Conservatives

The Iranian presidential election of 2009 and its tumultuous aftermath was an important starting point for a new wave of visual artists and their artwork in Iran and the rest of the MENA countries. During these democratic movements, the role of visual artists and their artwork drew a great deal of attention for those interested in the study of resistance art and political unrest. Stemming from fundamental political ideas ― freedom, liberty of speech, equality ― artists/activists used a variety of visual elements to illustrate their deep sense of national identity. This collection is one of the first attempts to show how, during the Iran post-election crisis of 2009, resistance artists expressed the messages of the nation in their artwork.

In this third instalment of the E Pluribus Unus Mundus series of papers, I argue that an amendment installing the equation Psyche = Singularity as a Preface to the Preamble of our Constitution would not violate the First Amendment, which states that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” Rather, it would provide a scientific foundation for Natural Law theory, which is the philosophical presupposition of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.

Principales argumentos de los grupos conservadores de la época de la Revolución francesa, autores como Edmund Burke y Joseph de Maistre, contrastándolo con Nicolás de Condorcet, filósofo francés partidario de los ideales liberales y de perspectiva racionalista.

Introductory courses dealing with sex, gender and sexuality are usually quite biased, going as far as to deny the reality of biology. Drawing on the Catholic tradition (Aquinas), this article presents an accessible argument aimed at restoring deliberative balance in the classroom.

At the beginning of the 21st century, many countries until the 1990s implemented multicultural policies that have backtracked. This article examines how multiculturalism as an idea and normative framework of immigrant integration evolved in Canada, the country that initiated it. Juxtaposing two recent time periods, the 1990s and the early 2000s, I conduct an analysis of dominant media and government discourses, which are interpreted against the backdrop of relevant policy changes. The theoretical framework underlines the relevance of socioethnic leveraging, which takes places as one group is constructed as socially, culturally, or morally more (or less) deviant from the dominant norm than the other. The outcome of leveraging can be fairly integrative. It can also reinforce minority marginalization. The analysis documents the importance of Québécois nationalism for the construction of Canadian multicultural identity in the 1990s and its relative absence during the reinvigoration of an Anglo-Saxon Canadian national core in the following decade. The article concludes that, from a comparative perspective, multiculturalism in Canada remains strong. However, its meaning has changed from being " about us " to being " about them. " Hence, although it was originally meant to be a national identity for all Canadians, it now risks becoming a minority affair. The fact that even in Canada multiculturalism has lost much of its original meaning should serve as a wake-up all. It suggests, among others, that the relationship between the national majority and minority groups need rethinking.

