Black Markets

『言語情報科学第13号　2015年3月』本稿は、アジア太平洋戦争直後の東京における戦災復興を考察する。本稿が対象とす るのは、都市計画そのものや政府の政策等ではなく、戦災復興期の東京を描いた二本の 映画である。一つは『20 年後の東京』という東京都都市計画課が作成した PR 映画であり、もう一つは黒澤明が監督した『野良犬』である。
東京の戦災復興計画を宣伝する『20 年後の東京』がその計画の思想を伝える際に用い るレトリックを分析し、その背後にある植民地都市経営の経験とそれを「民主的」という言葉で覆い隠し、計画の正当性を偽装する態度を読み取る。また計画の障害として語 られる闇市を取り上げ、その復興期における役割を評価した上で映画の言説との齟齬を 明らかにする。そして、その闇市を映画の主要な空間として取り込んだ『野良犬』が、 その空間にいかなる役割を担わせているかを主人公の復員兵・村上を通して考察する。
本稿は都市を語る上で帝国主義の過去を忘却しようとする言説に対して、抗う拠点と しての闇市という空間を位置付けることを目的とする。

"When I Wear My Alligator Boots examines how the lives of dispossessed men and women are affected by the rise of narcotrafficking along the U.S.-Mexico border. In particular, the book explores a crucial tension at the heart of the “war on drugs”: despite the violence and suffering brought on by drug cartels, for the rural poor in Mexico’s north, narcotrafficking offers one of the few paths to upward mobility and is a powerful source of cultural meanings and local prestige.

In the borderlands, traces of the drug trade are everywhere: from gang violence in cities to drug addiction in rural villages, from the vibrant folklore popularized in the narco-corridos of Norteña music to the icon of Jesús Malverde, the “patron saint” of narcos, tucked beneath the shirts of local people. In When I Wear My Alligator Boots, the author explores the everyday reality of the drug trade by living alongside its low-level workers, who live at the edges of the violence generated by the militarization of the war on drugs. Rather than telling the story of the powerful cartel leaders, the book focuses on the women who occasionally make their sandwiches, the low-level businessmen who launder their money, the addicts who consume their products, the mules who carry their money and drugs across borders, and the men and women who serve out prison sentences when their bosses' operations go awry."

A short series including a distinguishing terms, i.e. ‘moral,’ ‘ethic,’ and ‘Justice.’ I shall defend using animals for human consumption, the current popular problems of big game hunting, and a possible solution to the issues giving as close to a win-win as possible throughout this work. Overall, the running theme will contend that humans are not “equal” to other species of animals, especially not under the law.

There is obviously soo much more that can be said on this topic. Hopefully, this sparks thought provoking conversation.

Behind the Curve: New Technologies, New Control Challenges, a new Occasional Paper from the Small Arms Survey, looks at three recent developments in small arms manufacturing, technology, and design—polymer frames, modular weapons, and 3D printing—as well as the use of new technologies for improved small arms control.

For each topic, the publication reviews relevant control challenges and options, to assist UN member states preparing for the Second Open-ended Meeting of Governmental Experts under the Programme of Action (PoA) on small arms, to be convened at UN headquarters in New York, from 1 to 5 June 2015. As mandated by the UN General Assembly, the meeting will consider ‘recent developments in small arm and light weapon manufacturing, technology and design’, including ‘[p]ractical steps to ensure the continued and enhanced effectiveness of national marking, record-keeping and tracing systems in the light of such developments’.

These developments pose a series of challenges to the implementation of existing control instruments, such as the PoA and the International Tracing Instrument (ITI).  Two of the developments were identified at the PoA’s first Open-ended Meeting of Governmental Experts, held in 2011: the use of polymers to produce firearm frames and receivers, and modular weapon design. Since 2011, the production of firearms using additive manufacturing methods (3D printing), particularly by unlicensed parties, has generated concern among policy-makers and law enforcement officials.

