Opposition

In Tunisia, the critical concept that allows assessment of relations between the government and human rights organizations and opposition groups active in their midst is the element of compromise. Some opposition members of human rights organisations actively seek areas of conflict with the government. The contradiction between the search for a compromise at any cost and the affirmation of an opposing position explains how it is that the only legalized human rights association constitutes the locus of confrontation between political actors, and how the national authority seeks to transform the organisation into a proxy for its own rhetoric on human rights.

Inherent components of group life, conflicts include both positive and negative aspects from a psycho-social point of view. They can generate chaos and progress, separation and cohesion. More and more specialists believe that conflict management is as important as the other management functions. We can say that there is no organization without conflicts and no social group without disputes. The present paper tries to identify the modality in which conflicts are born, as well as to present various strategies of conflict resolution, on the basis of a cost analysis generated by conflicts at organizational level.

With four waves of women's liberation movements in the twentieth century, the relationship between mothers and daughters has come under increasing, frequent, intense, and passionate examination. Scholars East and West have examined this bond, giving it a universal appeal. Among the voices that have come to create speech and meaning to this relationship are. Fouad (1964), the Egyptian writer, in her book Ila Ibnaty (To My Daughter) and Rich's 1976 classic feminist work, Of Women Born: Motherhood as Experience and Institution. Concerning their definitions, this paper discusses the oppositional forms of the mother-daughter relationship in Amy Tan's Two Kinds and Lydia Davis' The Mother. In both short stories, Tan, with her Chinese traditions and American education, and Davis, whose background includes no ethnic derivations, explore the breakdown in communication in this problematic bond, aiming at reconstructing this richly influential relationship.

Abstract: Henry David Thoreau (Concord-Massachusetts, U.S.A. 1817-1862) is one of the main American writers of the 19th century. His works include Walden or Life in the Woods (1854) - a true manifest of ecological concern - and the influential essay On the Duty of Civil Disobedience (1849), where he develops the concept of civil disobedience to unjust laws and political regimes. This statement has to do, in particular, with his radical opposition to slavery and to the Mexican-American War (1846-1848). The present paper corresponds to the forth chapter of the doctoral thesis in Philosophy, entitled “Desobediencia civil y esclavitud en Henry David Thoreau”. This work was published in 2003 by the Pontifical University of the Holy Cross (Rome) and by Los Hemisferios University (Quito, Ecuador) in 2009. This Ph.D. research presents an all-inclusive overview of Thoreau´s thinking in his main writings. The chapter we are dealing with intends to determine Thoreau’s impact on the adoption and application of the concept of civil disobedience in the politics of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.
Resumen: Henry David Thoreau (Concord-Massachusetts, EE.UU. 1817-1862) es una de las figuras preeminentes del pensamiento norteamericano del siglo XIX. Entre sus obras principales destacan Walden or Life in the Woods (1854) - auténtico manifiesto precursor del ecologismo contemporáneo - y el célebre ensayo On the Duty of Civil Disobedience (1849), en el que defiende la tesis de la desobediencia civil a los regímenes y leyes injustos, particularmente con ocasión del fenómeno de la esclavitud y de la Guerra de los EE.UU. contra México (1846-1848). El presente artículo corresponde al capítulo cuarto de la tesis doctoral en Filosofía titulada “Desobediencia civil y esclavitud en Henry David Thoreau: proyecciones de una filosofía política”, trabajo de investigación publicado por la Pontifica Universidad de la Santa Cruz, de Roma, en el año 2003 y por la Universidad de Los Hemisferios, de Quito, en 2009. La obra aborda la cosmovisión de Thoreau, recogiendo sus principales fuentes en lengua inglesa - muchas de ellas traducidas por el autor al castellano -, para delinear en el capítulo en cuestión el claro influjo del autor norteamericano en la adopción y aplicación del concepto de desobediencia civil por parte del Mahatma Gandhi y de Martin Luther King, Jr.

