disaster. The first is that Haiti never recovers, that the earthquake has the effect of exacerbating insecurity and instability to the point that Haiti, to borrow a term from Jared Diamond, “collapses” under the weight of its own fragility (Diamond, 2005). In such a circumstance, it is not impossible to imagine widespread political violence and mass human rights violations that far exceed those of previous periods of turmoil such as the popular revolution of 1986 that brought an end to Duvalierism, the difficult transition from authoritarianism to democracy from 1987 to 1990 or the respective anti-Aristide coups of 1991 to 1994, and 2004. Nor is it impossible to imagine a further and drastic decline in food security, as well as social, health and economic development, which were already among the lowest in the world. Under such a scenario, the common perception of Haiti as the “basket case of the new world” would not only be reinforced but the Caribbean country would come to constitute an even greater threat to regional peace and security than it has in the past.

Haiti may well be the only country in the Americas with a last name. References to the land of the “black Jacobins” are almost always followed by “the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere”. To that dubious distinction, on 12 January 2010 the world’s first black republic added another, when it was hit by the most devastating natural disaster to occur in the Americas, a 7.0 Richter-scale earthquake. The latter, whose epicenter was in the Caribbean Sea just outside Port-au-Prince – in a shallow area, which made its surface tremors stronger – ripped with deadly force through the Haitian capital and its adjoining areas, reaching as far as the southern city of Jacmel.

In 1971, shortly after the nationalisation of ChiIe's leading copper mines, and as part of its efforts to divers* its foreign trade at a time when 75 per cent of its export earnings were derived from this commodity, Chile reached a preliminary copper sales agreement with India, something seen favourably both by President Salvador Allende and by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who had visited Chile in 1968. Yet, given the lack of any regular shipping service, and the considerable cost of transporting copper concentrate from the Southern Cone to South Asia (which made the CIF cost prohibitively expensive for India) the project had to be shelved; and Chile sent a special envoy to New Delhi to explain the situation and put forward an alternative plan for India to source its copper elsewhere'.

I have been asked to comment on the UN Secretary-General’s Agenda for Development report, 50 single-spaced pages which make an eloquent case for the need to put the development question front and centre as we reach the end of the millennium. The report underscores the degree to which the end of the Cold War, ‘donor fatigue’ and other factors conspire to create a ‘development crisis’. It goes on to identify five different dimensions of development — peace, the economy, the environment, social justice and democracy — as key factors for the sort of development we need.1

Abstract. During too much time the subject of the privatizations in Chile has been raised like something exclusively economic technician and, a species of synonymous of modernization. The one that the greater privatizador frenzy of the military government (the calls privatizations of third round) has agreed with the years of economic recovery of the 1982-83 crisis has taken to important sectors of the public opinion to assimilate privatizations with growth, when in fact these are only part of the elements that affect the economic dynamism of a country. This I articulate presents/displays from different authors and perspective, an analytical glance on this phenomenon. Resumen. Durante demasiado tiempo el tema de las privatizaciones en Chile ha sido planteado como algo exclusivamente tecnico y economico, una especie de sinonimo de modernizacion. El que el mayor frenesi privatizador del gobierno militar (las llamadas privatizaciones de tercera ronda) haya coincidido con los anos de recuperacion economica de la crisis de 1982-83 ha llevado a importantes sectores de la opinion publica a asimilar privatizaciones con crecimiento, cuando en realidad estas son solo parte de los elementos que inciden en el dinamismo economico de un pais. Este articulo presenta desde diferentes autores y perspectivas, una mirada analitica sobre este fenomeno.