The aim of this PhD thesis is to review and re-envisage the foundation and development of the European People’s Party (EPP). This Thesis is based on primary research data aiming to inspire the academic discussion on the Europarties within the European integration context. Starting from its creation and early-days period, in the 1970s, as the ‘party’ of the Christian Democratic parties from member states of the European Communities and going through the subsequent integration of political parties from Western and, later on, Eastern European countries, in the 1980s and 1990s to its status at the early 2000s.
The originally founded ‘Christian Democratic organisation’ was transformed to a political family, or a ‘network’, of centre-right parties including Christian democratic, conservative and like minded parties. We will attempt to understand why this change took place, under what reasons, dependent and independent variables, normative conditions, within the historical context. We will follow the timeline of events in the wider context of the European integration that has been underlining, historically, our subject.
Our Thesis is structured in two axes: A timeline of ten chapters on the one hand and four hypotheses that we are putting forward. We have also constructed and put in annex information that can be helpful for further research. Highlights are on Annex 8 the list of contents that we have reconstructed from the historical archive of the EPP. First we walk through the historical timeline:
In “Chapter 1: History” we start from the years preceding to the creation of the EPP. We go back to the origins of transnational party cooperation walking through to the discussions in the 1970s for launching new European party federations. We took time to explore not just the EPP historical archive (Codification IX-007-XXX) but also the EUCD archive (IX-004-XXX) and even some volumes from the NEI historical archive (IX-002-XXX) mainly to get familiar with the level of integration of the earlier organisations and historical period in the 1950s and the 1960s.
In “Chapter 2: the creation of the EPP” the reader will find presentation of historical archive accumulated from both archive documents and interviews. We aim to better understand all the aspects behind the creation of the EPP in 1976. We reveal the underlining factors cultivating the desire for a new political organisation, the map of interest of the key players and why it finally kicked off the ground in 1976.
In “Chapter 3: the enlargement of the 1980s” we move on the 1980s, the change of leadership twice in the EPP, in 1984 and 1987, the enlargement of the EPP with new parties from western Europe and the talks about opening up towards the Conservatives.
In “Chapter 4: the opening up of Eastern Europe” we discuss the opening up of the EPP towards the countries of the former Eastern block in central and eastern Europe and the major historical events of the collapse of communism and the emerging new European countries. 
In “Chapter 5: the enlargement to the conservative parties” we explore the opening up to more conservative parties in the 1990s, especially towards the 1994 enlargement, the difficult Scandinavian conservative parties.
In “Chapter: 6 Merger with the EUCD and the EDU” we follow the developments between the EPP and its sister orgsanisations. We put forward all the evidence that demonstrates the core strategy of the EPP to streamline the cooperation in the centre right into one single organisation despite the successful history and record of the EDU and the ‘parent organisation’ background of the EUCD.
In “Chapter 7: Understanding and assessing the EPP enlargement” we touch upon the Europeanisation concept, particularly in Eastern Europe and we contending that it has had different implications to different parties from different countries. Aiming to address these phenomena, we are introducing the term “inhomogenus Europeanisation” to capture this diversity of effects in the political reality of the actors involved. We are further assessing the enlargement beyond Christian Democracy in the context of its historical decline.
Finally, we are reviewing the role of the key protagonists and the German actors in particular, who from a minority position to the right side of the EPP spectrum in the 1970s and 80s it became the dominant power in the centre of the EPP from the 1990s hitherto.
In “Chapter 8: The EPP beyond 1999” we are discussing the developments in the 2000s, the years of reaping the fruits of its enlargement strategy in terms of its parliamentary and party size. After the enlargements of 2004 and 2007, where the EU moved from 15 to 27 member states the EPP continued its restructuring and repositioning. In every single country of the EU enlargement, the EPP had already acquired the most important center-right political party in its ranks.
In “Chapter 9: Europarties and European integration” we are discussing the role of European parties within the European Union institutions and decision making. We are also discussing the widely debated concept of politicization of the Union from the perspective of European parties. This discussion is relevant today in the period of the ongoing financial trouble in the Eurozone and how the crisis has affected the role of the European parties.

Finally, in “Chapter 10: Summary and end remarks” we are putting together the findings from our research findings and secondary sources reading and drawing conclusions on our topic.

The second axis of this work, running parallel to the Timeline, is to contemplate four hypotheses. Each one of them has come out of the primary research for the historical period involved, while it does revisit aspects of what we know today.
The first hypothesis focuses on the foundation period in the 1970s where we will present evidence that the EPP was not founded as a loose federation of parties that would evolve over time and parallel to the gradual integration of the European institutions. Insofar the European Communities did evolve gradually from the mid-1970s to the early 2000s following Treaty reform that delegated more and more powers and competences to the Community level, there is a broader understanding that the EPP followed a similar pattern of integration. We are challenging this universal idea with facts and figures from the historical archive that are probably brought about for the first time.
The second hypothesis is related to the enlargement of the EPP towards non-Christian democratic parties. We will present that the original idea was not to enlarge to parties from other, albeit neighboring, political traditions. Instead, the original expectation was that these parties would adopt, would adhere to Christian Democracy. The idea of enlargement did not exist in the EPP culture and language during its early days in the 1980s and even early 1990s! Surprising or not, prospective members cooperated with this attitude and declared their adherence to the Christian Democratic ideals, regardless of their differing political culture and diverging national context. This applies to parties from both western and eastern Europe.
The third hypothesis reveals the strategy of the EPP towards its enlargement during the 1980s and 1990s, in particular as regards the emerging of new democracies in the central and eastern parts of Europe after the collapse of Communism. Opposite to what we knew up to now the EPP designed and implemented an active policy of proliferation of Christian Democracy towards the new countries and invested significant human and material resources in this direction. We have had very little information before about this but the evidence we bring in is strong and sound. Given that Christian Democracy was already in decline in western Europe in the late 1980s and the early 1990s this hypothesis says a lot about the culture and the internal dynamics of the EPP. The strategy originated and was inspired by the case of Spain in the late 1980s with the creation of the Partido Popular. Following Spain, the most difficult case of the British Conservatives was explored with a long-lasting project that took over two years to complete with the 1992 agreement between the EPP group and the European Democratic Group in the European Parliament. From the early 1990s, a large project of going east was deployed towards the new democracies.
Last but not least, our fourth hypothesis contemplates the comparative perspective of the EPP today with its early days. Contrary to what is widely accepted, even from skeptics, the EPP today is not more integrated than it was in the early days. The small number of members, the high degree of ideological cohesion and the core ideals of Christian Democracy were the three key factors that, aggregated together, created a highly integrated status. Especially given the broader loose integration of the European Communities. This hypothesis can have significant implications that challenge traditional theories' content about the progress of integration.