For many if not most families, the care and supervision of children is a critical element of household production. Child care can be produced by members of the household or purchased on the market either informally through relatives, friends, and babysitters, or formally through organized day care centers or family home day care providers. Demand for child care has rapidly increased as women and mothers have joined the labor force on a larger scale over time (Blau, 1990, pp. 9-10; Robins, 1991, p. 11). In 1960, the labor force participation rate for married women with children under six years old was 18.6%, and by 2015 it was 62.4% (Robins, 1991, p. 12; Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2016). As a result, the decision made by families with children is no longer whether or not to seek out child care, but rather what type of child care arrangement to seek out (Laughlin, 2013, p. 1). From one perspective these features of the child care market may appear to be problems that require federal intervention to solve, but from an economist’s perspective they may simply reflect the real preferences and utility-maximizing decisions of both producers and consumers of child care. For instance, the fact that somewhere around two thirds of child care is informal or home based does not necessarily reflect market failures, but rather consumer preferences that aren’t likely to change over time (Blau, 2001, p. 21; Choi & Johnson, 2014, p. 32). Furthermore, the fact that child care appears to be a leisure choice rather than a labor choice for many women, and that many might be willing to offer their labor for quite low compensation, is not necessarily a problem that needs solving, but an objective phenomenon of worker preferences. It may in fact be reasonable to conclude, then, in the words of Blau (2001), that the child care market actually “functions better than is commonly believed,” as it is driven by autonomous consumer and worker choices, and that “shortages that do exist are often caused by government policy and are limited to small segments of the market” (p. 11).

The Syrian economy did well in several macro-economic indices in the past decade, but suffered from growing corruption, social exclusion and the rise of a corrupt oligarchy. A lack of political liberalization and accountability contributed to the Syrian uprising, which has been followed by a dramatic decline in the country’s economy as violence has intensified. Syria’s fragmentation has also given rise to warlordism and local economies based on theft and smuggling.

This article uses legal archives from Liangshan 梁山 county, Shandong, to explore the ambiguous position of rural markets in China during the Great Leap Forward campaign (1958–1962). These testimonies, though sparse, show that negotiations at a local, indeed personal, level underpinned the symbiosis between the “second economy” of illicit trade and the party-state’s putatively socialist political economy. Liangshan’s gray market bridged the gap between the party-state’s Sputnik promises and catastrophic realities, contributing twofold to the party-state’s political survival. First, illicit commerce helped famine survivors, including local cadres, obtain desperately needed sustenance; these cadres’ support of trading villagers despite top-down restrictions on such transactions likely helped them retain local moral authority after the Leap. Second, the intermittent formal prosecution of “profiteers” in the ritualized space of the county courtroom projected justice, stability, and coercive power, which also contributed to the party’s continuing hold on authority.

Since the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS, also known as Daesh and ISIL) in 2014, antiquities have been a widely publicized source of funding for what has become one of the most technologically savvy terrorist organizations of the modern era. The globalization of technology and rise of popularity in cryptocurrencies has changed the face of black-market trade and the actors that carry out these crimes. While art and antiquities have long served as a market with susceptibilities to laundering, the emergence of Dark Web markets, identification-masking software, and untraceable cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin have opened new doors to potential vulnerabilities. The anonymity that is offered by these technologies acts as a roadblock for authorities, while attracting the likes of terrorists and transnational criminals. Investigative research using cyber security platforms to identify digital artifacts connected to potential traffickers provides the opportunity to unmask the seemingly untraceable actors behind these activities. The evidence of illicit antiquities trafficking on the Dark Web displayed in this article can generate a new discussion on how and where to study black-market antiquities to gain needed insight into combating the illicit trade online and the transnational criminal groups it may finance.

Das Gebiet rund um die Möhlstraße in Bogenhausen in München entwickelte sich nach Kriegsende zu einem Zentrum jüdischen Lebens, da sich dort viele internationale Hilfsorganisationen ansiedelten, die für die jüdischen Überlebenden und Flüchtlinge (Displaced Persons) erste Anlaufstation waren.  Sehr bald entstand auch ein reger Schwarzmarkt, der einer der bekanntesten und langlebigsten Schwarzmärkte im Deutsschland der Nachkriegszeit werden sollte und sich dabei „beinahe zur Legende“ entwickelte, wie es der Historiker Willi Boelcke in seinem Gesamtwerk zum Schwarzmarktwesen beschreibt. Viel ihrer Berühmtheit verdankte die mythenumrankte Möhlstraße der Münchner Polizei, die mit aller Härte gegen den Schwarzmarkt vorging. Auf diesem Verhalten der Polizei liegt deswegen der Fokus dieser Arbeit. Dabei stellen sich folgende Fragen: Wie sah die Münchner Polizei den Schwarzmarkt in der Möhlstraße? Was waren die Hintergründe ihres Handelns? Und wie reagierte die Öffentlichkeit auf die Aktionen der Polizei?

