Colonization studies

Localizada no Sudeste Asiático, a República Democrática do Timor-Leste se tornou um país independente no dia 20 de maio de 2002 com o apoio da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) que, através da promoção de missões de paz, realizou esforços na (re)estruturação desse país entre 1999 e 2012. Durante esse período, a República Federativa do Brasil ampliou as suas capacidades de projeção no âmbito externo e na coordenação das Forças Armadas brasileiras ao se engajar em diversas dessas operações relacionadas à questão timorense, considerada por Pepe e Mathias (2006) como um dos principais eventos das relações internacionais depois de findada a Guerra Fria. Nessa perspectiva, buscou-se depreender quais foram as motivações brasileiras e como o Brasil se engajou nas missões de paz da ONU em Timor-Leste. Para tanto, foi necessário aplicar um recorte histórico que demonstrasse a árdua trajetória timorense em busca de sua independência.

To truly comprehend the Statehood Movement in Puerto Rico (1967-present), we must examine a complicated timeline from Spanish colonization (1493-1898) through American occupation (1898-present) and modern Puerto Rican Nationalist/ Socialist Party (1922-present) ideologies. This analysis includes focusing on the difficulties of cultural reclamation and

This paper historically examines how Coatlicue is a mirror and map in the tumultuous culture of the Aztecan colonization period. As a mirror, she reflects women as powerful, fertile, and sacrificial in Aztec culture while being a terrifying reflection of what Christian colonizers feared. Similarly, she is a map to self-transformation and power in Aztec culture, yet also a map to ruination for the Eurocentric colonizers’ way of life. In this way, Coatlicue is the antithesis of Eurocentric androcentric Christian thought and belief. This antithesis is further demonstrated through a close analysis of the “influential indigenous female” power dynamic related to one of Coatlicue’s aspectual forms (La Malinche), which demonstrates the inherent social anxieties of the colonizers as being ethnocentric castration anxiety as a whole.

Open access:  http://sh.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1092923&dswid=-7744

After falling under the power of the Russian Crown, the Northern Black Sea steppe from the end of eighteenth century crystallized as the Russian government’s prime venue for socioeconomic and sociocultural reinvention and colonization. Vast ethnic, sociocultural and even ecological changes followed.  Present study is preoccupied with the marriage of the immigrant population from the German lands who came to the region in the course of its state orchestrated colonization, and was officially categorized as “German colonists.” The book illuminates the multiple ways in which marriage and household formation among the colonists was instrumentalized by the imperial politics in the Northern Black Sea steppe, and conditioned by socioeconomic rationality of its colonization. Marriage formation and dissolution among the colonists were gradually absorbed into the competencies of the colonial vertical power. Intending to control colonist marriage and household formation through the introduced marriage regime, the Russian government and its regional representatives lacked the actual means to exert this control at the local level. On the ground, however, imperial politics was mediated by the people it targeted, and by the functionaries tasked with its implementation. As the study reveals, the paramount importance was given to functional households and sustainable farms based on non-conflictual relations between parties. Situated on the crossroads of state, church, community, and personal interests, colonist marriage engendered clashes between secular and ecclesiastical bodies over the supremacy over it. The interplay of colonization as politics, and colonization as an imperial situation with respect to the marriage of the German colonists is explored in this book by concentrating on both norms and practices. Another important consideration is the ways gender and colonization constructed and determined one another reciprocally, both in legal norms and in actual practices. Secret divorces and unauthorized marriages, open and hidden defiance, imitations and unruliness, refashioning of rituals and discourses, and desertions – a number of strategies and performances which challenged and negotiated the marriage regime in the region, were scholarly examined for the first time in this book.

Big data is a misnomer. While the field is relatively young, much thought has already been churned on critiquing the term, particularly on how we cannot equate the scale of data with diversity. Thereby, in the name of diversity, we should look at big data from the angle of the global south. After all, majority of the world’s population reside outside the West. Yet, when we pay attention to the debates on surveillance, privacy and net neutrality and the demand for alternative models and practices to sustain the digital commons, they are primarily driven by western concerns, contexts, and user behaviors from these privileged domains. This undoubtedly provides a thwarted view of the internet. [click the link for the full article]

To truly comprehend the Statehood Movement in Puerto Rico (1967-present), we must examine a complicated timeline from Spanish colonization (1493-1898) through American occupation (1898-present) and modern Puerto Rican Nationalist/ Socialist Party (1922-present) ideologies. This analysis includes focusing on the difficulties of cultural reclamation and political independence after centuries of cultural appropriation and indoctrination through political imagery and actions. The modern Borikén faces monumental roadblocks when attempting to grasp a concrete independence plan after centuries of subjugation. The argument is that this hesitancy is built on a complex foundation of generational trauma and desensitization. With cultural reclamation is at the forefront of American political discourse, the goal is to examine if it is responsible to pursue an anti-colonial movement without quantifiable accountability from the American government. Furthermore, should this reckoning be under the guide of an independent Puerto Rico, focused on reclaiming its cultural and political identities, or under the eye of a government that has fostered their subjugation for centuries.