The domestic political scene of Iran has been turbulent during the past year as the country entered an election cycle ahead of the parliamentary elections on 2 March 2012. A power struggle has surfaced amongst the conservative ‘principalists’, reinforced by the reformists' call to boycott the elections.

'A Separation? The Principalist Divide and the Parliamentary Elections in Iran', written by TESEV Foreign Policy Programme researcher Enis Erdem Aydın hopes to shed light on this struggle which will be decisive in the making of the ninth parliament and also in the 2013 presidential race.

The article aims to unravel the shifting alliances between the principalist factions, the scope of the rift between Ahmadinejad and Khamenei and the link between Iranian domestic and foreign policy.

For such purpose it will entertain three cases where such power struggle is most observed: The embezzlement scandal involving Iran's leading banks and government officials, the change in the presidential system debate invoked by the Supreme Leader and the raid on two compounds of the British Embassy in Tehran.

It concludes by entertaining current debates in the aftermath of candidate registration.

At the beginning of the 21st century, many countries until the 1990s implemented multicultural policies that have backtracked. This article examines how multiculturalism as an idea and normative framework of immigrant integration evolved in Canada, the country that initiated it. Juxtaposing two recent time periods, the 1990s and the early 2000s, I conduct an analysis of dominant media and government discourses, which are interpreted against the backdrop of relevant policy changes. The theoretical framework underlines the relevance of socioethnic leveraging, which takes places as one group is constructed as socially, culturally, or morally more (or less) deviant from the dominant norm than the other. The outcome of leveraging can be fairly integrative. It can also reinforce minority marginalization. The analysis documents the importance of Québécois nationalism for the construction of Canadian multicultural identity in the 1990s and its relative absence during the reinvigoration of a...

When he died in January 2011, Daniel Bell (b. 1919) was one of the most famous social scientists of his time. Remarkably, he was a conservative sociologist. Conservatives are those who have a disposition to conserve. They have a respect for the past, for tradition, for continuity. Bell was a conservative in this sense. He even owned to being a conservative, though he also qualified that assertion. He was, he said, a socialist in economics, a liberal in politics and a conservative in culture. That qualification itself needs some qualification. The world of the university, where he spent much of his career, is overwhelmingly Left-liberal in its beliefs. If you work in a university you are expected to be either a European-style socialist or an American-style Left-leaning liberal, not a conservative. So Bell had some reason to be cautious about his use of the term conservative. It did him no favours; doubly so as his friend, Irving Kristol, was the godfather of the influential neo-conservative political movement. Nothing is more likely to raise the hackles of university faculty members than the thought that one of their own might be a conservative.