La recuperación de la memoria histórica de los años de la guerra civil y del franquismo se ha centrado, principalmente, en temas tan capitales como la represión física o social. Sin embargo, quizá no se ha resaltado lo suficiente un fenómeno fundamental en la sociedad española del primer franquismo: el estraperlo. Como consecuencia del férreo intervencionismo del estado autárquico, durante más de una década se desarrolló un mercado negro que afectó a todos los productos intervenidos, y muy especialmente a los productos de primera necesidad. Un doble mercado en el que convivían los precios de tasa, fijados por el Estado, y los precios del estraperlo, fijados por la necesidad y la especulación. Eran años de hambre, carestía y silencio para gran parte de los españoles; años de supervivencia para otros; pero también años, merced al estraperlo, de abultados beneficios para determinados sectores. Años largos y tristes que, de forma indeleble, quedarían grabados en las conciencias de una sociedad que aprendió a vivir al margen de la legalidad durante más de una década acuciada por la necesidad. Planteamos la necesidad de la recuperación de la memoria histórica del estraperlo y de estos años de escasez e injusticia como factores necesarios, no sólo para explicar el presente o comprender la España del primer franquismo, sino para hacer un imprescindible ejercicio de justicia histórica.
Con el fin de acercarnos al fenómeno y a sus repercusiones en la sociedad, estudiamos con detenimiento un caso de estraperlo de pan, el producto «estrella» del mercado negro, por ser un artículo de primera necesidad y por los beneficios que generaba. Rescatamos así el célebre caso del Consorcio de la Panadería de Madrid. Para ello, tomamos como fuente la versión sobre el proceso que, dos décadas después, vertería uno de los inculpados: Rejas sin votos (el libro áureo del Consorcio de la Panadería de Madrid). A ella contraponemos la contextualización histórica del periodo, el análisis del fenómeno del estraperlo, el estudio de los hechos y su repercusión en la sociedad. Ofrecemos un rápido paseo por la sensacionalista prensa de la época, en la que se clama por una sanción ejemplar mientras que toda la sociedad vuelve el rostro ante un fenómeno generalizado que, como sabemos, alcanzaba desde el político al funcionario del Estado, pasando por el agricultor, el comerciante o el industrial. Como veremos, desde la apertura del expediente por la Fiscalía Superior de Tasas en diciembre de 1947 hasta la resolución del proceso, toda una sociedad y sus jerarquías tomaron partido de forma fervorosa exigiendo el castigo de tamaño delito contra la Patria. El proceso y las sanciones a los nueve inculpados, por su dureza y por ser inéditas en la vida del régimen, fueron excepcionales. Paradójicamente, en el corazón de los difíciles años del primer franquismo, una sociedad que acostumbraba a convivir y participar en el mercado negro encontró un chivo expiatorio que purgó sus culpas. El régimen y su personal político también lo hicieron.

This paper aims to answer how has the illegal drug trade changed with the rise of Dark web illicit markets. In order to do so, this paper is divided into four chapters which critically analyse a number of factors that influenced the change and gives a broad look on how it has changed. Each chapter will emphasize on factors such as anonymity, hidden and hard to track cryptocurrencies, accessibility and structure. As it can be further noted, a focus on drugs will be made in combination with
an in depth analysis on the actual methods being used during the process. It will further
examine the virtual structures of illicit drug markets on the Dark Web and compare them to
the network structures of traditional black markets (ground). The purpose behind examining
these two different types of illicit structures is to understand the evolution of illicit markets in
combination with the core similarities and differences as well as possible interactions
between the two. The idea behind the production and use of hard to track cryptocurrency will
be analyzed in combination with illicit product accessibility and the influence anonymity has
had on the market.
This paper argues that technological innovations such as encryption, cryptocurrencies and
browsing are key factors that influence the change and transition of drug markets into the
digital world. Having to grant an access to a catalog of illicit substances, option to order
online whist having the product delivered to your door and all of this anonymously has attract
a wide range of audience in recent years. The newly developed and ongoing dark web drug
markets has greatly influenced both the decision of the buyer as well as the seller to replace
the old market structure with a more secure and innovative one.

