Comunism

Resumo Neste artigo discutimos as possibilidades da escuta e de uma música comunista. Contra o que chamamos de paradigma da escuta condominial, defenderemos a tese de que a escuta deve ser intrinsecamente dialética na sua relação entre indivíduo e coletivo. Em seguida sugeriremos o que seria esta música comunista e como ela pode nos aparecer.

W 2013 roku, dzięki współpracy wydawnictw gier planszowych z Telewizją Polską, na rynku zaczęły pojawiać się gry nawiązujące do polskich seriali. Pierwszym tytułem była wojenna gra karciana dla dwóch osób oparta na fabule serialu Czas honoru. Obecnie na rynku jest dostępnych dziesięć tytułów, co nie stanowi finalnej liczby, ponieważ TVP ma w planach wydanie nowych tytułów na podstawie kolejnych kultowych seriali. Ponadto wydawnictwo publikuje gry nawiązujące do telewizyjnych programów, na przykład Rolnik szuka żony. Ten nowy trend na polskim rynku gier planszowych zachęca do podjęcia refleksji badawczej poświęconej relacjom gier z innymi tekstami kultury.
Niniejszy rozdział składa się z dwóch części. W pierwszej został omówiony termin planszoizacji oraz zaproponowano w nim narzędzia z innych dziedzin nauk humanistycznych, które można zaadaptować do badania tego zjawiska. Druga część jest przykładową analizą gry Alternatywy 4 jako planszowej adaptacji serialu Stanisława Barei. Ma ona przede wszystkim pokazać, że planszoizacja tekstu kultury odbywa się na dwóch poziomach: fizycznym (elementy gry oraz ich warstwa graficzna) oraz gameplay (interakcji między graczami, którą umożliwia mechanika gry).

El artículo está dividido en tres partes: en a primera se elabora un panorama sobre el maoísmo en Francia en una
perspectiva de mediana duración, con la pretensión de ir más allá del
Mayo 68; posteriormente se elabora una reflexión sobre la presencia del
pensamiento Mao; y, finalmente, su convergencia con los intereses de
intelectuales y militantes radicalizados después de mayo del 68.

This article aims to analyze the impact of the Czechoslovak crisis on the sociocultural construction of Spanish Orthodox communism. The orthodox communists were a current that
had its base in the divergences arisen fruit of the change of course of the Communist Party of Spain
in the final years of the Francoism and the Transition. In response to these changes, many communists felt the need to defend traditional communist principles. In this process, the role played by the
Czechoslovak Communist Party (PCCH) stands out for its key profile in the history of this movement. This was the only party in the socialist camp that ended up breaking relations with the PCE,
which allowed it to support all these parties and have a significant role on the road towards its unification. Czechoslovakia was the country through which the socialist countries directly helped this
current in its first years of life.

The present study brings to light an unusual topic about the issue of collectivization of agriculture at the level of Romos village in Hunedoara country. After the establishment of the communist regime in Romania, the new political power was interested in materializing the communist ideology following the Soviet model. In this sense, in 1949 starts the process of collectivisations of agriculture, the first massive movement of communist, wich affected the peasants both economically and socially.
Transformations initiated by the regime have resulted in waves of anti-communist resistance of the peasants, always followed by repression. The same scenario, but with others actors, also occurs in Romos. Here, in the context of agricultural collectivisation, or how the communist authorities imposed the collection of wheat quotas, in the summer of 1950 has been one of the biggest disasters of the peasants in the locality: the burning of the Aria, the place where the villagers were forced to take their harvested wheat. The event was marked by an explosion of violence between the villagers and communist authorities, followed by repression and arrest.
Reconstituted on the basis of oral history, the day when Aria burned, remained alive in the memory of the elderly

During the decade of transformation (1990–2000) new aesthetics and poetics have been formed to describe new kinds of economic and cultural phenomena and those languages develop further with late capitalism. The main aim of my chapter is to show the newest languages of expression and dissatisfaction of Polish capitalism by using the example of writer Dorota Masłowska and her musical project “Mister D.” Eleven tracks of her first album Społeczeństwo jest niemiłe (Society Is Mean) are devoted to post-transformation Polish reality. By using the specific and characteristic “talentless” poetic of her style and nonchalantly mixing various (and often contradictory) musical genres, Masłowska is touching on the everyday affairs of all Poles. Masłowska puts herself between subjectivity and total commodification. From that position, she is revealing hidden rules of the music market and Polish guilty desires and phobias. Mister D. is an abject which was created by the Polish market. Mister D. is an enfant terrible of Polish capitalism but Masłowska’s ideas are crucial to understand new changing reality, even if her opinion is unpleasant.