The present work is devoted to the exploration of some formal possibilities suggesting, since some years, the possibility to elaborate a new, whole geometry, relative to the concept of “opposition”. The latter concept is very important and vast (as for its possible applications), both for philosophy and science and it admits since more than two thousand years a standard logical theory, Aristotle’s “opposition theory”, whose culminating formal point is the so called “square of opposition”. In some sense, the whole present enterprise consists in discovering and ordering geometrically an infinite amount of “avatars” of this traditional square structure (also called “logical square” or “Aristotle’s square”). The results obtained here go even beyond the most optimistic previous expectations, for it turns out that such a geometry exists indeed and offers to science many new conceptual insights and formal tools. Its main algorithms are the notion of “logical bi-simplex of dimension m” (which allows “opposition” to become “n-opposition”) and, beyond it, the notions of “Aristotelian pq-semantics” and “Aristotelian pq-lattice” (which allow opposition to become p-valued and, more generally, much more fine-grained): the former is a game-theoretical device for generating “opposition kinds”, the latter gives the structure of the “opposition frameworks” containing and ordering the opposition kinds. With these formal means, the notion of opposition reaches a conceptual clarity never possible before. The naturalness of the theory seems to be maximal with respect to the object it deals with, making this geometry the new standard for dealing scientifically with opposition phenomena. One question, however, philosophical and epistemological, may seem embarrassing with it: this new, successful theory exhibits fundamental logical structures which are shown to be intrinsically geometrical: the theory, in fact, relies on notions like those of “simplex”, of “n-dimensional central symmetry” and the like. Now, despite some appearances (that is, the existence, from time to time, of logics using some minor spatial or geometrical features), this fact is rather revolutionary. It joins an ancient and still unresolved debate over the essence of mathematics and rationality, opposing, for instance, Plato’s foundation of philosophy and science through Euclidean geometry and Aristotle’s alternative foundation of philosophy and science through logic. The geometry of opposition shows, shockingly, that the logical square, the heart of Aristotle’s transcendental, anti-Platonic strategy is in fact a Platonic formal jungle, containing geometrical-logical hyper-polyhedra going into infinite. Moreover, this fact of discovering a lot of geometry inside the very heart of logic, is also linked to a contemporary, raging, important debate between the partisans of “logic-inspired philosophy” (for short, the analytic philosophers and the cognitive scientists) and those, mathematics-inspired, who begin to claim more and more that logic is intrinsically unable to formalise, alone, the concept of “concept” (the key ingredient of philosophy), which in fact requires rather geometry, for displaying its natural “conceptual spaces” (Gärdenfors). So, we put forward some philosophical reflections over the aforementioned debate and its deep relations with questions about the nature of concepts. As a general epistemological result, we claim that the geometrical theory of oppositions reveals, by contrast, the danger implicit in equating “formal structures” to “symbolic calculi” (i.e. non-geometrical logic), as does the paradigm of analytic philosophy. We propose instead to take newly in consideration, inspired by the geometry of logic, the alternative paradigm of “structuralism”, for in it the notion of “structure” is much more general (being not reduced to logic alone) and leaves room to formalisations systematically missed by the “pure partisans” of “pure logic”.

La présente étude correspond à une tentative de comparaison et d’explicitation de la doctrine augustinienne de l’âme et de la circumincession, avec – et par – le fonctionnement de l’âme tel qu’il est exposé par Kant dans son Essai pour introduire en philosophie le concept de grandeurs négatives (1763). En effet, Kant y introduit un outil d’analyse pour les mouvements de l’âme et les mouvements du monde, qui pourrait offrir une solution viable pour dépasser la fixité apparente des facultés de l’âme dans la circumincession, et introduire en elles activité et dynamisme.
On y emploie donc le concept mathématique (et dynamique ou mécanique) de l’opposition réelle, afin de rendre compte des relations des facultés de l’âme entre elles, auxquelles correspondent parallèlement selon Kant, les relations des corps mobiles entre eux dans le monde, sous le principe commun de la volonté divine.