RESUMEN
El estraperlo, o mercado negro, es un triste protagonista de uno de los periodos más críticos de nuestra historia reciente. La intervención del Estado a partir de la aplicación de la política autárquica generó un mercado paralelo al margen de los precios oficiales establecidos por el régimen. Dio lugar, en suma, a un mundo de ficción, de hipocresía, de desorden, de ilegalidad, de miseria... pero también de resistencia y represión.
Estudiamos el fenómeno del estraperlo en los años cuarenta en las provincias de Almería y Málaga. Utilizando los expedientes de la Fiscalía de Tasas, intentamos ofrecer una nueva perspectiva sobre el mercado negro, demostrando que se trató de un fenómeno poliédrico, que no afectó a todos por igual. Mientras que los apoyos sociales del régimen y destacadas personalidades lo desarrollaban con total impunidad, acumulando grandes beneficios, las capas más bajas y deprimidas de la sociedad española eran las principales castigadas por el régimen franquista.
Hablar de estraperlo es hablar de resistencia de unas determinadas clases sociales ante la legislación del gobierno franquista, intentando garantizar los recursos mínimos que le permitiesen sobrevivir. Pero hablar de estraperlo es también hablar de represión, pues el régimen franquista lo utilizaría como tal: impondría severas sanciones y multas a los grupos sociales más pobres, identificados con los vencidos en la Guerra Civil. Hablar de estraperlo, en fin, es hablar de un arma de consenso en manos del franquismo

ABSTRACT
The «estraperlo», or black market, is a sad protagonist of one of
the most critical periods of our recent history. The state economic policy, the autarky, created a parallel market outside of the official prices established by the regime. It gave rise, in sum, to a world of fiction, hipocresy, disorder, illegality, misery... but also of resistance and repression.
We study the «estraperlo» in the Forties in the provinces of Almeria and Malaga. Using the files of the «Fiscalía de Tasas», we try to offer a new perspective about the black market, demonstrating that it was a polyhedral phenomenon, that it did not affect all the people in the same way. Whereas the social supports of the regime and outstanding personalities developed it with total impunity, accumulating great benefits, the lowest and depressed layers of the Spanish society were the main ones punished by the Franco regime.
To speak of «estraperlo» is to speak of resistance of certain social classes to the legislation of the Franco government, trying to guarantee the minimum resources that allowed them to survive. But to speak of «estraperlo» is also to speak of repression: the Franco regime would impose severe penalties and fines to the social groups more poor, identified with those who lost the civil war. To speak of «estraperlo», finally, is to speak of a weapon of consensus in the hands of the Francoism

After the Second World War, using culture – such as theater, film, and writing – to promote Austria as a separate nation became a helpful strategy for Austrians and the Allied Forces alike. In this context, the role of Jews and Jewish difference in revising Austrian self-definitions was particularly fraught. Antisemitic prejudices persisted after the Holocaust, even though Austrian Jews were now largely absent. However, in the early postwar years, antisemitism was more likely to rear its head via code words or backhandedly, in efforts to deny its very existence. This article investigates the presence and consequences of this 'invisible' antisemitism in postwar Vienna by juxtaposing two films made at roughly the same time: Der Prozeß (1948), a film about antisemitism that takes place in a nineteenth-century village over 300 miles away and features only innocent rural Jews and diabolical antisemites, while The Third Man (1949) features an urban tale of the black market and poisoned children set in post-1945 Vienna that does not mention either Jews or the reasons for their absence. This comparison suggests that the simultaneous repression and evocation of Jewish difference that characterized the creation of culture in Vienna before the Holocaust persisted in the immediate postwar era.

Although the number of craft-produced small arms and light weapons is difficult to estimate, they are prevalent and range broadly in sophistication and quality.

Improvised and craft-produced firearms remain an important source of firepower for a wide range of actors, including tribal groups, poachers, criminals, insurgent groups, and even some states and quasi-state groups. In various locations, these weapons account for most of the firearms used in crime; in others, their production is institutionalized, providing essential income for local gunsmiths.

Criminals outside of active conflict zones, especially in developing states and territories, appear to hold the highest concentrations of craft-produced small arms. In several countries, such firearms account for a sizable proportion of weapons seized in law enforcement operations.

The vast majority of improvised and craft-produced weapons cannot be easily traced, although certain forensic and investigative techniques show promise in closing this gap.

