Agreements

India’s relation with UAE has flourished since the Federation of UAE in 1971 when trade was the primary source of their relation. From the very beginning, UAE has shown interest in maintaining relation with India as one of the growing and emerging economy throughout the world. India has also been trying to regain International power in whole West Asia which has resulted increasing number of visits of the ministers to UAE, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Palestine. Although, India has engaged with a number of West Asian Countries but established a significant strategic relation with UAE. Relation has further blossomed since the visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to UAE in 2014 and return visit of UAE’s crown Prince to India in 2016 and in 2017 on the occasion of Republic Day. During these visits, many agreements were signed related to security, defence, trade, investment, and infrastructure, combat terrorism as relation has moved towards strategic from bilateral. UAE has assumed chairmanship of India Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) immediately after India; therefore, greater understanding was developed on the maritime issues as well. It is important to note that with shrinking markets in Europe and the USA, UAE is looking towards India for trade and investment. The aim of this paper is to highlight factors and interest of both countries to come closer in region as well in international arena.

World champion Napoleon Bonaparte said that China is a sleeping demon, let it sleep, if it wakes up, the world will regret it. In the 21st century, China's BRI (Belt and Road Initiative) project will put Europe, Asia, Africa, Australia to put China on the world stage as a superpower. Through this project rail, water, road, pipe line etc. Is included It will provide a new facility to the world for trade. This project will mark such a record in the world as never before in history. It is the only plan in the world that will connect the 4 continents and oceans penetrating the borders of the states directly with China. Other countries are in a dilemma about this project, they do not want to lose the benefits of this project and also do not want China to interfere in their sovereignty and foreign policy posing a threat to their national security.

INDICE--http://servicio.uca.es/publicaciones/resumen_indices_resenas/espana-marruecos-indice.pdf

http://catedras.uca.es/jean-monnet/serie-libros/libros-serie/libro-tratados-hispanomarroquies

RESUMEN ---http://servicio.uca.es/publicaciones/resumen_indices_resenas/espana-marruecos-resumen2.pdf"

https://publicaciones.uca.es/espana-y-marruecos-tratados-declaraciones-y-memorandos-de-entedimiento-1991-2013/

https://publicaciones.uca.es/espana-y-marruecos-tratados-declaraciones-y-memorandos-de-entedimiento-1991-2013/

India’s links with Bangladesh are civilization, cultural, social and economic. There is much that unites the two countries- a shared history and common heritage, linguistic and cultural ties, passion for music, literature and the arts. With Bangladesh, India shares not only a common history of struggle for freedom and liberation but also enduring feelings of both fraternal as well as familial ties. This commonality is reflected in multi-dimensional relations with Bangladesh at several levels of interaction. But there had been many twists in the past between the two countries particularly during 1975-1990 which are very much vital to know. The objective of this paper is to highlight the major shifts, as there were those big changes which shaped the future course of the relationship between the two countries. The paper further provides this understanding that the national interest is the most vital part of any country’s foreign policy for which it can go to any extent.

Resumen:
El objetivo de este artículo es identificar las áreas de riesgo de la planeación tributaria agresiva en un grupo de empresas antioqueñas multilatinas. Para ello, se desarrolló un estudio de caso múltiple, basado en un método de análisis de contenido de la información financiera pública, del periodo 2005-2014, de un grupo de empresas de la región, con un importante portafolio de inversiones en el exterior. Como resultado se identificaron, de manera precisa, las principales áreas de riesgo de la planeación tributaria agresiva, a la luz del plan de acción de la OCDE. La  singularidad de las empresas estudiadas impide que los resultados sean generalizables.

Abstract:
The aim of this article is to identify the areas of risk of aggressive tax planning in a  group of multi-Latin companies of Antioquia. For this purpose, a multiple case study was carried out based on a method of content analysis on public financial information of the 2005-2014 period of a regional group of companies, with an important investment portfolio abroad. As a result, the main areas of risk of aggressive tax planning were identified, in an accurate manner, in light of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) action plan. The singularity of the companies studied prevent from applying the results indiscriminately.

Abstract Philosophers who discuss everyday promises (as opposed to legal contracts) generally make the following three assumptions: when one who makes a promise is thereby obligated to do what was promised, that obligation is a matter of his (or her) being morally required to act as promised, this requirement deriving from a general moral principle or principles; the obligation of a promise cannot simply be willed into being; promises whose content is such that one is morally required not to act as promised are not obligating. It is argued that these three assumptions do not square well with two intuitive points: that every promise obligates the promisor, and that the obligation in question is directed to the promisee.  It offers a "joint decision" account of both agreements and promises such that the two intuitive points are respected.