Бессрочный протест. Семантический анализ сообщений Викиновости.
Длина с пробелами 408359 символов
Длина без пробелов 352924 символов
Всего слов 53469
Водность 37%
Тошнота 49.94
Топ10 слов протест, бессрочный, акция, задержать, год, активист, человек, москва, пикет, россия
Словарь 6246 слов
Словарь ядра 5638 слов
Язык текста rus
Тематика Женский клуб, Транспорт, Погода

The belief that Aristotle opposes potency (dunamis) to actuality (energeia or entelecheia) has gone mostly untested. This essay defines and distinguishes forms of the Opposition Hypothesis—the Actualization, Privation, and Modal—examining the texts and arguments adduced to support them. Using Aristotle's own account of opposition, the texts appear instead to show that potency and actuality are compatible, while arguments for their opposition produce intractable problems. Notably, Aristotle's refutation of the Megarian Identity Hypothesis applies with equal or greater force to the Opposition Hypothesis. For Aristotle, then, potency and actuality are compatible.

This critique of the “state of Cultural Studies” was developed in Puerto Rico during a series of crises. Engagement with four "new" books by Stuart Hall provides the overall structure. Drawing in part on non-academic experience, the author joins a critique of the field’s devolution into a “dogmatic slumber.” A pattern of using claims of marginalization as a claim to power is questioned. A more processual and less dogmatic form of cultural analysis should in fact be a cornerstone of General Education courses, it is argued.

F*ck May 68, Fight Now: Exploring the Uses of the Radical Past from 1968 to Today

Session 1: History is a Weapon

June 8, 2018

Department of History, University of Liverpool

https://archive.discoversociety.org/2018/09/04/circumnavigating-the-past-foreclosing-the-future-commemoration-of-the-radical-past-in-the-amnesiac-present/

The Augustan principate has many elements of a monarchical system. However, this does not allow to question the reality of the Augustan restoration and to emphasize the ambiguity of the regime. The hypotheses such as “monarchy with republican façade” or a “republican fiction” are misleading. Indeed, the restoration of res publica hasn’t prevented institutional developments or monarchical inclinations. The whole basis of res publica was the respect of “ways of doing” and procedures, a frame considered as immutable. Augustan restoration didn’t aim to restore a prior state but to restore this frame (that of senatus populusque romanus). And this could be done with the establishment of a new political regime. Therefore, the Augustan principate cannot be considered as a cover intented to give a republican façade to a monarchical power.

Le fait que le principat augustéen ait une composante monarchique marquée appelée à s’affirmer de plus en plus avec le temps n’autorise pas à douter de la réalité de la restauration augustéenne et à dénoncer l’ambiguïté du régime. L’hypothèse d’une « monarchie à façade républicaine » ou d’une« fiction républicaine » est trompeuse dans la mesure où le rétablissement de la res publica n’interdisait ni les évolutions institutionnelles ni les velléités monarchiques. C’était dans les « manières de faire », dans le respect de certaines procédures, que résidait la res publica. La restauration augustéenne ne visa pas à rétablir dans le détail un état ante mais à restaurer un cadre (celui du senatus populusque romanus) considéré, lui, comme immuable mais qui n’interdisait pas l’établissement d’un régime nouveau. Le principat augustéen ne saurait donc être entendu comme un simple habillage destiné à donner une « façade républicaine » à un régime en réalité monarchique.

World champion Napoleon Bonaparte said that China is a sleeping demon, let it sleep, if it wakes up, the world will regret it. In the 21st century, China's BRI (Belt and Road Initiative) project will put Europe, Asia, Africa, Australia to put China on the world stage as a superpower. Through this project rail, water, road, pipe line etc. Is included It will provide a new facility to the world for trade. This project will mark such a record in the world as never before in history. It is the only plan in the world that will connect the 4 continents and oceans penetrating the borders of the states directly with China. Other countries are in a dilemma about this project, they do not want to lose the benefits of this project and also do not want China to interfere in their sovereignty and foreign policy posing a threat to their national security.

Article based on paper presented as part of Panel 24: ‘Looting, Refusing, Negating, Embodying’ ‘Critical Refusals’ Fourth Biennal Conference of the International Herbert Marcuse Society, University of Pennsylvania, 27-29th October 2011

http://www.pdcnet.org/radphilrev/content/radphilrev_2013_0016_0001_0375_0385

http://web.asc.upenn.edu/news/Critical_Refusals_Conference.pdf

The Bengali poet Shakti Chattopadhaya (1933 – 95) was fond of putting irreconcilable opposites together – individual and the social, freedom and bondage, creation and destruction, life and death and home and the world. And this paper investigates his poetic oeuvre to show how an obsession for an incessant play of oppositions (negation and affirmation) becomes a theory for the poet. The paper argues that this is a conscious act on his part to introduce a space for otherness, which introduces, to use Ranjan Ghosh’s terminology, a “hunger” in his poetry. Here, the act of “choice” becomes a complicated metaphor because it stretches desire to the breaking point of vulnerability. He leaves us in a state of continuous oscillation where choice itself becomes a “play”. His final solution – the middle passage (dharmeo acho giraffeo acho) – is not a selfish stance but it always keeps open the possibility for another alternative in an otherwise dogmatic world.