This article aims to deal with jointly the conception of Francoist repression. Like other dictatorial regimes of interwar Europe, Francoism cannot be understood without the social control and the repression exerted over the disaffected sectors of the society they established over. Thus, to understand the killings committed in the cemetery walls we should see beyond physical repression. Thereby, physical, cultural and socioeconomic repression are conceived in an integrated and complementary way, offering a more solid and complex explanation of Francoist repression. To this end, cultural and socioeconomic repression are analysed in the first years of Francoism.

The first known representation of Artemis from Ephesus in Dacia was recovered in the spring of 2006, the small bronze statuette being part of one of the biggest private, archaeological collections looted from various Roman sites. In this article, the authors present the iconographic features of the statuette, the religious significance of the object and through the modern story of the artefact will reflect on the biography of ancient objects once used in religious contexts.

New policies allowing implementation of legal retail sales of cannabis in Colo-rado have affected the illicit black market of cannabis in-state. Ten interviews from black market operators were analyzed using Grounded Theory methods, including the process of open-coding, the creation of axial codes, and the formation of a tentative core. Careful analysis of the operations of the black market industry, including opportunities and threats stemming from the effect of legalization, showed that the implementation of this policy has forced a change in black market operations in Colorado. Although this parallel market has taken a significant hit due to decreased prices and reduced stigma regarding the plant, it has adapted by focusing on exportation to maintain market share. With uncertainty at the federal level, the black market maintains a strong foothold in the overall cannabis industry.

The article studies the corruption during the Francoist regime. The myth of the absence of corruption under Francoist dictatorship is discussed. The text analyses a case of a non-very much studied phenomena: the “great estraperlo” (great black market). A highly profitable business that took place during the post-war years at the expense of the suffering, the hunger and the scarcity of a large part of the population. It was always developed with the complicity or the direct participation of members of the Francoist administration or people close to the regime. The dictatorship’s reaction consisted in the display of important propaganda campaigns or in the punishment of the small black marketeers, whereas it tolerated the clandestine trade and the impunity of the main culprits of the great black market. This way, corruption was structural within the dictatorship. It should be explained not only for the individual interests that it satisfied, but also because it was an essential element for the consolidation and stabilisation of the “New State” emerged during the Spanish Civil War.

El artículo se centra en el estudio de la corrupción durante el régimen franquista. Discute el mito, en gran parte vigente en parte de la sociedad actual, de la inexistencia de la corrupción durante el franquismo. Para ello estudiamos un fenómeno hasta ahora no demasiado explorado: el del “gran estraperlo”. Un negocio de alto rendimiento que tuvo lugar durante la posguerra, a expensas del sufrimiento, el hambre y la escasez de buena parte de la población. Fue desarrollado siempre en connivencia o con la participación directa de personas pertenecientes a la Administración franquista o cercanas a la misma. La reacción de la dictadura fue la de desarrollar importantes campañas de propaganda o castigar a los pequeños estraperlistas, mientras que toleraba el comercio clandestino y la impunidad de los principales responsables del gran estraperlo. De esta forma, la corrupción fue algo estructural dentro de la dictadura, justificándose no sólo por los intereses individuales que satisfizo, sino también porque fue un elemento esencial dentro de los mecanismos que consolidaron y dieron estabilidad al “Nuevo Estado” surgido de la guerra civil.

The Libyan revolution deposed the Qaddafi regime in 2011, bringing to an end the tight regulation of the domestic arms trade. Military stockpiles were raided, and small arms and light weapons made their way into the hands of non-state armed groups and private sellers. The subsequent conflicts after the fall of the Qaddafi regime have resulted in more weapons imported into the country.

From a virtually non-existent domestic market, the revolution and its aftermath paved the way for a large illicit arms trade in these newly available weapons to emerge. Like their counterparts in many nations, some of the players in this new market now use online resources to hawk their wares. Online sales via social media platforms are one of the tools currently being used for this purpose. 

A new Working Paper from the Small Arms Survey’s Security Assessment in North Africa (SANA) project provides an in-depth analysis of the trade in small arms and light weapons in the online marketplace. The Working Paper ties together interviews with marketplace participants with a detailed analysis of a dataset derived from long-term monitoring of some of the closed social media-based groups listing small arms and light weapons for sale. It explores the types of weapons offered and their likely routes into the Libyan online markets. It concludes with a policy-relevant analysis of the current state of Libya’s online markets and discusses the caveats and utility of such online monitoring for supplementing field-based research.