Daniel Bell was one of the leading American sociologists in the 20th century, widely read both inside and outside the universities. He produced influential theses about the rise of post-industrial society and about the cultural contradictions of modern capitalism that saw it torn between restraint and hedonism. Bell was also notable for another reason. He was, most certainly on cultural matters, a conservative, and on a number of policy matters he was closely associated with the first generation of American neo-conservative thinkers. Bell’s conservative inclinations were rare in the American academy of his time,and this essay explores the nature and significance of those conservative views.

The Conservatives are allied members of the European People's Party–European Democrats (EPP–ED) group in the European Parliament. But the link with the pro-European EPP has been a contentious issue within the Conservative Party. In deciding whether to remain within the EPP–ED, the Conservatives have to balance issues of domestic party management with their policy and office objectives at the European level. In this article we first assess David Cameron's commitment to form a new group, and then analyse the advantages and disadvantages of Conservative membership of the EPP–ED by examining roll-call votes and modelling two scenarios for a new group in 2009. We conclude that the pros and cons of forming a new group are finely balanced.

This chapter traces how the “human rights revolution” of the 1940s became a vehicle for rehabilitating and rearticulating discredited conservative political agendas in Western Europe. Drawing on the British and French cases, it argues that the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) was born as a reaction to the rising tide of communist, socialist and labour support in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. In response to the growing strength of the Left, a diverse array of figures on the Right recast their free-market and Catholic conservative politics as international human rights projects.

A recenzeált kötet:
A konzervatív kortárs. Tanulmányok Angyal Dávidról. Szerk. Császtvay Tünde – Halász Ferenc – Ujváry Gábor,
Budapest, Argumentum, 2009, 252 oldal, 2900 Ft.
A kötet szerzői: Habsburg Ottó, Halász Ferenc, Fenyő István, R. Várkonyi Ágnes, Ujváry Gábor, Schweitzer Gábor.

In the run-up to the 2015 UK General Election, social media (Web 2.0) like blogs, Facebook and Twitter seem to have become widely accepted and established modes of civic engagement. However, in the run-up to 2010, these media were newer, less understood and largely associated with younger generations. Therefore, it seems pertinent to examine the impact of the advent of these communicationbased networks in the culture of the young people who were civically engaged at the time. Using, as a case study, Conservative Future, the young activist wing of the British Conservative Party, this paper presents findings drawn from qualitative data that were gathered while in the field with young Conservative participants, between 2008 and 2012. Observations suggest that there was an emergence of a technologically-centred innovation culture that helped dissolve traditional geographical and hierarchical barriers to grassroots activity. It is argued that a culture of Facebook participation evolved o...

The financial crisis of 2007–2008 severely disrupted the hegemony of neoliberalism. This article argues that since the establishment of the Coalition Government in 2010, a trend has become discernible within public opinion towards a new consensus on the size of the state, the role of markets and the function of civil society. This consensus constitutes a distinctive British centrist ideology, termed New Centrism. The article examines the methodological and ideological backdrop to New Centrism, considering the particular features of British party competition, rival critiques of the crisis and an ontology of the old neoliberal settlement. The article also assesses consensus in contemporary British politics and situates the rebirth of centrism in Britain in a comparison with the ideological heritage of centrism in European polities, drawing out a substantive characterization of the New Centrist ideological position as Britain's direct equivalent.

The internet is changing the way many of us interact and communicate. But how is it impacting on more historically traditional institutions like the British Conservative Party?

As more web-applications spring up as part of our everyday lives, how are political parties responding to these wider changes in the ways in which we interface with technology and one another?

Using David Cameron's Conservative Party as a case study, the book examines the role of specific internet technologies like blogs, email, ConservativeHome, Facebook, MyConservatives, Twitter and WebCameron in the organizational culture of the Tory Party. Benefitting from both academic and party insider perspectives, the book presents the case for the emergence of a new technological subculture within the party, namely 'Cyber Toryism'.