The anti-communist resistance and the Romanian revolution of December 1989 The Romanian Anti-Communist resistance movement was a contemporary historical phenomenon and at the same time, an epiphenomenon in the conditions in which the Communist regime became institutionalised and took over the Romanian society. Chronologically speaking, it spreads over a period of 50 years, taking different shapes according to the oppressive context sustained by the Communist authorities. Its ampleness was according to a certain dynamic in accordance with the force, violence, of the political, economical, spiritual and cultural implications. Therefore, the Anti-communist resistance movement can be reconstructed. It was targeted towards the process of Sovietisation – the transformation and economic subordination of the country, the introduction with the help of the Romanian Communists of the Soviet institutional models and the implementation of the Soviet ideology and propaganda through the promotion of a new human model: „homo–sovieticus” and the perverting of the whole social value hierarchy. The Romanian Anti-Communist resistance movement came in different shapes and typologies, defined through organisational criteria, aims, action strategies, social component, social impact, length in time and the geographical areas in which these could be encountered. In the Romanian history there were two main stages in the Anti-Communist resistance: The first stage was represented by the anti communist armed resistance between 1944-1962, and the second was the civil resistance between 1963-1989. Both stages outline the fact that the Communist society formed and existed based on a dormant casus belli taking into consideration that it was a „punitive society” in which the class enemy was the target of a state racism. The Communist society, as an ordered society, wanted the destruction of the enemy, this being its daily fight, its reason of being. The dialectic of the conviction in the Communist regime was the war. When confronting this permanent and ample war, the forms of resistance were just as permanent and ample. This resistance is a consequence of the war and oppression, is a transcription in the space of freedom, never being totally annihilated. There is a resistance for every oppression.

Retrospektivna izložba političkih radova Balinta Sombatija
“Bili smo heroji/Hősök voltunk"
kustos: Nebojša Milenković
Moderna galerija Likovni susret
Galerija dr Vinko Perčić, Subotica
19.septembar - 19.decembar 2014.

Exhibition catalog Language: Serbian / Hungarian p.84

In this paper we are trying to briefly explain how communism emerged and rose in Russia and as  result of spill over effects, how it was exported to other neighboring countries including central Asian countries and Afghanistan. We particularly focus on the rise of communism in Afghanistan, and how it was eliminated from the country as a result of Truman doctrine of containment with subsequent of chaos and civil war. The paper also briefly explain the affect of cold war as well its effect on the containing the communism to expand to other neighboring countries and all corners of the country.

The following contribution describes the historiographical fortune of the German-Soviet non-aggression treaty, which in the last decades has been interpreted in different ways, according to the cultural sensibility and the interests of the political moment. It also presents the interpretation of the treaty prevalent in current Russian historiography, whose opinions are often absent in the European debate, even in specialised publications.

Condiţia femeii şi configuraţia relaţiilor de gen în comunism reprezintă punctul de plecare al redefinirii acestora pe parcursul tranziţiei postcomuniste, al celor douăzeci şi cinci de ani, care s-au derulat deja şi al anilor care vor urma. Fie că avem o percepţie directă asupra comunismului, ca experienţă trăită, fie că avem o reprezentare mediată de lecturi şi povestiri de viaţă, spiritul acelei epoci este încă prezent în mentalul colectiv şi ghidează opţiuni personale şi practici sociale. De aceea, am considerat necesar să contribuim prin acest volum colectiv la procesul de conştientizare şi de extindere a orizontului cunoaşterii asupra statutului femeii şi a dinamicii relaţiilor de gen în spaţiul românesc, privite la intersecţia condiţionărilor istoriei de ieri, de astăzi şi de mâine. Textele reunite în cuprinsul acestei cărţi îmbogăţesc cercetările tematice asupra comunismului românesc prin conexiunea, încă insuficient valorificată în literatura de specialitate, între perspectiva macrosocială/macropolitică şi perspectiva istoriei orale şi a vieţii private.