‘Web Trafficking’ also includes a lengthy annexe providing information and analysis about some of the more noteworthy weapons offered for sale on the online platforms. The annexe focuses on the more recently manufactured weapons. In its second section, it looks at some of the older, legacy weapons still circulating in the country. The Annexe offers a window in the types of weapons in circulation in Libya and the larger region that will be interesting to policy makers, experts, and others interested in the illicit proliferation of weapons in North Africa.

Key findings include:

Small arms and light weapons manufactured in 26 modern states were offered for sale or trade on the illicit online market in Libya.
Most of the small arms and light weapons offered for sale are attributable to pre-embargo imports by the Qaddafi regime, although post-embargo and post-revolution weapons are also listed.
Small arms and light weapons produced from 1992 to the present day and documented as circulating in the illicit sphere in Libya consist of materiel manufactured in 12 states: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, China, France, Germany, Italy, the Russian Federation, Serbia, South Africa, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
Handguns are disproportionately represented in the dataset compared to the estimated percentage of the total small arms holdings in Libya that they comprise. This is primarily due to the high demand for concealable firearms in Libyan cities.

Substantial numbers of blank-firing handguns—primarily produced in Turkey—were documented in Libya. While these handguns are often bought and sold openly, some are being converted into lethal-purpose firearms by both end users and merchants.

Significant quantities of legacy firearms—both obsolete and obsolescent types—remain in circulation in the Libyan black market. Many of these weapons, especially handguns, remain highly sought after.

Most trades are apparently conducted with sporting, hobby, and self-defence uses or commercial benefit in mind, but some participants involved in the illicit online arms trade have strong ties to Libyan militia groups.

This article explores the ambiguous role of coastal smuggling during the first decade and a half of Communist rule (1949–65). Fearing that the illicit flow of commodities siphoned critical revenues and undermined foreign policy, Communist China repurposed and expanded Nationalist China's war on smuggling while employing novel tactics of mobilization. Yet smuggling was not just a threat; it was also a lifeline that alleviated widespread material shortages and supplied the everyday needs of individuals and firms during the tumultuous transition to central planning. Businesses from 'underground factories' to state-owned enterprises relied on black markets to meet ambitious production targets and circumvent bottlenecks in official supply channels. Smuggling was thus more than just 'corruption' practised by officials—it was also a 'creative accommodation' employed by broad swaths of social actors coping with the enormous changes. This article argues that the nascent command economy and the vibrant underground economy existed symbiotically rather than antagonistically. Exploration into this complex relationship reveals many cross-border connections between Communist China and the capitalist world that both complemented and undermined domestic state consolidation.

Full text also available at: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X16000688

Food and nutrition became a crucial problem in wartime Russia. This problem may be considered as three closely related questions. The first of these concerns food production and consumption, the second is associated with the state's efforts to defuse a crisis of supply, and the third is related to ways of surviving attempted by different social groups. The crisis of supply strengthened gradually throughout the war and became a cause of the February Revolution in 1917. The various approaches to solving the problem demonstrated the weakness of official power and the social disturbances which prevented the old regime from passing unchanged through the war.

Armament Research Services is proud to release the first in our Field Guide series of publications, aimed at providing researchers, investigators, and other practitioners with useful reference information on a particular topic. Field Guide No. 1 – Identifying & Tracing the FN Herstal FAL Rifle, authored by ARES Director N.R. Jenzen-Jones and Damien Spleeters of Conflict Armament Research, focuses on identifying and tracing Belgian FAL rifles, and provides key information on factory markings and physical characteristics. The guide further describes the primary variants produced by FN Herstal in Belgium, discusses FAL rifles documented in the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) region, and looks at some of the factors involved in their illicit diversion, using the ongoing conflict in Syria as a case study.

Field Guide No. 1 is supported by Research Note No. 9 – Estimating Year of Production for FAL Rifles, released earlier this week, and the accompanying FAL Year of Production Estimator tool, which calculates the likely year of production for a given FN Herstal FAL serial number. The tool also gives an interpolated estimate of the month of production with error bounds.