Chapitre 5 Le regard sur l'Afrique du Sud, espace migratoire réservé. Thèse pour le Doctorat en Science Politique, présentée par Catherine Boudet le 03 décembre 2004, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Bordeaux, Atelier National de Reproduction des Thèses, 642 pages.

El presente artículo es la continuación de un trabajo que publiqué en diciembre de 2018 en la revista Avisos de la Real Biblioteca. En ese trabajo traté de resolver algunas de las incógnitas que plantea la traducción de Utopía, anónima y sin fechar, que presenta el Ms. II/1087 de la RB y en las últimas líneas propuse su atribución a Vasco de Quiroga. De un tiempo a esta parte he finalizado la edición de esta versión castellana de Utopía, cuya publicación estoy preparando, y me he reafirmado en la hipótesis que sugerí hace dos años, es decir, que Vasco de Quiroga habría escrito esta traducción hacia 1535, cuando se encontraba en Nueva España desempeñando el cargo de oidor de la Audiencia de México. En el presente artículo no repetiré los razonamientos que ya aduje, sino que resumiré las conclusiones que me parecen incontrovertibles, expondré los motivos de mayor peso para la atribución a Vasco y relataré de manera sucinta cómo Quiroga llevó a la práctica la Utopía de Moro en los pueblos de indígenas que fundó en México y en Michoacán, en 1532 y 1533 respectivamente.

La privatización de la tierra fue un proceso de adaptación de la economía salvadoreña como respuesta a la transformación del mercado internacional donde a través de las reformas liberales se generó un transición en la concentración de producción del añil al café, suceso que desenlaza una cambio en los recursos de producción agrícola, en este caso, la tierra; sin embargo, las causas de dicha reforma y el papel que jugó en el país varían de acuerdo a la interpretaciones socio-históricas con que se analiza la temática. Antes, es importante conocer el contexto político y social en el que se produce esta transición. Antes de la independencia las instituciones coloniales se habían encargado de dirimir sus desacuerdos con la tradición indígena, al desaparecer las autoridades españolas los conflictos entre las clases antagónicas estallaron. En esta escena nos encontramos a los liberales, los conservadores y la población aborigen indígena. Los conservadores querían mantener las mismas autoridades y en la medida de lo posible el mismo sistema; por otro lado, los liberales querían cambiar la forma de gobierno; y finalmente, nos encontramos con la antigua tradición que se encontró amenazada por los nuevos idearios inspirados por la economía liberal y la ilustración. "Los liberales apoyaban la liberación del comercio, la separación entre iglesia y estado, la abolición de privilegios y el régimen federal. Los conservadores se identificaban con mayores restricciones al comercio, el mantenimiento de estrechos vínculos entre el estado y las autoridades eclesiásticas y la vigencia de las instituciones antiguas… Las diferencias cambiaron a través del tiempo…" (Ministerio de Educación, 1994) Desde de la instauración de la República las ansias por liberar las tierras e introducir reformas radicales era evidente. El líder independentista Juan Manuel Rodríguez en 1824 decía: "las tierras están mal repartidas…los indígenas poseen la mayor parte… e impiden que cultiven las demás tribus… la ley de igualdad debe abolir todo derecho particular…" 1. También Mariano Prado, quien

To truly comprehend the Statehood Movement in Puerto Rico (1967present), we must examine a complicated timeline from Spanish colonization (1493-1898) through American occupation (1898-present) and modern Puerto Rican Nationalist/ Socialist Party (1922-present) ideologies. This analysis includes focusing on the difficulties of cultural reclamation and political independence after centuries of cultural appropriation and indoctrination through political imagery and actions. The modern Borikén Census Data Speaks to the Puerto Rican Ethnogenesis Diplomatic Relations Spanish and American Propaganda White man's burden influence on propaganda.

