Colonization studies

This book rethinks the history of colonisation by focusing on the formation of the European aesthetic ideas of indigeneity and blackness in the Caribbean, and how these ideas were deployed as markers of biopolitical governance. Using Foucault’s philosophical archaeology as method, this work argues that the European formation of indigeneity and blackness was based on aesthetically casting Aboriginal and African peoples in the Caribbean as monsters yet with a similar degree of Western civilisation and ‘culture’. By focusing on the aesthetics of the first racial imageries that produced indigeneity and blackness this work takes a radical departure from the current Social Darwinian theorisations of race and racism. It reveals a new connection between the global origins of colonisation and local post-Enlightenment histories.

Introduction by Tuong Vu, University of Oregon ..................................................................... 2 Review by Joseph M. Parent, University of Miami ................................................................... 5 Review by Thomas B. Pepinsky, Cornell University .................................................................. 7 Review by Feng Zhang, The Australian National University ................................................... 10 Author’s Response by Ja Ian Chong, National University of Singapore.................................. 14

http://issforum.org/ISSF/PDF/ISSF-Roundtable-7-5.pdf

Depuis le colloque international organisé à Strasbourg en 1991 et celui qui s'est tenu à Athènes, à l'Ecole française d'archéologie, à l'occasion du centenaire des fouilles de Delphes, aucune rencontre internationale n'a été eu lieu. Ce volume est donc le fruit d'une rencontre devenue vraiment nécessaire, organisée conjointement par l'Ecole française d'Athènes et l'Université Toulouse 2-le Mirail, grâce au CRATA (Culture, Représentation, Archéologie, Théâtre antique), équipe de recherche membre du laboratoire PLH (Patrimoine, Littérature, Histoire). Toutefois, notre ambition n'était pas de faire un bilan complet d'une recherche trop riche, mais de s'interroger sur un aspect sur lequel les recherches récentes ont apporté de nouveaux éléments : les relations que Delphes entretenait avec le monde. Sur le plan de la topographie, le cas de Delphes offre une particularité assez rare dans le monde antique. Le sanctuaire d'Apollon a acquis un rayonnement international, alors qu'il s'agissait d'un sanctuaire urbain, situé au sein d'une ville, maîtresse d'un territoire, comme toutes les cités grecques. La gestion de ce sanctuaire, en tout cas celle de ses temples, murs d'enceinte (péribole), de son téménos, revenait à une organisation multinationale nommée l'Amphictionie. Ainsi, l'interface entre Delphes et le reste du monde a l'étonnante caractéristique d'avoir été double : à la périphérie de la cité, par les frontières du territoire, redessinées lors d'accords frontaliers notifiés dans des inscriptions, les actes de bornages, et au cœur de la ville, à la limite entre les sanctuaires et la ville, là où siège l'Amphictionie, là où les cités du monde antique déposaient des offrandes ou élevaient des trésors, eux-mêmes votifs. Ainsi, interroger les relations entre Delphes et le monde extérieur, c'est s'interroger sur les relations entre les sanctuaires et la ville, dans sa topographie, et c'est, plus classiquement, s'interroger sur l'intégration de la ville dans sa région, c'est enfin s'interroger sur son rayonnement, jusque dans le domaine colonial, et sur ses fréquentations.

Este artículo pretende contribuir al estudio del proceso formativo del Estado colombiano analizando los conflictos entre la Empresa Burila, los colonos y las burocracias locales de Salento y Calarcá por los terrenos baldíos destinados para colonizar la región nororiental de la Provincia del Quindío. La pertinencia del caso radica en que permite analizar el uso e instrumentalización de la normativa agraria con la que se regulaban las colonizaciones y se adjudicaban tierras entre el siglo XIX y XX, mostrando cómo la formación del Estado no solo depende de la intervención de las burocracias centrales, sino también, de la gestión de las poblaciones y los agentes de Estado en los territorios. Metodológicamente se revisaron algunas memorias de colonos, se hizo seguimiento a los pleitos judiciales que reposan en el Archivo General de la Nación y el Archivo Histórico de Cartago y se consultó las Memorias del Ministro de Industrias de 1931.