Repetitive elections are important benchmarks for assessing the maturity of Africa's electoral democracies. Yet the processes through which elections entrench a democratic culture remain understudied. We introduce an important mechanism called a democratic rupture: an infraction in the democratisation process during competitive elections that has the potential to cause a constitutional crisis. It provides a new avenue of citizen participation outside of voting, and political space for opposition party realignment and to strengthen its support. Drawing from the case of Ghana, we show how the 2012 presidential election petition challenge served as a democratic rupture by contributing to the opposition's victory in 2016, enabling its political development. First, it exposed flaws in the electoral system and led to demands for electoral reforms. Second, it led to citizens being better educated on the electoral process. Third, it taught political parties that vigilance at the pol...

Following the 2010 nuclear deal between Russia and Turkey, several consequent
revelations of administrative deficiencies in the Turkish nuclear program, the
Fukushima accident, and waste issues all spurted widespread protests across Turkey.
This study analyzes how groups opposing nuclear power plants have framed the
Akkuyu nuclear project as a dangerous, risky, disadvantageous, and irrational policy
choice. Through analysis of empirical data from a range of sources such as in situ
observation, semi-structured interviews, articles, and websites,

Oppositional geometry gives a mathematical model of oppositional phenomena through “oppositional structures” (logical squares, hexagons, cubes, …). Its so far known formal entities, the backbone of which are the “oppositional bi-simplexes (and poly-simplexes) of dimension m”, are distributed into three families (the alpha-, beta- and gamma-structures). However, some recent studies by different authors exhibit strange structures, notably strange variations of the notion of “oppositional hexagon” (or “logical hexagon”). In this paper we show that inside the oppositional tetrahexahedron, i.e. the beta3-structure (discovered in 1968 and rediscovered in 2008) – a 3D solid made of a logical cube and six logical “strong hexagons”, containing 14 vertices and 36 implication arrows – there are in fact C(6|14) = 30030 strange hexagons, which we call “hybrid hexagons”. In this paper, through a systematic study of those among them which have as invariant property a regular perimeter made of alternated arrows (henceforth “arrow-hexagons”), we show that they divide into a much smaller number of families, nine, each containing several isomorphic instances of the same oppositional pattern. An interesting result seems to be that when seen from the viewpoint of their mutual transformations (i.e. moving from one to another kind of arrow-hexagon, just by exchanging one of its 6 vertices with one among the remaining 14-6=8 vertices of the tetrahexahedron), these arrow-hexagonal patterns taken as points can be displayed into a new kind of 3D structure. The latter, by putting into order these points (each representing a family of arrow-hexagons), gives some kind of morphogenetic cartography of the arrow-hexagons of the beta3-structure. As we will argue, since several arrow-hexagons play the role of “attractors”, there are reasons for thinking that such a cartography could be very meaningful in the future for modelling “oppositional dynamics”, that is the systematic formal study of the situations where a given complex oppositional structure sees its shape change within time.

OPPOSITION TO EX PARTE MOTION TO DISMISS IN CALIFORNIA

HOMEOWNERS IN CALIFORNIA HAVE HAD ENOUGH AND ARE FILING CLASS ACTIONS AGAINST THE BANKS, INCLUDING THE FEDERAL NATIONAL MORTGAGE ASSOCIATION ( FNMA ), U.S. BANK, SELECT PORTFOLIO SERVICING, INC. ( SPS ), ETC.