Los pueblos de colonización de la cuenca del Ebro: planificación territorial y urbanística, publicación redactada por José María Alagón, se centra en la historia del Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC) y en su actuación completa en los pueblos de la cuenca del Ebro en cuanto disposición en el territorio y a su planificación y desarrollo urbanísticos.

El libro se ha articulado en tres capítulos sucesivos: el primero analiza la política de actuación y actividad desarrollada por el INC; el segundo el proceso de creación de los pueblos de colonización, su disposición en el territorio y modelos de asentamiento; y el tercer capítulo acomete un estudio del programa urbanístico.

Esta publicación nos adentra con detalle en el fenómeno social y demográfico de la colonización y en el papel de los nuevos pobladores que llegaron a este territorio desde diversos puntos geográficos en busca de oportunidades de futuro. Los movimientos poblacionales, consecuencia de una planificación política, son un ejemplo de como la actividad humana modela el entorno, el paisaje mediante actividades como la agricultura y la ganadería o la puesta en marcha de servicios, transformando desiertos territoriales y demográficos en tierra fértiles, con un modelo de vida que continúa representando un perfecto equilibrio entre sostenibilidad ambiental y social.

https://www.dphuesca.es/publicaciones/-/asset_publisher/Wz1IU6ehMoSr/content/los-pueblos-de-colonizaci%25C3%25B3n-de-la-cuenca-del-ebro-planificaci%25C3%25B3n-territorial-y-urban%25C3%25ADstica.

En el siguiente texto nos vamos de la labor realizada por el Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC), un organismo creado en 1939 en el seno del Ministerio de Agricultura para llevar a cabo las tareas de colonización agraria emprendidas en nuestra posguerra. Para ello analizaremos en primer lugar el estado de los regadíos de esta zona de Valmuel hasta la llegada del Instituto Nacional de Colonización; seguidamente, nos ocuparemos de los trabajos llevados a cabo por el Instituto en esta demarcación; y terminaremos con el estudio de los planteamientos urbanísticos desarrollados en los dos núcleos creados por el INC en este territorio: Valmuel y Puigmoreno.

The pandemic of 2020-21 could be the first “painful contraction” of a birth which, if we can recognize it as such, has all the markings of an economic and spiritual renaissance.  Economic emergencies are shaking the stability of governments worldwide, while isolationism and old-time tribal mentalities are resurfacing at the same time as a melting Arctic opens up vast areas for resource extraction.  Maximizing the newfound wealth for world equilibrium should be of critical priority. If we don’t take action to avert the latest round of resource wars, we could face “limited nuclear” fallout alongside global warming.

Kick-starting a major technology growth-spurt, a newly-created Bank of Gaia is proposed to broker all future polar resource extraction. The goal is to avoid  the next international resource while creating collateral against which large-scale population resettlement projects could begin . 

Self-sufficient but isolated new colonies with low ecological impacts (somewhat based on Soleri's 'arcologies'), would be he basis of the immediate need for a next generation of  sustainable manufacturing technologies, of factories that can efficiently build anything for local use only. Funded by the sale of its non-renewable resources, the Bank of Gaia would be "buying back ownership of human claims to property," redistributing this "newfound" wealth to governments worldwide for new infrastructural development needs of the new colonies built in the earth's hinterlands.

A new era could be defined and funded by Gaia. It would pay the impending costs of adjusting to her destabilized crust (the impacts of global warming) but banked against the long-term future of her deeper resources that we no longer own but must pay for..  Non-renewables would no longer be "free for the cost of extraction." Through a counter-intuitive collusion of J.M. Keynes with the Quesnay, the earth will become a direct source of financial support, eventually underwriting and upending the private banks. Utopian experiments can be carried out while resettling imperiled populations. Teilhard de-Chardin's vision of 'Civitas Dei' can again be a gleam in the eye of humanists whatever their faith.  Parallels to John Law’s bank, the Mississippi Bubble and 18th century colonization schemes are critically well-noted. Control of the Bank of Gaia? We might consider Buckminster Fuller's "World Game" in the hands of AI.

Prof Mahmood Mamdani’s (2018) book Citizen and Subject: Contemporary of Africa the Legacy of Late Colonialism is the second edition of a book published by Princeton University Press in 1996. Citizen and Subject reveals the challenges between Native Authority and Imperial Authority in the history of the colonial and post-colonial African nations. The book deals with the struggles of colonialist societies against settlers particularly in Uganda and South Africa.