A partir dos fundamentos teórico-metodológicos da Historiografia Linguística (SWIGGERS, 2012; KOERNER, 1996), tecemos uma narrativa meta-historiográfica para descrição e análise dos relatos sobre o língua Gaspar da Índia, intérprete que veio na esquadra de Pedro Álvares Cabral ao Brasil, em 1500 (LIPINER, 1987). Nosso intuito é buscar identificar o perfil dos intérpretes e o pensamento linguístico derivado das expedições na era das navegações, no período que vai entre o final do século XV e o início do século XVI em Portugal. Analisamos como se deu a tentativa de contato linguístico inicial com comunidades linguísticas autóctones no processo de constituição da América portuguesa, relatado na Carta de Caminha (TEIXEIRA, 2019). Por fim, evidenciamos o contexto cultural e linguístico em que se inseriram as navegações, assim como a influência da educação humanística no processo de globalização quinhentista dos descobrimentos, posterior à etapa empírica (KALTNER, 2011).

During the past 20 years, the author has been engaged in questions and investigations that address the relationship between the Continental Ahrensburgian and the Hensbacka group found in Bohuslän on the west coast of Sweden. On the following pages, highlights from these inquiries will be presented in the form of a condensed review of published material in conjunction with current perspectives concerning coastal colonization in western Sweden.

Este artículo pretende contribuir al estudio del proceso formativo del Estado colombiano analizando los conflictos entre la Empresa Burila, los colonos y las burocracias locales de Salento y Calarcá por los terrenos baldíos destinados para colonizar la región nororiental de la Provincia del Quindío. La pertinencia del caso radica en que permite analizar el uso e instrumentalización de la normativa agraria con la que se regulaban las colonizaciones y se adjudicaban tierras entre el siglo XIX y XX, mostrando cómo la formación del Estado no solo depende de la intervención de las burocracias centrales, sino también, de la gestión de las poblaciones y los agentes de Estado en los territorios. Metodológicamente se revisaron algunas memorias de colonos, se hizo seguimiento a los pleitos judiciales que reposan en el Archivo General de la Nación y el Archivo Histórico de Cartago y se consultó las Memorias del Ministro de Industrias de 1931.

This article intends to contribute to the study of the formative process of the Colombian State, analyzing the conflicts between the Empresa Burila, the colonists and the local bureaucracy of Salento and Calarcá, due to the vacant lands destined to colonize the northeast region of the province of Quindío. The relevance of the case consists in that it allows to analyze the use and instrumentation of the agrarian regulations with which the colonization processes were regulated and lands were adjudicated between the 19th and 20th century, showing how the formation of the State depends not only on the intervention of the central bureaucracies, but also on the population management and the State agents in the territories. Methodologically, some memories of settlers were reviewed, it was done a follow-up to the lawsuits that rest in the Archivo General de la Nación and the Archivo Histórico de Cartago, and Memorias del Ministro de Industrias of 1931 were consulted.

O estabelecimento da administração fazendária na capitania do Rio Grande ocorreu ainda no início do século XVII e é entendido aqui como parte de um processo de conquista que teve início com a chegada dos conquistadores na capitania. Este período foi marcado pela instalação de aparatos administrativos que representavam a ação da Coroa na capitania – dentre elas a tríade: Igreja, Gente de Guerra e Fazenda. Assim, analisa-se neste artigo a conjuntura de fundação das bases fiscais no Rio Grande, como parte de uma série de políticas dos Filipes para o Estado do Brasil no contexto da União das Coroas. A criação da Provedoria da Fazenda Real do Rio Grande é dividida em dois principais momentos: a fase inicial de estabelecimento e o período de consolidação. Palavras-chave: Rio Grande; Fiscalidade; Provedoria da Fazenda Real.