آیا این عنوان طنزآمیز و حاوی کنایه است؟ آری، درست همان‌گونه که تاریخ چهل سال اخیر ایران بیش‌تر به زهرخند می‌ماند تا واقعیتی ساده. در کتاب‌های درسی زمان ما «تصمیم کبری» اشاره به دخترکی داشت که دفترش را گم کرده بود و سپس به‌یاد می‌آورد که زیر درختی جاگذاشته اما بعد آنرا خیس و کثیف می‌یابد و سپس تصمیم می‌گیرد که فراموشکاری را کنار بگذارد. در این مقاله تصمیم کبری اشاره به اپوزیسیونی دارد که در یک قمار تاریخی تمام‌قد پشت یک آیت‌الله رادیکال ایستاد تا بتواند دشمن مشترک را یک‌بار برای همیشه از صحنه حذف کند.

Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası, cumhuriyet dönemi Türk siyasi hayatının ilk bağımsız muhalefet partisidir. Türk demokrasi kültürü doksan yılda iktidar ve muhalefet partileri ile artık gü-nümüzde medeni ülkeler seviyesine ulaşmıştır. Bu kültürün gelişim sürecindeki kilometre taşlarından birisi şüphesiz Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası'nın kuruluşudur. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kuruluşu ile başlayan bu siyasi tartışma, programı ve hedeflerini açıkca ilan eden siyasi bir muhalefet partisinin kuruluşu ile sonuçlanmıştır. Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası, günümüzde normal bir muhalefet par-tisi olarak algılanmasına rağmen geçmişte bazı siyasi gruplar tarafından bir komplo ve ihanet şebekesi olarak algılanmıştır.
TCF is the first independent opposition party in the life of Turkish democracy. The culture of Turkish democracy arrived to the level of civilized countries after ninety years with the governing and the opposition parties. It is the known the fact that, the foundation of TCF is the one of the most important turning points of Turkish democratic culture. The political argue when started with the foundation of TCF, ended with the foundation of a political party that declared its programmes and aims definitely. Althought, today TCF party is accepted normally one of the opposition movements, in the past the party was accepted as a complot and misprision organization by some political gorups.

Understanding a phenomenon requires, that we name it properly. In reference to Russia, the terms "extrasystemic opposition," "antisystemic opposition," and "nonsystemic opposition" all fall short as descriptions of what separates opposition parties from those in power. The non-systemic opposition refers to opposition parties that are ‘excluded’ from the political system because they lack both a representation in the structures of state power and contacts with the ruling group. They predominantly use unconventional methods of political struggle, have limited resources, are particularly active on social networks, and enjoy little trust among citizens. But the term "non-systemic opposition" does neither reflect ideological distance to the Ruling party nor non-acceptance of democratic institutions. None of the opposition parties existing in Russia today have a positive evaluation of the Russian political system. Their goals vary between seeking to change the existing system and wanting to destroy it entirely and start over.

Este artículo profundiza en el estudio de las organizaciones políticas y los movimientos sociales e ideológicos que protagonizaron la oposición al franquismo y que fueron considerados por las autoridades del régimen lo suficientemente peligrosos como para ser perseguidos y encausados.

Existing approaches to researching rule on a global level are too limited to grasp its multifaceted forms. For the most part, liberal approaches in International Relations equate rule and legitimate authority, while critical approaches can only conceive of them as domination or hegemony. In order to make conceivable both illegitimate coercion and legitimate orders in international politics, in this Working Paper Christopher Daase and Nicole Deitelhoff propose reconstructing rule by analyzing practices of resistance. With the continuum between opposition (complying to the rules of the game) and radical dissidence, they develop a heuristic that makes it possible to describe the plurality of forms of rule in differentiated partial orders of international politics beyond anarchy, authority and hegemony: as structures of institutionalized superordination and subordination through which basic goods and influence are distributed, alternativeness and contingency are minimized and expectations are stabilized.

Economic reforms face a collective action problem: they trigger the reaction of groups that expect significant losses, while the government must forge a support coalition among those who anticipate gains. This problem may exhibit a distinct pattern in a clientelist system, when the affected groups are client groups attached to political party networks. The case of the Mitsotakis government in Greece (1990–93) illustrates that collective reaction to reforms that hurt client groups affects primarily the internal structure of the clientelist parties, their alliance with client groups and, thereby, their relative capacity for political mobilisation. This pattern makes certain types of economic reform, such as privatisation and structural reforms, particularly risky for governments in a clientelist system.