O livro Imagens da colonização trata das representações do índio, escritas e gráficas, entre os séculos XVI e XVII. Aí, procurei analisar não somente as imagens dos tupis e “tapuios”, mas também de diferentes etnias radicadas na América espanhola. Fossem gravuras francesas, holandesas, italianas alemães ou inglesas, os cânones artísticos e teológicos pouco diferiam no momento de descrever os povos do Novo Mundo. Sem sombra de dúvidas, as “representações coletivas” europeias da reforma e contra-reforma determinaram as narrativas e as figurações. Nas imagens sobre os americanos encontram-se a tradição escolástica, as disputas religiosas entre católicos e protestantes, a caça às bruxas e os dilemas provocados pela conquista.
As crônicas e as descrições de viagens fizeram tábula rasa da tradição ameríndia, anularam as suas especificidades. Todos eram índios e isso bastava para os religiosos, artistas e viajantes europeus. Aliás, a tradição europeia buscou no passado remoto argumentos para consolidar a dominação e a desigualdade entre os cristãos e ameríndios. Sua superioridade respaldava a conquista, a colonização e a catequese. Em contrapartida, os nativos eram seres degenerados: desconheciam a palavra revelada do senhor, o valor do ouro, da prata e do trabalho. Viviam na indolência e precisavam dos controles impostos pelos homens brancos. Empregado como ideologia da conquista, o barbarismo aristotélicos legitimava a guerra justa, a escravidão, porque os nativos eram incapazes de entender os ensinamentos divinos e de receber a conversão. Portanto, eram criaturas de Deus, forjados para servir aos cristãos, usando a sua força bruta em favor dos empreendimentos coloniais. 
Para além de identificar um substrato cultural comum, o livro traça um contraponto entre as imagens produzidas pelos jesuítas e pelos demais colonizadores. Os inacianos estavam imbuídos de livrar os índios da escravidão, pois o cativeiro os afastava da conversão e da vida cristã. A defesa da Companhia de Jesus impunha abandono da antigas tradições locais, da nudez, poligamia e canibalismo.
De todo modo, o esforço dos padres não inviabilizou o emprego dos nativos como força motriz dos primeiros estabelecimentos coloniais, nas lavouras, na expansão das áreas coloniais, nas guerras contra as tribos que enfrentavam os portugueses. Embora fossem livres, nas propriedades jesuíticas, os braços não raro eram indígenas. Por vezes, os religiosos pouco diferiam dos seculares quando representavam os nativos como bárbaros, embora os jesuítas considerassem que a conversão era mecanismo seguro para os livrar do barbarismo. 
Em suma, afirmo que os colonizadores buscavam respaldo para impedir a inserção dos índios na cristandade, pois eram seres brutos e incapazes de se tornar católicos. Para tanto reforçavam a necessidade escravizá-los, enquanto os sacerdotes procuravam representá-los como gentios, cristãos em potencial, pois, do contrário, a catequese estava ameaçada.
    Escravistas ou não, os projetos coloniais pretendiam inserir os povos indígenas no mundo mercantilista. Os braços nativos contribuíram com a expansão das áreas coloniais e comércio entre o Brasil e a metrópole. Os índios viabilizavam então a força motriz capaz de implementar fortificações, vilas, igrejas, engenhos e plantações. A conquista não se reduziu ao âmbito econômico, pois os moradores e os viajantes conduziram os habitantes do Novo Mundo para dentro da cultura da Europa ocidental. Os ameríndios perderem paulatinamente a autonomia própria das comunidades distantes do velho continente e ganharam feições e atributos há muito presentes no imaginário cristão. Os índios foram denominados de gentio, bárbaros, selvagens e antropófagos. A partir dessas nomeações, os colonizadores pretendiam ressaltar o primitivismo dos nativos e sua incapacidade de gerir a própria vida. O abandono dos “costumes abomináveis” justificava a intervenção na América, consolidava a conquista e a colonização europeias.
A maior contribuição do livro estava, porém, no capítulo terceiro: “Mulheres canibais”. Aí realizei comparação entre texto e imagem que me permitiu delimitar um tema de pesquisa original. Oriundas dos relatos de viagens, as descrições sobre os costumes indígenas apontavam para a intensa participação dos homens nas guerras e nas cerimônias de canibalismo. Diferentemente do texto, nas imagens, as mulheres se tornaram protagonistas. A literatura quinhentista e mesmo os estudos da antropologia estruturalista defendiam a participação feminina nos rituais com funções específicas.
No entanto, nas representações visuais, a ênfase nas mulheres canibais e a escassa participação dos guerreiros estava vinculada à misoginia, não raro presente nos escritos e gravuras quinhentistas protestantes. Aliás, percebi que a misoginia aumentou a participação feminina nos rituais macabros representados nas gravuras. A ênfase deve ser interpretada como parte da tradição luterana e da influência do Malleus maleficarum sobre o pensamento europeu do norte da Europa, origem de boa parte das gravuras dedicadas às mulheres canibais. Em diversas imagens constatei semelhanças entre as mulheres canibais e as feiticeiras europeias. Elas possuíam comportamentos e formas físicas semelhantes às enviadas do demônio.
Como mencionei, os predomínio das mulheres nos rituais de canibalismo não possui, porém, sustentação empírica, exceto nas gravuras de Theodor de Bry. Os relatos quinhentistas e seiscentistas restringiam bastante sua participação nos banquetes canibalescos. Os estudiosos dos tupis defendem a participação de jovens e mulheres na ingestão de carne humana, sobretudo as entranhas cozidas em forma de mingau. Em contrapartida, os guerreiros costumavam ingerir os músculos assados no moquém. Em suma, a participação feminina era restrita enquanto os homens protagonizavam os relatos dedicados ao canibalismo tupi.
Vale ainda mencionar a participação das velhas índias nos rituais representados em gravuras. Aí, elas comem carne humana e sugam a gordura. Segundo os relatos, Deus as castigou, pois perderam a juventude por causa de seus desregramentos, pelo gosto bizarro de ingerir e se deliciar com a carne humana. Suas peles enrugadas e cabelos muito ralos as tornam encarnação do vício, aliadas e privilegiadas de Satã. Com características demoníacas, as velhas retratadas do Theodor de Bry também estão em um desenho que ilustra o livro de John Nieuhof. A cena se passa em uma floresta, onde um nativo atira uma fecha contra uma ave. No pano de fundo, porém, duas mulheres comem braços humanos e estão próximas a vários vestígios do canibalismo: crânio descarnado, ossos humanos, restos de animais e outros objetos de difícil identificação. Por certo a gravura em questão se inspirou na obra de Hans Baldung Grien, o famoso pintor quinhentista das bruxas.