O objetivo deste trabalho e propor um caminho hermeneutico a brasileira. Para isso, extrair-se-a reflexoes hermeneuticas a partir das provocacoes presentes na narrativa sobre o indio Isaias, no livro Maira de Darcy Ribeiro. A metodologia valer-se-a de elementos da reflexao pos/des-colonial. Primeiro, do texto a possibilidade de uma nova historia. Toda hermeneutica e contextual, por isso, a imposicao de uma perspectiva externa configura ato de violencia. Em segundo, a narrativa nos provoca a questionar o metodo. O objetivo e estabelecer uma vigilância epistemica capaz de perceber as estruturas universalizantes ocultas no proprio metodo. Terceiro, as provocacoes nos levam para o elemento central na elaboracao de uma hermeneutica a brasileira: a perspectiva vivencial retratada por uma leitura pluralista. Ao termino, constatar-se-a que uma hermeneutica a brasileira surge como proposta a um caminho de interpretacao plural, nao sem ambiguidades, mas direcionado a pratica da inclusao e do ...

Los aguafuertes que ilustran el libro  El nuevo mundo desconocido o descripción de esa parte del mundo llamada América y Países del Sur (Ámsterdam, 1673) de Jacob van Meurs  no sólo promovieron una infinidad de viajes hacia el continente americano, también condicionaron negativamente la imaginación de los lectores europeos.

O objetivo desta entrevista a Shahd Wadi é dar voz a alguém que vive a história da Palestina no próprio corpo. Os discursos hegemónicos sobre a história da questão palestiniana/israelita estão repletos de esquecimentos, enganos, erros, e, até falsidades, que são os pilares de uma pseudo-história que se quer apresentar como realidade, quando quase nada ocorreu conforme o contam. Como forma de luta contra essa quase anti-história, dá-se aqui conta das relações de poder que envolvem todos os sistemas e estruturas opressoras e oprimidas.

This paper positions public mass gun violence (PMGV) as an intergenerational consequence of the violence of colonization, coloniality, and slavery in the United States. I map how the shooter’s white privilege, alongside his white/male fragility, combined with a national consciousness built on an ethos of colonization and coloniality, leads him to believe he has unearned “rights” to the social riches of the center.  I proffer that most of us who benefit from capitalist, neo-liberal, patriarchal state and social institutions are complicit in co-creating the conditions that produce PMGV’s gunboys and gunmen because in order to  benefit from these institutions, we perpetuate a system of insiders and outsiders. As illustrated, some possibilities for allaying violence are grounded in practicing critical self-reflection and pedagogies of discomfort.

Beyond the fact that the process of colonization was marked by extreme conditions that left a deep
impression in all of Latin America; that, in the same way, the new creole nations that originated
from the independence process in some cases repeated oppressive customs; and that in the
contemporary period we could identify examples of regimes that have affected the civil liberties,
in many cases with the support of foreign powers. Latin America, product of a constant struggle,
has always found the way to identify itself with a region where emancipation and sovereignty find
their space and where its inhabitants demonstrate day by day their libertarian spirit.

Since the olden times, the phenomenon of racism took place in
human life to divide people into two groups: a group that represents
superiority and another one represents inferiority. In other words, this concept emerged to distinguish between humans and sub-humans, the
powerful and the powerless in the light of racial and ethnic privileges.

The massively disruptive changes accompanying today’s “smart machines” are not unprecedented in either scale or scope, and managing the effects of such changes requires that we pay as much attention to sociological as to technological possibilities. There is no
fixing work without fixing the social structure and power arrangements in which it occurs. This chapter examines human work and social development over the long term to put past and present concerns about technology and technological unemployment into better perspective. It surveys the most significant upheavals in the history of the economy of the Atlantic world during the past 500 years, including colonization, commercialization, mechanization, and computerization, and it outlines their effects. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how humanity might best ensure a sustainable prosperous future, given that it now presses against the limits of the Earth’s carrying capacity.