Captain B. H. Liddell Hart, a military theorist of the twentieth century, started to formulate his concept of the strategy of indirect approach based on the analysis of military history, which was summarized in the study of warfare theory published in 1941 and reprinted in an enlarged edition of 1954. According to B. H. Liddell Hart, an indirect approach is an essence of the strategy because of its advantages over direct military action. The goal of an indirect approach is the dislocation of the enemy’s forces before attempting to defeat him. Thus, the indirect approach can be defined as a whole of applicable measures that can be used in peace and at war while avoiding a costly direct frontal assault.   
In the interwar period, the state of Lithuania had to face a wide range of threats to its nationhood that were directed against Lithuania by eventual enemies in a full-scale manner. In its turn, Lithuania also applied measures of the indirect approach seeking to defend its statehood and strategic interests. Territorial losses and Soviet occupation resulted neither from military defeats nor a poor preparation by the armed forces for an armed resistance; indeed, it was an outcome of an effective use of the strategy of indirect approach by the aggressors.
The monograph provides an analysis of how a symbiosis of conventional and unconventional warfare methods can be and have been effectively used at different stages of the war and confrontation. The interwar period saw the application of an indirect approach with the use of both conventional and unconventional methods. The research has been done based on the case study of Lithuania in the interwar period using methodological approach of the strategy of indirect approach with its adaptation to the conditions of a small state in the first half of the twentieth century. Taking into consideration the above-mentioned warfare concepts, the research into military history of interwar Lithuania has been conducted by bringing in an analysis of the activities not only of regular forces and paramilitary organisations but also of a wide range of indirect approach, when there is no direct fighting involving armies of adversary states but a state is exposed to external attacks whereby it is sought to weaken its defence capabilities (moral, conceptual (planning), physical and material). 
The chronological framework of the research encompasses a period from 1918 to 1940, i.e. from active war efforts aimed at the consolidation of the independence of Lithuania to Soviet occupation and the liquidation of the Lithuanian army and paramilitary organisations. The main objective of the research is to study actions involving the strategy of indirect approach (relying on both conventional and unconventional warfare methods) used by the adjacent states (Poland, Germany and Soviet Russia (USSR)) targeted against Lithuania, and their impact on the loss of Vilnius and Klaipėda regions and the loss of statehood in 1940, and the capability to apply the strategy of indirect approach by the Lithuanian state. The aims of the research include an analysis of the cases of using the strategy of indirect approach through the use of conventional weapons; an examination of the impact on the Lithuanian society exerted by social and economic problems; a study of the activities of the national minorities and the Communist underground as well as pro-German individuals directed against Lithuania; and the identification and assessment of military solutions undertaken by the Lithuanian state in the late 1930s when the inevitability of war and incapacity of a direct resistance under conditions of conventional war came to be realised.

The Question of Spatiality and Embodiment in Being and Time – A Critical Approach. This article discusses the questions of Dasein’s spatiality and embodiment in Heidegger’s Being and Time and argues that Heidegger’s account of the body remains – in a significant way – indebted to the same Cartesian tradition he is trying to overcome. The paragraphs were he discusses the spatiality of Dasein, and the modaes of being of the dead body are riddled with difficulties and inconsistencies. The concept of nearness (Nähe) or that of de-severance (Ent-fernung) tend to lose their spatial meaning, while the spatiality of Dasein faces the risk of being understood solely through the concept of significance and to evaporate. The objection that the question of the body wasn’t a central question in Heidegger’s search of the meaning of being, can be put aside by the fact that the whole ontological realm of equipment is define by a set of concepts (i.e. Zu-handene, Vor-handene) which have a direct connection to the body (to the hand). In the second part of my paper I will try to sketch a new perspective on the problem of embodiment. Following some of Heidegger’s insights into the question of body, which can be found especially in Metaphysische Anfangsgrunde der Logik im Ausgang von Leibniz, I will try to argue that the radical experience of physical pain, which reduces one to his body, can function as a new point of departure for understanding the question of embodiment.

O marxismo revela-se como a mais importante
teoria do século 20. Ele surgiu no século 19 e vem se
desenvolvendo até os dias de hoje, no início do século 21 e,
ao que tudo indica, apesar das proclamadas “crises do
marxismo”, permanecerá vivo e atuante neste século. A
importância desta teoria é facilmente reconhecida quando se
observa a sua influência sobre as sociedades
contemporâneas, a filosofia, as lutas políticas, as artes e as
ciências humanas em geral. A famosa afirmação de Jean-
Paul Sartre nos parece correta (Sartre, 1967): o marxismo é a
filosofia do nosso século (seria melhor dizer: da nossa
época). Isto revela a importância que possui o estudo do
marxismo e da obra de Marx.
A questão que buscamos responder aqui é: o que é o
marxismo? O marxismo sempre foi definido de formas
diferentes pelas várias correntes políticas, científicas e
filosóficas que se reivindicam dele. Pode-se dizer, também,
que não existe um consenso entre os não-marxistas sobre a
definição de marxismo. O nosso objetivo aqui é apresentar
uma definição do marxismo que dê conta de explicar,
inclusive, o motivo da existência de vários “marxismos”.