The conquest and colonisation of the northeastern Baltic Rim in the 13th century durably shaped religious and ethnic identities of and relations between the native population and the arriving crusaders. This article explores the codes and displays of hospitality in the anonymous ‘Livonian Rhymed Chronicle’, which are seen here as ways of conceptualising the relationship and conflicts between the Teutonic Knights and the pagan or apostate people in Livonia. It asks which consequences the framing of the host-guest relations might have had for the self-comprehension of the chronicle’s author and his audience. The analysis of the chronicle is pursued along three lines: the first focuses on the questions of chivalry, courtesy, and conversion; the second explores different renditions of a miracle story of inhospitality from the 1220s; the third focuses on the conceptual metaphors of hospitality as a way in which the Teutonic Knights accommodated their adversaries’ viewpoints. In its conclusions, the article argues how a broad focus on the institutions, concepts, and discourses of hospitality can help account for both confrontational and amicable attitudes between the colonisers and the colonised both on the Baltic frontier and among other European frontier societies.

This paper considers the relationship between the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and Indigenous self-determination in the context of constitutional reconciliation in Canada. It begins by reviewing case law and legal scholarship on the application of the Charter to Aboriginal governments, with a particular focus on the debates over the interpretation of section 25, which stipulates that Charter rights cannot "abrogate or derogate" from Aboriginal and treaty rights. I show that, while different options have been suggested for how the Charter could be interpreted in the case of a conflict between Charter rights and Aboriginal rights, each of these possibilities creates problems of its own. Fundamentally, the seemingly irresolvable tensions that emerge between the various interpretations of section 25 reflect a deeper problem that it is necessary for a project of constitutional reconciliation to address: the underlying assumptions of Crown sovereignty and the place of Indigenous legal cultures in Canadian federalism. Ultimately, the paper argues that the Charter does have a role in the articulation of a nation-to-nation relationship between Canada and Indigenous peoples because it imposes a duty on courts to develop interpretations that are cognizable within Indigenous legal traditions.