Human settlement of the Caribbean represents the only example in the Americas of peoples colonizing islands that were not visible from surrounding mainland areas or other islands. Unfortunately, many interpretive models have relied on radiocarbon determinations that do not meet standard criteria for reporting because they lack critical information or sufficient provenience, often leading to specious interpretations. We have collated 2484 radiocarbon determinations, assigned them to classes based on chronometric hygiene criteria, and constructed Bayesian colonization models of the acceptable determinations to examine patterns of initial settlement. Colonization estimates for 26 islands indicate that (i) the region was settled in two major population dispersals that likely originated from South America; (ii) colonists reached islands in the northern Antilles before the southern islands; and (iii) the results support the southward route hypothesis and refute the "stepping-stone mo...

In several earlier articles, I discussed the ongoing phenomenon of Turkey’s colonization as performed first through Turkey’s participation in the NATO (earlier, limited, and slow stage) and second by means of an Islamist administration (ongoing, expanded, and accelerated stage).

I presented Turkey’s policy toward the Aramaeans (Suryani) as purely colonialist, because the acceptance by Turkey of the colonial term "Assyrians" for the nation of the Aramaeans represents Turkey’s harmonization with the policies of the colonial regimes of England and France that passionately pursued all possible methods in order to destroy first, the Ottoman Empire and second, Republican Secular Turkey.

The transformation of Republican Secular Turkey into an Islamist pseudo-state fitting in the postcolonial Middle East (which is in its entirety a complete Freemasonic Anglo-French fabrication) will be the end of Turkey and the beginning of the Middle Eastern wars machinated by the regimes of London and Paris.

Quite indicative of Turkey’s harmonization with the colonial orders issued in London and Paris is the ongoing change of Turkey’s stance and policy toward the collapsing and disintegrating tyranny of Armenia.

Turkey does not need Armenia in any sense; Turkey must not open its border to the vicious, revengeful tyranny of Erevan that pursued purely racist policies toward Azerbaijan – a country with which Turkey must unite, abandoning the idiotic dreams of a participation in an otherwise useless Europe.

Under any circumstances, and prior to the elimination of the racist regime of Erevan, before the abandonment of the Anti-Turkish, racist propaganda of the Armenian Diaspora about the supposed ‘Armenian Genocide’, and without the retreat of the Armenian army from parts of the Azeri territory, Turkey should not recognize Armenia. Except, Islamist Turkey is urged to help PKK and Armenia shape an even stronger terrorist and racist front against many nations and peoples of the wider Middle East and Caucasus region.

Turkey’s colonization is proven through the harmonization of the current, unrepresentative, Islamist pseudo-government with the Anti-Turkish interests of Paris and London that want simply to avoid the disintegration of the ailing Armenian tyranny by forcing the "independent" Islamist government of Turkey to open its border and thus preserve the (already asphyxiated at an advanced level thanks to the correct policies of the assassinated President Turgut Ozal) Armenian tyranny in life.

The policy imposed on the unrepresentative Islamist pseudo-government of Gul and Erdogan is not only gravely detrimental to Turkey’s interests and prejudicial for the regional peace; it is also contradictory with the Anglo-French colonial contents’ demands for the supposed Turkey’s further democratization.

If Turkey should be further democratized and harmonized with Europe, then why should Turkey open its borders to a criminal tyranny denounced as such by the HRW in a lengthy and devastating Report?
First published in American Chronicle, AfroArticles and Buzzle on the 15 March 2009

Article, 10 pages, w/ photos - May 29, 2021 - Very briefly reviews flaws in the theories of Adam Smith (1776) and Francis Fukuyama (1992), current and probable future ramifications of the systems they exalted, and the possibility of a new, vastly more socially egalitarian dawn for humankind. A hard-hitting story on racism, religious prejudice, unrestrained capitalism and socialism that does offer hope.