En las tres últimas décadas las dos mayores innovaciones en asuntos de gobierno han sido la Nueva Gestión Pública (modo gerencial o postburocrático), y más recientemente, la Gobernanza o Nueva Gobernanza (modo postgubernamental). Asimismo, el auge de la evaluación de las políticas y los programas públicos es en gran medida resultado de las reformas que los gobiernos por convicción o por fuerza han emprendido en los últimos años y que han modificado sus prácticas, su concepto y sus criterios de valoración. Este artículo constata cómo ha ido tomando forma un nuevo proceso de gobernar y administrar, la (nueva) gobernanza, reconociendo su presencia e importancia directiva, pero también la necesidad y conveniencia de evaluar su actividad y resultados, por lo que indaga en las relaciones que podrían establecerse entre la evaluación y la gobernanza y los beneficios que tanto la gobernanza como la evaluación podrían recibir de sus mutuos aportes.

During the last three decades, there have been two major innovations in the field of government affairs, New Public Management (managerial or post-bureaucratic mode), Governance or New Governance (post-governmental mode). Likewise, the new push of program and public policy evaluation, is due in part to reforms that governments have undertaken –by conviction or by force-during these last years, which have modified governmental practices, concepts and assessment criteria. This article discusses how "governance" as a new process of government and administration has taken place, and recognizes its presence and importance as a directive process, and also the need and convenience of evaluating its activities and results. Thus, it investigates on the potential relations between evaluation and governance and the mutual benefits both governance and evaluation might have when their respective contributions are jointly considered.

Architectural and audiovisual heritage are two extremely important cultural resources in the region of
Castilla y León and, specifically in its capital, the city of Valladolid. The Recognized Research Group of
Architecture and Cinema of the University of Valladolid (GIRAC), the Iberian DO.CO.MO.MO Foundation,
the City Council of Valladolid and the Valladolid Film Office (VAFO) have developed several
initiatives to highlight and re-late both fields of knowledge. The cultural and economic value of this
relationship has been reinforced through a process of municipal protection of the architectural heritage
of the Modern Movement of Valladolid. This article explains the creation of a strategy for the economic
development of this heritage used as film sets for audio-visual production.

Every semester, law students and professors struggle with the situation presented in the Texas Supreme Court case of Bohatch v. Butler & Binion.  There, Colette Bohatch, pursuant to her ethical duties, reported within the firm of Butler & Binion another partner suspected of overbilling.  The law firm then expelled her, and while the Supreme Court held that Bohatch needed to follow her ethical duties, the firm could properly expel her for doing so.  The reasoning was that, among other things, the trust and confidence needed for a partnership trumped any purported policy protecting law firm whistleblowers, and Bohatch had lost the trust of the partnership. 

The Catch-22 of the Bohatch scenario troubles many.  However, as further consideration of this case shows, this Catch-22 can be solved by moving the starting point of the analysis of the scenario to when an attorney freely chooses to become partners with other attorneys.  When an attorney signs an at-will agreement that allows for no-cause expulsion, she exposes herself to expulsion that is in the purported best interest of the partnership, as occurred in Bohatch.  If considered through this lens, it becomes clear that the Texas Supreme Court in Bohatch reached the correct result, and that any court that faces the same situation should reach the same conclusion.

Disclaimer: This is a working paper, and hence it represents research in progress. This paper represents the opinions of the authors, and is the product of professional research. It is not meant to represent the position or opinions of the WTO or its Members, nor the official position of any staff members. Any errors are the fault of the author. Copies of working papers can be requested from the divisional secretariat by writing to: Economic Research and

En las tres últimas décadas dos mayores innovaciones en asuntos de gobierno han sido la Nueva Gestión Pública (modo gerencial o postburocrático), y más recientemente, la Gobernanza o Nueva Gobernanza (modo postgubernamental). Asimismo, el auge de la evaluación de las políticas y los programas públicos es en gran medida resultado de las reformas que los gobiernos por convicción o por fuerza han emprendido en los últimos años y que han modificado sus prácticas, su concepto y sus criterios de valoración. Este artículo constata cómo ha ido tomando forma un nuevo proceso de gobernar y administrar, la (nueva) gobernanza, reconociendo su presencia e importancia directiva, pero también la necesidad y conveniencia de evaluar su actividad y resultados, por lo que indaga en las relaciones que podrían establecerse entre la evaluación y la gobernanza y los beneficios que tanto la gobernanza como la evaluación podrían recibir de sus mutuos aportes.