Since the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s, the cross-cultural interactions between Southeast Asians and the United States industrialized the Mekong region’s traditional sex trade into an international market of sexual consumption for American GIs, businessmen, sex tourists, and online lurkers. The issue of coerced prostitution of Southeast Asians, particularly minors, has since not only attracted American sex tourists, but also international concern and law. Unfortunately, following the war, the sex trade in the region has grown in parallel to the globalizing economy and has ineffectively been addressed by American foreign policy. As a part of the overarching issue of international human trafficking, the Southeast Asian sex trade needs continued attention from the United States which, until recently with the W. Bush and Obama administrations, has explicitly made efforts to thwart sex trafficking. Southeast Asia’s haven for desire presents a controversial dilemma for human rights, development, and public health that can be traced back to American foreign policy during the Vietnam War. Drawing upon scholarship in the disciplines of sociology, law, economics, criminology, women’s studies, and public health, as well as investigative journalism, this article presents a history of the relationship between American foreign relations and the Southeast Asian sex market, and even argues that the U.S. needs to further address this legacy of debasement.

第二次世界大戦直後、日本各地に闇市と呼ばれる多数の露店市や集合店舗が出現した。闇市は配給・流通の崩壊、取締り弱体化による行政の黙認・協力、強制疎開地や戦災地の交通至便な空地などを背景に全国の都市で急速に普及する。
先行研究が大都市都心部の一部の事例に基づき、闇市を終戦直後に特有の非日常の空間と見なしがちだったのに対し、本報告会では全国の自治体史の総覧を通じ、全国での展開過程を明らかにする。また、アメリカ公文書館所蔵文書などに見るGHQの取締り、社寺境内という都市内立地の問題、闇市跡地の実測、在日外国人へのレイシズムの問題、近年の闇市跡地のリノベーションなど、最新の成果も報告する。以上を通じて、闇市を災害後の都市現象として位置づけ、都市のある種の普遍的な姿を見出そうとするものである。闇市に見られる要素は終戦直後だけでなく時代を超えて存在し、また都市全般に及ぶ問題系をなしているのであり、その特質を探ることは日本都市の特質を再発掘、再構成することにもつながるだろう。

私たちは2009年から闇市に関する学際的な研究活動を行い、これまで『盛り場はヤミ市から生まれた』（青弓社、2013年）、『同・増補版』（同、2016年）などの成果を上梓してきました。2014・5年度はサントリー文化財団「人文科学、社会科学に関する学際的グループ研究助成」を受けて活動を行ってきました。今回はこの二年間の成果を広く一般の方に向けて報告するもので、闇市に関する最新の論点を網羅しようとするとともに、ミニシンポジウム形式で今後の課題を議論させていただこうとするものです。

La política autárquica del régimen franquista dio pie al surgimiento del mercado negro, a la brutal inflación de los precios y al desabastecimiento alimenticio que trajeron la hambruna al país tras 1939. En todo ese mundo, hubo unos beneficiarios: los grandes estraperlistas. Fueron personas afines al régimen o pertenecientes a él, que gozaron de la tolerancia de las autoridades y tenían los contactos suficientes para desarrollar sus negocios con impunidad. Sin embargo, la representación que se hizo de ellos por parte de la propaganda del régimen distó mucho de la realidad. Este trabajo pretende reflexionar sobre las narrativas que el franquismo construyó sobre los estraperlistas. Para ello recurrimos a la propaganda, al cine y a la novela de la época. En todas estas fuentes se construyó una imagen de los estraperlistas como malos patriotas, vinculados con el pasado republicano e identificados con el común de la población, confundiendo fenómenos completamente distintos como el pequeño y el gran estraperlo. Aquellas imágenes no eran más que una deformación de la realidad propiciada por la dictadura, que ocultaban palpables silencios sobre quiénes eran realmente los responsables de esos suculentos negocios y lo cercanos que estaban a las esferas de influencia del "Nuevo Estado".

The autarkic policy of the Franco regime led to the emergence of the black market, price inflation and food shortages that brought famine to the country after 1939. However, there were some beneficiaries: the big black marketers. They were people related to the regime or belonging to it, who enjoyed the tolerance of the authorities and had enough contacts to carry out their businesses with impunity. The regime propaganda depicted them in a distorted way. This work aims to reflect on the narratives that the Franco regime built on the black marketers. For this purpose, we analyse propaganda, cinema and novels of post-war years. In
all these sources, an image of the black marketers was built as bad patriots, linked with the republican past and identified with the common population, completely confusing different phenomena such as the small and the big black market. Those images were nothing more than a deformation of reality, which hid palpable silences about who were responsible for these succulent businesses and how close they were to the spheres of influence of the “New State”.