This paper deals with the House of Leukaktios, which has been discovered during Polish excavations at Ptolemais, Libya, in 2001– 2007. The house has almost completely preserved mosaic pavements and the plan of Graeco-Roman type with an open central court (atrium), acting as the focal point around which the rooms were arranged. The name of one of the last owners, Leukaktios, is written twice on the mosaics in the atrium and in the triclinium. The author proposes the identification of several rooms. Room 1, a triclinium, has a mosaic with the characteristic U-shaped geometric frame around a central figural panel that depicts a personification of Victory or Nike. Room 14 is identified as an andron/triclinium with a similar U-shaped version lay out of the mosaic pavement. Room 9, which is situated in front of the andron/triclinium, could be interpreted as a gyneceum. The central panel which represents Dionysos and sleeping Ariadna has a parallel from the House of Dionysos in Cyrene, where the mosaic bears a rare Greek inscription dedicated to a woman.
Room 4 is identified as a reception hall. The mosaics are homogeneous in style and belong to the last phase of the building between AD 215 and 225.

The paper focuses on the identity building strategies of a minority group in Mauritius, the Franco-Mauritians, as they had to face ethnic competition in the Mauritian plural society. How was an ethnic identity shaped and how did the Franco-Mauritian group eventually define itself as a community sharing a common origin and blood ties How did ethnic markers become meaningful despite the fact that ethnic boundaries kept changing throughout history? Identity in its political dimension therefore results to be a way to manage the contradiction which arises between the conflicts of interests and the need to preserve interethnic relations.

Cet article propose d’analyser dans une perspective socio-historique comment se construit l’identité franco-mauricienne face aux enjeux de la compétition inter-groupes existant au sein de la société plurale mauricienne. Par quel processus le discours identitaire permet-il aux Franco-Mauriciens de se définir en tant que communauté partageant des liens de sang et une origine commune ? Comment émergent et se consolident les marqueurs identitaires du groupe, alors que les cadres de référence se modifient en permanence ? L’identité dans sa dimension politique apparaît ici comme un mode de gestion de la contradiction historique entre conflit d’intérêts et nécessité de préserver les relations d’échange inter-ethniques.

This article deals with the problem of the colonization plans of Moldavia, appeared in the time of the Grand Chancellor and Hetman of the Crown, Jan Zamoyski, after the ascension of Jeremy Mohila (1595–1606) on the throne of Moldavia. We tried to identify the social groups which were to be transferred, the reasons for their transfer, the initiators of the project and the times when they began to be put into practice.

This paper builds on the findings established by an earlier paper, entitled "The Traditional Tattoos of the Philippine Cordillera Region: a Study on their Differences in Appearances, Causes and Discursive Strengths," written by the author together with his research team and was published in Volume 8, Number 2 of SEARCH Journal. The previous paper was a synchronic study of traditional tattooing among the eight ethnolinguistic groups of the said region to establish a baseline knowledge of such practice prior to the massive influx of modern and western influences mediated by the American occupation. However, this paper aims to: 1) show some diachronic accounts of the said traditional tattooing, 2) problematize the historical vanishing of the this cultural practice, and 3) lay down some proposals on how to preserve and resignify the same cultural practice. The eight ethnolinguistic groups of the Philippine Cordillera region covered by this paper are: the Ibaloys, Kankana-eys, Ifugaos, Bontoks, Southern Kalingas, Northern Kalingas, Itnegs and Isnegs. This paper is primarily a historical work that used archival and library materials, as well as key informant interviews for its data, and they are analyzed from the theoretical lens of Michel Foucault's archeology and genealogy of knowledge and Roland Barthes' semiology. The goal of this paper is to grasp the current status of traditional tattooing in the Philippine Cordillera region in order to have some foresight to, if not influence on, its future. This paper is the concluding part of a bigger project that was funded by the National Commission for Culture and the Arts of the Republic of the Philippines.

This article tells the story of a privileged woman born to great wealth who broke the bonds of cultural and social convention in 19th century Macau. The story involves a relationship with a foreigner from another social class, who was of another religion. It also involves children born out of wedlock, women working in the community, and the effects of those decisions on this particular woman’s life. The story thus provides a glimpse into the condition of many women in both the merchant and working classes of Macau at the time, and traces out the consequences of these decisions under the pressures of families, their social standing, and the influence of the Church in colonial Asia.