19世纪奴隶主和21世纪进步精英的共同思考
SHARED THINKING OF 19TH CENTURY SLAVE OWNERS &  21ST CENTURY PROGRESSIVE ELITES
https://donmashakshennepincountymnfreepressnews.wordpress.com/2022/06/06/shared-thinking-of-19th-century-slave-owners-21st-century-progressive-elites-pensamiento-compartido-de-los-duenos-de-esclavos-del-siglo-xix-y-las-elites-progresistas-del-siglo-xxi/

How would America look if divided along what I will call Liboo, representing the liberals and Ernesto representing the conservatives? Some who have considered this question have talked about how Liboo would survive, since "Ernesto" has a majority of the land 80% prox, for growing food, wild life including fish and fowl, as well as being equipped according to lore with weapons in every truck and a hooded military in every dusty town. Ernesto would ultimately be the most functional when compared with "Liboo" which is split between the more enlightened society, (educated folk who dabble at non physical occupations and those who are illiterate, food stamp, government supported white trash and ghetto minority. Liboo has another issue when we consider the bigger question of who would ultimately rule when the historical political breakdown represents a majority for Ernesto 58% to 42%. But let's look at this differently, through the lens of the modern economy… Again, at first glance, it looks like Ernesto has the advantage, this time due to the sheer amount of land they'd have (1.9 billion acres) compared to Liboo (1/2 billion acres). Maybe this is enough to convince you that Ernesto is better? Contrary to those who describe the inhabitants of these dusty towns as "degenerates" (Hilary Clinton, 2016), let us remember that one of Ernesto's favorite sons was Ernest Hemingway.

The theme of the paper is the tension in the inter-relations between national culture and life as led in the municipalities. This issue is examined, taking the presentation of the city Cracow at the General Provincial Exhibition of 1894 as an example, analysing both national rhetoric and local government in practice. Particular attention is paid to the efforts of the Cracow municipal administration to present a city dedicated to preserving tradition as a modern living space. The analysis of municipal presentation will be supplemented by an examination of the ceremonies which accompanied the Exhibition (visit of the Crown Prince) and events (meeting of the Municipal Conference). In the final section the author endeavours to assess the significance of the Exhibition for the process of modernisation in Galicia. The paper closes with a brief comparison with the “Exhibition of Municipalities”, during the 1929 General Provincial Exhibition held in Posen, in which the essential differences between the Lemberg and the Posen presentations with regard to the sense of national belonging and the level of civilisation are brought to light.

This short essay, posted as a blog on Huffington Post, argues that in his climate encyclical and other writings and speeches Pope Francis had developed an unprecedented challenge to pervasive patterns of technocratic power in contemporary societies which is unprecedented for its clarity and bluntness.  The "technocratic paradigm"  he describes is largely hidden and seldom discussed, and unself-consciously promoted by professional systems of all kinds. It disempowers people in many settings, replacing relational cultures with informational cultures.

Making this power pattern visible holds enormous implications, unsettling left as well as right.

El presente artículo estudia la movilización legal de los activistas conservadores en contra del aborto en Colombia en el periodo comprendido entre 2006 y 2020. Para tal propósito, en primer lugar, analiza a profundidad las nulidades promovidas en contra del aborto ante la Corte Constitucional y el Consejo de Estado. En segundo lugar, estudia cada una de las demandas de inconstitucionalidad a favor de la protección de la vida prenatal promovida por abogados/as conservadores/as en contra del aborto. Todas estas estrategias consolidaron una contramovilización legal para retroceder en el acceso al aborto, o impedirlo y obstaculizarlo. Con base en la literatura de los movimientos sociales y el uso del derecho, el artículo busca entender las dinámicas de la política contenciosa en las que los movimientos sociales incursionan, dividiéndolas en dos ciclos contenciosos según el uso de las estrategias legales y los actores involucrados. En este contexto, se explica por qué se ha privilegiado...

The financial crisis of 2007–2008 severely disrupted the hegemony of neoliberalism. This article argues that since the establishment of the Coalition Government in 2010, a trend has become discernible within public opinion towards a new consensus on the size of the state, the role of markets and the function of civil society. This consensus constitutes a distinctive British centrist ideology, termed New Centrism. The article examines the methodological and ideological backdrop to New Centrism, considering the particular features of British party competition, rival critiques of the crisis and an ontology of the old neoliberal settlement. The article also assesses consensus in contemporary British politics and situates the rebirth of centrism in Britain in a comparison with the ideological heritage of centrism in European polities, drawing out a substantive characterization of the New Centrist ideological position as Britain's direct equivalent.