This article uses James C. Scott’s theoretical contributions on daily life for a comparative study of different European countries such as Germany, France and Greece. The article wants to offer a new perspective on the wartime and post war period black market both in those countries and in Franco’s Spain. The study’s main approach is linking the evolution of the black market with the different states’ capacities to provide food and goods to the population. Then the article analyses the population’s participation in the black market (who, when, how and with what kind of support) that is linked to their particular national and social situation. On this is done, can determine if those actions can be considered to be part of the repertoire of weapons of the weak, corruption or any other categories.

The aim of this article is to analyze the society's experiences of hunger in Postwar Spain and, in particular, to demonstrate that it constituted a common experience for the entire population, including some of the Franco's regime grassroots. To do that, on the one hand, this study pays attention to the individual and collective strategies performed by the vanquished to deal with hunger. Nevertheless, it also examines the experiences of other social sectors and, in particular, that of Franco's ex-combatants to unveil how their theoretical privileged position did not free them from the consequences of misery.

The diagram below shows how chocolate is made. Summarise the information by selecting and reporting the main features and making comparisons where relevent. Write at least 150 words. The given diagram shows how chocolate is made. This process begin with the cocoa beans on the trees and end with the liquid choclate produced, this man-made process includes 10 steps. To begin, the pods are harvested when they turn red and ripe from S. America, Africa and Indonesia. The next stage is taking the white cocoa beans from the inside of the pods that have been harvested. Next, these white cocoa beans are fermented. Following a period of fermenting, they will be spread in the sun to dry off not too slow but also not too fast in order to ensure off-flavours are not developed. This process is continued by putting the beans into large sacks, after which they are being transported by train or lorry to all the factories of the famous brand such as Lindt & Sprungli, Cadbury, Ferero Rocher, Kit Kat or Toblerone. After being taken to the factories, the beans are roasted at a very high temperature, about 150 degrees Celsius. Then, the beans are crushed and the outer shell of the beans is removed. Finally, the last stage is pressing the inner part of the beans. By having the inner of the beans pressed, the liquid chocolate is produced.

This brief essay will analyse the sanction regime imposed upon Iran by the US in relation with Iranians alleged support of “terrorism” and the (also) alleged military nuclear program and how those sanction created as a natural reaction an Iranian black market for sanctioned goods. We will also discuss how the Iranian regime procures goods for himself in the international black market.

The first part will describe the nature of black markets, a chapter devoted to a brief description of the sanction regime will follow, a third one will describe the Iranian domestic black market. Finally, a chapter devoted to how the Iranian regime procures the sanctioned goods in relying on the international black market and a conclusion.

This article presents the metaphor of the character Caliban seen in Shakespeare's The Tempest that has been used as a manner to compare colonial subjectivities in postcolonial contexts throughout the Caribbean. Analyzing the sociological and economical impact of tourism on Cuba, this paper explores how tourism has given rise to a new subjected "Caliban" in Cuba through the promotion of social and economic disparities. The disparities inherent between the tourist and the Cuban in the country are seen all throughout the island: the disparity arrives from outside of the island, affects the operations within the island, and even influences the operations "below" the island through the development of the Cuban black-market. Caliban, as this paper proposes, is subjected in "every inch" of the island, yet no longer by colonialists that arrive by ship, but by tourists arriving by plane.

When pirates plundered ships and then sold the booty they referred to their nefarious business simply as a “transshipping of goods.”  As this implies, pirates viewed their activities as nothing more than the transfer of goods for further transportation and distribution from one ship to another. Certainly they acted outside the law and the normal, licit trading system, but, as I argue in this paper, pirates and their networks of accomplices also played significant roles in developing local economies. Pirates attacked shipping not to destroy trade but rather to gain a more equitable share in it. They created an important underground economy that operated alongside, but in competition with, the regular economy and marketing system. Black markets grew up to deal specifically in stolen goods and to supply pirates. Cut off from land by their life on the seas, pirates ultimately depended upon people on shore for food, water, matting, rope, spars, and tar, as well as gunpowder, weapons, and information. Pirates also needed help for disposing of their booty. Those who aided pirates became partners in crime. By extending their operations on land, pirates entrenched themselves in local villages and made contacts with a wide cross section of local society. They built up a huge network of accomplices that included fishermen, merchants, soldiers, gentry, and officials. Piracy was, in fact, an integral and pervasive part of late imperial south China’s maritime world.