Lo studio traccia le linee dello sviluppo della superficie in diritto romano. L’istituto sorse tra secondo e primo secolo a.C., in conseguenza di rilevanti mutamenti demografici e urbanistici e fu probabilmente modellato sulle concessioni vettigali. Inizialmente, la superficie fu basata sul contratto di locazione a tempo determinato e poi anche su quello a tempo indeterminato (ovvero in perpetuum) e i superficiari conduttori furono tutelati mediante l’interdictum de superficiebus, modellato su quello de loco publico fruendo. Poiché nel corso del tempo, sul finire del primo secolo a.C., si ammise nella prassi la possibilità di costituire diritti di superficie mediante compravendita, legato e donazione, la tutela interdittale non fu più sufficiente e così, forse tra primo e secondo secolo d.C., il pretore inserì nell’editto la tutela reale per via di azione, a vantaggio di tutti i superficiari, con l’eccezione di quelli che fossero meri conductores ad modicum tempus. Si esaminano tutti i tipi di azioni decretali in factum che il diritto romano conobbe a vantaggio dei superficiari.
Fonti particolarmente esaminate: Ulp. 16 ad ed. D. 6.2.11.10; Ulp. 70 ad ed. D. 43.18.1; Ulp. 68 ad ed. D. 43.9.1pr.; Paul. 29 ad ed. D. 13.7.16.2; Ulp. 17 ad ed. D. 6.1.73.1; Paul. 21 ad ed. D. 6.1.74; Ulp. 16 ad ed. D. 6.1.75; Ulp. 71 ad ed. D. 43.24.15.12; Paul. 19 ad ed. D. 6.2.12.2-3; Ulp. 16 ad ed. D. 6.2.11.1.

Nine kilometers north of Ramallah the first-ever planned Palestinian city is being built. The seemingly intractable conflict between Arab Palestinians and Israelis make Rawabi a complex issue. Some individuals do not want it to succeed, while others consider it to be an important step in building a Palestinian state. This exploratory study sought to discern how members of the Rawabi leadership team construct stories to create an overarching narrative about the project’s impact on Palestinians and Palestinian – Israeli relations. Findings from the interviews are presented and the implications of the stories are discussed to create a master narrative.

Grounded in my own praxis of how I strive to decolonize my engagement with knowledge production (reading, writing, sensing, and doing) as an independent scholar, and building on Anibal Quijano’s “colonial matrix of power” and Walter Mignolo’s’ concept of “epistemic disobedience”, this article addresses the critical components we must consider if we are to engage with knowledge production and consumption as equals not as submissive minds and souls who have nothing to contribute. The critical components I identify, each addressed in a separate section, include what it really means to decolonize knowledge; why decolonizing language is essential; and how do we decolonize academia. On the latter, the article identifies and addresses specific areas. Those include research inception and funding (e.g. the formation of ideas and funding research projects); the politics of citation (who is citable and who is ignored and why); academic writing and publications; the question of objectivity (the myth that the West is more objective than the rest, which keeps the game unchanged in favor of Western knowledge production); thought and intellectual classification; and the worn-out mantra of “publish or perish”. I close with reflections on how to decolonize other aspects of our daily life such as: reading and writing, relationships, social and professional connections, hobbies, activities, and even travel destinations. I do so because everything is connected and intertwined, and therefore, a holistic approach to decolonize our entire existence is a must. We can’t decolonize knowledge production until we decolonize everything else, and we can’t decolonize anything before we rigorously begin the process of decolonizing knowledge production.

Since the inception of psychology as a distinct field of study in the modern West, it has been widely regarded as the only valid form of this discipline, supplanting all other accounts of the mind and human behavior. The modern West is unique in having produced the only psychology that consciously severed itself from metaphysics and spiritual principles. The momentous intellectual revolutions inaugurated by the Renaissance and the European Enlightenment further entrenched the prejudices of its purely secular and reductionist approach. Yet, across the diverse cultures of the world, we find spiritual traditions that embrace a fully-integrated psychology, unsullied by the limitations of the modern scientific method. It is only by grounding psychology on a foundation of sacred and universal truths—found in all traditional civilizations—that we can begin to restore a true “science of the soul” that addresses the entire gamut of human needs and possibilities.

Previous research on toponymy analyses the roots and meanings of place names. However, the advent of the Critical Toponymy Theory has added a new dimension to the study of toponymy, particularly, focusing on the politics of naming. Theorists have looked at how place naming and renaming is a common strategy used by rulers to achieve legitimacy for their social, political, and national objectives. New governments, who assume power through means such decolonisation or the removal of despotic regimes or being elected, then change the name of existing places to reflect the incoming order. This piece reflects on various examples worldwide and illustrates that toponymic renaming, in some cases known as “toponymic cleansing”, has been and continues to be used by modern governments. Notwithstanding, the individual socio-political experiences of various countries also shape the extent to which toponyms are modified, ultimately showing that place names intersect with politics, society, language, geography, history, landscaping, and culture of a locality.