The internet is changing the way we interact and communicate. But how is it impacting on more historically traditional institutions like the British Conservative Party? This book examines the role of specific internet technologies like ConservativeHome, Facebook, Twitter and WebCameron in the organizational culture of the Tory Party 2005-14.

The election of Hassan Rouhani in 2013 as the President was hailed as a ‘victory of moderation’ in Iran, signaling the fact that Iran would embrace moderation after the ‘fierce rule’ of Ahmadinejad, former Iranian President. However, a chronic failure of moderates' agenda in Iran during former's tenure has now changed the power distribution in the country leading to conservative faction's win in the 2020 Parliamentary elections. The paper is an attempt to evaluate the election result of 2020 and understand the new power dynamics in Iran. It reviews the performance and policies of President Rouhani as he reaches the last year of his second term and also analyzes the emerging political scenario in the country with challenges to the new Parliament. Additionally, to make a holistic analysis, the paper briefly covers the strong points of Rouhani administration and the plausible policy changes expected from the new parliament. The methodology of the paper is qualitative content analysis.

Progressive RINOs & Russian Communist Democratic Process #WrightCountyMN #GOPWright #GOP #2020Election #BernieSanders #JoeBiden #2A @VoteMpls @MNSecofState #Military @realDonaldTrump #Republican #Democrat #YellowVest #YellowVests #YellowVestAmerica #GilleteJaunes #BuildTheWall #Progressive @MNCourts @USSupremeCourt @ScottPresler #WayneDupreeShow @AmyMek #Congress
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RINO progresivos y proceso democrático comunista ruso #WrightCountyMN #GOPWright #GOP #2020Election #BernieSanders #JoeBiden #2A @VoteMpls @MNSecofState #Military @realDonaldTrump #Republican #Democrat #YellowVest #YellowVests #YellowVestAmerica #GilleteJaunes #BuildTheWall #Progressive @MNCourts @USSupremeCourt @ScottPresler #WayneDupreeShow @AmyMek #Congress
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In the run-up to the 2015 UK General Election, social media (Web 2.0) like blogs, Facebook and Twitter seem to have become widely accepted and established modes of civic engagement. However, in the run-up to 2010, these media were newer, less understood and largely associated with younger generations. Therefore, it seems pertinent to examine the impact of the advent of these communication-based networks in the culture of the young people who were civically engaged at the time. Using, as a case study, Conservative Future, the young activist wing of the British Conservative Party, this paper presents findings drawn from qualitative data that were gathered while in the field with young Conservative participants, between 2008 and 2012. Observations suggest that there was an emergence of a technologically-centred innovation culture that helped dissolve traditional geographical and hierarchical barriers to grassroots activity. It is argued that a culture of Facebook participation evolved organically through a learning and copying behaviour within cohorts at the grassroots of Conservative Future, which in turn acted as a driver of change that impacted upon the more established characteristics of the party’s organisational culture. This change is described to be associated with a technologically-driven subculture that is argued to have been extant in the party between 2008 and 2010. The author calls this subculture “Cyber Toryism”.

Through 2011 and 2012 the Australian Labor Party has slouched its way towards electoral oblivion. The lack of legitimacy of its leader, Julia Gillard, is a factor in this lemming-like stagger to the abyss. She was elected on a lie, and the voters have never forgiven her. "There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead" were eleven of the most toxic words any Australian political leader has ever uttered.

Gillard's political judgment in office has proved to be just as suspect. Her original fib turned into a government of feint, sham and pretence. The downward spiral that began with her brazen reneging on the election promise not to introduce a tax on carbon dioxide reached its nadir with her indecorous embrace of various pungent members of parliament. Yet for all that, the two Labor leaders who preceded her were no less dysfunctional. For the ALP to have suffered one hopeless leader was bad luck; but three in a row was a pattern. It suggested something deeper at work.