Uniunea Sovietică s-a născut din zvârcolirile bolșevice ale Zilei Internaționale a Drepturilor Femeii. Pentru a fi livrată la export ca Sărbătoare Mondială, comuniștii i-au inventat o istorie nouă, mai captivantă și curățată de crime. Suntem pe 8 martie 1857, la New York. Orașul foșgăie de trecători, vânzători ambulanți, căruțe, biciclete, trăsuri. Din depărtare se aude un vuiet nelămurit care tot crește. Se apropie. Este o coloană de câteva mii de muncitoare textiliste. Nemulțumite de condițiile de muncă și viață, ele au declanșat greva și acum își strigă revendicările în stradă. Aliniate ordonat, rânduri-rânduri, majoritatea încă tinere, mărșăluiesc cu pumnul drept strâns ridicat spre cer, cu pletele fluturând în vântul călduț al primăverii. Pe bulevardele largi, însorite, printre buildingurile semețe ale tinerei metropole, cu vocile lor cristaline, dar ferme, cer în cor salarii egale cu bărbații și reducerea programului de muncă. Așa s-a născut Ziua Internațională a Femeii, din curajul unor proletare bărbate de a spune nu îmbuibaților, rapacilor patroni americani. Ce tablou încântător! Atâta doar că este fals. Un fals grosolan, plămădit la Paris în redacția publicației comuniste L'Humanité, finanțate de Moscova, sub semnătura militantelor Yvonne Dumont, Claudine Chomat și Madeleine Colin. Un fals care avea să cucerească lumea. Petersburg (numit și Petrograd), 8 martie 1917: femeile de la Uzinele Putilov au ieșit în stradă. Așa a început Revoluția Bolșevică Totuși, cum s-a născut 8 martie? În realitate, la Congresul celei de-a doua Internaționale Socialiste din august-septembrie 1910, de la Copenhaga, Clara Zetkin, sprijinită de Rosa Luxemburg, propune instituirea unei zile internaționale a femeii. Fără însă a se stabili vreo dată precisă, fie ea 8 martie sau alta. Născută în 1857 (poate că anul de naștere să le fi inspirat pe mistificatoarele de la L'Humanité), nemțoaica Zetkin (Eissner pe numele de fată) este o militantă marxistă și feministă, învățătoare și jurnalistă. Exilată, după ce Bismarck interzice mișcarea socialistă, ajunge în Elveția, leagănul Bolșevismului latent, unde îl cunoaște pe revoluționarul rus Osip Zetkin, al cărui nume de familie îl adoptă, deși nu se mărită cu el. Alături de prietena ei, poloneza evreică Rosa Luxemburg, Zetkin se numără printre cele mai proeminente figuri ale Ligii Spartacus (Spartakusbund), aripa de extremă stânga a Partidului Social Democrat German, care în 1918 se rupe și formează Partidul Comunist German. Exilată din nou, Clara Zetkin se refugiază în URSS, unde moare în 1933. Cenușa ei este îngropată lângă zidul Kremlinului, alături de rămășițele lui Stalin, Suslov, Kalinin, Brejnev sau Andropov. Propunerea unei Zile Internaționale a Femeii proletare de către Clara Zetkin a urmărit un dublu scop: confiscarea revendicărilor feministe (vot universal, egalitatea salariilor etc.) de către mișcarea socialistă, dar și contracararea influenței feministelor burgheze asupra muncitoarelor, explică Françoise Picq, specialistă în Istoria Feminismului. "Li s-a interzis femeilor socialiste să poarte lupte comune cu feministele burgheze. Tradiția Zilei Internaționale a Femeii a fost la început o alegere sectară, pentru care feminismul și socialimul se excludeau", spune Picq citată de Slate.fr.

Se puede consultar a partir de la página 589, del tomo en PDF: http://www.cebusal.es/download/publicaciones/libro-cihalcep-web.pdf
Esta ponencia interpretará "El puente" (Bardem, 1977) desde la óptica literaria, explicitando la influencia del "Quijote"; además de detallar la huella de la estética felliniana; y reclamar su valía en la trayectoria del director.