In this paper, we present an overview of the language policies adopted in the Oceanian countries and territories after analysis of legislation, plans and government programs. Representing 22.9% of all languages in the world-the vast majority spoken by few people and endangered-, this continent suffered an intense linguistic colonization marked by the instrumentalisation of indigenous languages by missionaries and by the subsequent imposition of European languages as the only ones allowed during European and American imperialism. Such a scenario has broadened the complex linguistic situation in Oceania and has imposed on the countries of the region many challenges about languages to adopt after their independences, in view of the many local problems, which caused the Oceanian peoples to seek diverse political solutions and to become frontier peoples-frontiers of languages, frontiers of meanings, frontiers of memories, frontiers between colonizer languages, indigenous languages and immigrant languages.

Entre De la démocratie en Amérique (1835-1840) et sa mission d'évaluation de l'Algérie pour le Parlement français en 1847-1848, Tocqueville participe à l'élaboration de la pensée colonialiste du XIXe siècle. Cette étude s'intéresse particulièrement à la correspondance entre ces deux textes qui portent sur deux espaces coloniaux distincts afin de déterminer les constantes et ruptures entre la colonisation de l'Amérique et la colonisation de l'Afrique.

Phoenician Epigraphy in the Iberian Peninsula:

1. THE HISTORY OF PHOENICIAN EPIGRAPHIC FINDS IN THE IBERIAN PENINSULA
2. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION AND DATING OF THE FINDS
3. CHARACTERISTICS OF AND GENERAL ISSUES CONCERNING THE MATERIAL PRESERVED
4. USES OF WRITING AMONGST THE PHOENICIANS IN THE IBERIAN PENINSULA
5. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS: LITERACY AND THE EPIGRAPHIC PRACTICE AMONG PHOENICIANS IN THE IBERIAN PENINSULA
6. SELECTION OF TEXTS

The international conference "Mediterranean Mobility between Migration and Colonialism (19th-20th Centuries)" will take place on 11 and 12 November 2022 at the Department of History, Culture and Civilisation of the University of Bologna. Going beyond the dichotomous scheme colonizer/colonized, and deepening the different variations of the colonial racial hierarchy, the focus of the conference aims at studying the spaces of contact, both social and physical, between the populations involved in the Mediterranean colonial system, keeping a focus on the dynamics of class and belonging (national, religious, racial, political and gender). Studies on the history of colonialism have all too often considered empires as self-sufficient categories of analysis, thus neglecting trans-imperial connections and reaffirming, albeit unintentionally, a priority relationship of relevance between the metropolitan centre and the colonial periphery (linguistic, cultural, political, economic) stemming from the colonial past. A look at human mobility in the imperial Mediterranean could not only problematise colonial categories through a trans-imperial perspective, but also be a point of historiographic contact between migration studies and colonialism studies. Specifically, the conference is interested in the Euro-Mediterranean migratory flows and diasporas that occurred in the Afro-Mediterranean spaces between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The period of analysis includes the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, which gives the Mediterranean region a new geopolitical role in global dynamics, up to the years of independence of North African countries (around the 1960s). The conference will focus on:

- Euro-Mediterranean diasporas as trans-imperial connection points
- Processes of nationalisation, and/or politicisation of foreign collectivities in Afro-Mediterranean spaces
- Being or becoming a foreigner in Mediterranean colonial spaces.
- Hybridization, contacts and exchanges of migrant collectivities with the local context.
- Gender issues and intercommunity sexual borders.
- Perceptions and (re)positioning of immigrant communities.
- Work as a space for the production of colonial hierarchy and hybridisation.

The conference aims to involve young scholars and researchers dealing with mobility and diasporas in the Mediterranean in the late imperial and colonial period. The thematic panels will be oriented to connect specialist speakers from different countries of the Mediterranean area, with a preference for the southern Mediterranean context.

The conference will be in Italian, French and English. It is planned to publish the conference proceedings in English.

Communication proposals should include a title and a 500-word abstract, as well as a short biography (name, surname, affiliation, email address), and should be sent by 29 July 2022 to: gabriele.montalbano2@unibo.it