In Press, Power, and Culture in Imperial Brazil
Edited by Hendrik Kraay, Celso Thomas Castilho, and Teresa Cribelli, 90-110 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2021).
[https://www.google.com/books/edition/Press_Power_and_Culture_in_Imperial_Braz/fyQnEAAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1]

Human settlement of the Caribbean represents the only example in the Americas of peoples colonizing islands that were not visible from surrounding mainland areas or other islands. Unfortunately, many interpretive models have relied on radiocarbon determinations that do not meet standard criteria for reporting because they lack critical information or sufficient provenience, often leading to specious interpretations. We have collated 2484 radiocarbon determinations, assigned them to classes based on chronometric hygiene criteria, and constructed Bayesian colonization models of the acceptable determinations to examine patterns of initial settlement. Colonization estimates for 26 islands indicate that (i) the region was settled in two major population dispersals that likely originated from South America; (ii) colonists reached islands in the northern Antilles before the southern islands; and (iii) the results support the southward route hypothesis and refute the “stepping-stone model.”

The penalty of deprivation of liberty now dominates in most parts of the world, even in countries where the death penalty exists. The question therefore arises as to the reasons for its success and the ways in which it has spread, which has given rise to much debate in the social sciences, particularly (but not only) about the Foucauldian model. Today, considering prison as a “Western” invention is thus becoming increasingly problematic. However, the often geographically-limited nature of the research carried out and the crying lack of synthetic studies make it difficult to assess the relevance of the idea of a “global” birth of the prison before the 19th century. This article and, beyond that, the issue itself, therefore examine the possibilities and the difficulties of a global approach, both historical and spatial, to prison.

Una reflexión histórica respecto a la lectura y a los encuentros linguisticos de los dos mundos en la llamada conquista, colonización o barbarie.
Evidencia de dos mujeres que fueron las primeras mujeres traductoras en lo que sería la américa latina.

Studies of the informational development of the Russian Far East are still at a purely empirical level. In this paper, the phenomenon of informational development is conceptually understood. Terminology and analytical apparatus, borrowed from other fields of science, are proposed. As an empirical support of the study, factual data from the past peasant colonization of the Russian Far East was used

המאמר בוחן את יחסי הגומלין בין צמיחת התנועה הקיבוצית ומשבריה משנת 1967 ואילך לבין המאמץ המתמשך של מדינת ישראל להגביר את השליטה היהודית בקרקע. הוא מתמקד במקרי בוחן המסמנים נקודות מפנה בקונפליקט הישראלי-ערבי: הראשון והמרכזי בהם הוא מלחמת ששת הימים, ובעקבותיה ההתיישבות על פי תכנית אלון; השני – הסכם השלום עם מצרים, ובעקבותיו העברת מוקד הקולוניזציה מיישובים חקלאיים-שיתופיים ליישובים קהילתיים; השלישי – ההפרדה המחודשת של שוק העבודה הישראלי והפלסטיני בהסכמי אוסלו, ואיתה ביטול המאמץ לקדם "עבודה עצמית" בחקלאות.
ניתוח ראשוני מראה כי יחסי גומלין אלה היו משמעותיים בשני הכיוונים. מצד אחד התנועה הקיבוצית היתה תלויה במאמץ להגביר את השליטה היהודית בקרקע. התאוששותה ושגשוגה לאחר מלחמת ששת הימים היו קשורים להתייצבותה המחודשת בספר בעקבות ההשתלטות של ישראל על מרחבים חדשים. המשבר אליו היא נקלעה באמצע שנות השמונים ותהליכי ההפרטה שחלו בעקבותיו הם במידה רבה תוצאה של דחיקתה לשולי המאבק בעקבות התפתחויות מדיניות שצמצמו את הקרקע החקלאית הזמינה להתיישבות יהודית והפרידו שוב את העובדים הפלסטינים מהמשק הישראלי. מצד שני התנועה הקיבוצית השפיעה בשנות השישים והשבעים משמעותית על עיצוב תהליך הקולוניזציה ואיתו הקונפליקט הישראלי-ערבי. השאיפה להרחיב את אפשרויות ההתיישבות השיתופית עמדה בבסיס הפעולה המדינית האפקטיבית של מנהיגיה, ובפרט שליחי הקיבוץ המאוחד. היא השפיעה רבות על עיצוב מדיניות הביטחון לפני מלחמת ששת הימים, על מהלכי המלחמה עצמה, ומאוחר יותר על ההתיישבות על פי תכנית אלון שמיסדה את הכיבוש.