This paper can be downloaded without charge at: The Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei Note di Lavoro Series Index: http://www.feem.it/web/activ/_activ.html Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://papers.ssrn.com/abstract_id=XXXXXX The opinions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the position of Back to Kyoto? US Participation and the Linkage between R&D and Climate Cooperation Summary The US decision not to ratify the Kyoto Protocol and the recent outcomes of the Bonn and Marrakech Conferences of the Parties drastically reduce the effectiveness of the Kyoto Protocol in controlling GHG emissions. The reason is not only the reduced emission abatement in the US, but also the spillover effects on technology and countries' relative bargaining power induced by the US decision. Therefore, it is crucial to analyse whether an incentive strategy exists that could induce the US to revise their decision and to comply with the Kyoto commitments. One sol...

Los Convenios de Producción Más Limpia en Colombia se han constituido en una herramienta significativa para implementar sistemas de gestión ambiental, a través de los cuales las Corporaciones Autónomas Regionales y los productores (ya sea consolidados en Gremios o Asociaciones), concertan la ejecución de acciones conducentes a un mejoramiento continuo que coadyuve a que los sectores económicos caminen por la senda de la sostenibilidad. Se pretende presentar los resultados obtenidos del Convenio suscrito por ASOCOLFLORES-ANTIOQUIA y CORNARE, comprendido entre 1996-2006 y los avances logrados en el Convenio vigente, firmado desde 2006. Se incluye también la información obtenida a través de la realización de una encuesta a 45 de los 50 cultivos adheridos a dicho Convenio, cuyo diseño se apoyó en la información contemplada en la ‘Guía Ambiental’ del sector, considerada el deber ser de la gestión ambiental en los cultivos de flores, con el propósito de estudiar las incidencias de los acuerdos  realizados, que, más que acuerdos con propósitos de cumplimientos de ley, se han constituido en procesos dinámicos de cambio e innovación, con un amplio sentido de responsabilidad social compartida, involucrando incluso a otras entidades en la cadena de acción concertada. Se resalta el compromiso que han tenido los productores, la Asociación y la Autoridad Ambiental para mejorar indicadores de desempeño ambiental en la región, pero reconociéndose igualmente que la tarea continúa, justificando entonces la suscripción del actual convenio.

Disclaimer: This is a working paper, and hence it represents research in progress. This paper represents the opinions of the authors, and is the product of professional research. It is not meant to represent the position or opinions of the WTO or its Members, nor the official position of any staff members. Any errors are the fault of the author. Copies of working papers can be requested from the divisional secretariat by writing to: Economic Research and

The signing, among others, of a “friendship agreement” between Greece and Turkey in 1930 has been coined by official nationalist discourses as the initiation of a brand new “friendship-era” between the two nations. This rupture though was undermined by the fact that the signing followed only few years after the end of the Greek-Turkish war in 1922, and the ethnic tensions that the ten-year-long fighting had brought as its unavoidable repercussion. This thesis, after a brief analysis of the international matrix in which the Greek-Turkish rapprochement was concluded, proceeds to a two-fold analysis: On the one hand it reconstructs the nationalist discourses -mirrored in parliament debates and public speeches, as well as the regime-loyal press, that is, the Venizelist Ελεύθερο Βήμα (Free Tribune), and the Turkish Cumhuriyet (Republic)- with which both the Venizelist and the Kemalist government justified in public the followed policy and attempted to render the other party as a “trustable” and “new” partner, disentangling it thereby from past connotations, while presenting themselves as fully supported by both countries’ “public opinion.” On the opposite pole, it seeks to shed light on the differences evolving between these official nationalist discourses and oppositional/popular ones. With that aim it analyzes the two countries’ press spectrum of 1930 and sheds light on the different nationalist imaginaries that were uttered around the signing of the agreements in June and October 1930, by popular versions of the official nationalist discourse, like the Turkish newspaper Vakit (Time), by oppositional parties, as the anti-Venizelists in Greece, or such marginalized groups like the refugees/exchangees and the communists. The method thereby used is a critical reading and a reconstruction of the texts of the parliament discussions and a variety of newspapers, with the aim to create a narrative unraveling the different political implications, the power relations and the contradictions these contain.