Kostas Maronitis
Leeds Trinity University, School of Arts and Communication, Faculty Member
- European Politics, Sociology, International Relations, Political Sociology, European Union, International Communication, and 18 morePolitical communication, Political Theory, Political Economy of Communication, Public Communication. Political Communication, Marxism, Media Sociology, Political Economy, Global media, European Studies, Economic Sociology, Cultural Theory, Network governance, Class, Race and Ethnicity, Populism, Media and Democracy, Immigration, and International Migration and Immigration Policyedit
- Kostas Maronitis is Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at Leeds Trinity University, UK. His rese... moreKostas Maronitis is Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at Leeds Trinity University, UK. His research interests focus on the political theory and policies of immigration and European integration. He has published articles on immigrant detention and human rights, networks of protest, cosmopolitanism and citizenship, the politics of fear, and diasporic cultural practices. Kostas Maronitis is the author of the book Postnationalism and the Challenges to European Integration in Greece: The Transformative Power of Immigration (2017) published by Palgrave McMillan. His book (with Denny Pencheva) Robots and Immigrants will be published by Bristol University Press.edit
Focusing on the competitive labour market, this book scrutinises the narratives created around immigration and automation. The authors explore how the advances in AI and demands for constant flow of immigrant workers eradicate political... more
Focusing on the competitive labour market, this book scrutinises the narratives created around immigration and automation. The authors explore how the advances in AI and demands for constant flow of immigrant workers eradicate political and working rights, fuelling fears over job theft and ownership.
Shedding light on the multiple ways in which employment is used as an instrument of neoliberal governance, this revealing book sparks new debate on the role of automation and migration policies. It is an invaluable resource for academics and practitioners working in the areas of immigration and labour, capitalism and social exclusion, and economic models and political governance.
Shedding light on the multiple ways in which employment is used as an instrument of neoliberal governance, this revealing book sparks new debate on the role of automation and migration policies. It is an invaluable resource for academics and practitioners working in the areas of immigration and labour, capitalism and social exclusion, and economic models and political governance.
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Who steals jobs? Who owns jobs? Focusing on the competitive labour market, this book scrutinises the narratives created around immigration and automation. The authors explore how the advances in AI and demands for constant flow of... more
Who steals jobs? Who owns jobs?
Focusing on the competitive labour market, this book scrutinises the narratives created around immigration and automation. The authors explore how the advances in AI and demands for constant flow of immigrant workers eradicate political and working rights, fuelling fears over job theft and ownership.
Shedding light on the multiple ways in which employment is used as an instrument of neoliberal governance, this revealing book sparks new debate on the role of automation and migration policies. It is an invaluable resource for academics and practitioners working in the areas of immigration and labour, capitalism and social exclusion, and economic models and political governance.
Focusing on the competitive labour market, this book scrutinises the narratives created around immigration and automation. The authors explore how the advances in AI and demands for constant flow of immigrant workers eradicate political and working rights, fuelling fears over job theft and ownership.
Shedding light on the multiple ways in which employment is used as an instrument of neoliberal governance, this revealing book sparks new debate on the role of automation and migration policies. It is an invaluable resource for academics and practitioners working in the areas of immigration and labour, capitalism and social exclusion, and economic models and political governance.
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This book is a study into how immigration is transforming the EU and its member-states. Kostas Maronitis contends that immigration creates utopian and dystopian visions of the European project. These visions can be found in the... more
This book is a study into how immigration is transforming the EU and its member-states. Kostas Maronitis contends that immigration creates utopian and dystopian visions of the European project. These visions can be found in the immigration detention centers and the fences between member-states, the dead bodies on Europe’s shores, the electoral success of far-Right parties, and in the way migrants and refugees view Europe as a land of rights and equality. Maronitis locates the transformative power of immigration at the intersection of sentiments regarding national and ethnic hierarchies with a policy framework constructed around the presence of migrants and refugees in Europe. By examining the utopian and dystopian transformation of the EU and of Greece as its borderland, the author challenges established notions of integration, citizenship and nationality on new intellectual and political terms. The book will be of use to students and scholars specializing in migration, EU policy and Greece, and will have a wider appeal for those interested in the ongoing debate surrounding the EU and immigration.
Research Interests: European History, Political Sociology, European Studies, Comparative Politics, International Relations, and 53 morePublic Administration, Political Philosophy, Cultural Sociology, International Relations Theory, European integration, Social Sciences, Foreign Policy Analysis, Political Theory, International Studies, Religion and Politics, Immigration, Immigration Studies, Political Science, Asylum Law, Immigration Law, Nationalism, Political communication, Immigration And Integration In Europe, European Politics, Political Violence, International Politics, European Union, National Identity, Nationalism And State Building, Undocumented Immigration, Immigration History, Modern Greece, European Immigration and Asylum Law, Modern Greek Politics, European Union Law, Detention (Immigration), Immigrant Detention, Immigrant children, Asylum seekers, History of Nationalism, European Union Politics, Nations and nationalism, Postnationalism, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Greece, Immigrants, National Security, Europe, Eurozone, Ethnicity and National Identity, National government, Postnational Theories, Immigration Status & Nationality, National and Postnational Theories, Ethnicity and Nationality, Postnational Identity, Nationalism and Postnationalism, and Public Policy
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Shaking the Vote EU: Οι συνέπειες του polycrisis είναι παρούσες Shaking the Vote Event Εκδήλωση Eteron | «Shaking the Vote EU: Τι μάθαμε από την ψήφο των ευρωεκλογών;» Αναλύσεις Η εκδίκηση του κέντρου και το τέλος της αυτοδυναμίας Ο μύθος... more
Shaking the Vote EU: Οι συνέπειες του polycrisis είναι παρούσες Shaking the Vote Event Εκδήλωση Eteron | «Shaking the Vote EU: Τι μάθαμε από την ψήφο των ευρωεκλογών;» Αναλύσεις Η εκδίκηση του κέντρου και το τέλος της αυτοδυναμίας Ο μύθος του Κέντρου που δίνει τις νίκες Ευρωαπάθεια και η Ανθεκτικότητα του Κέντρου «Αντι-woke κουλτούρα»: Θεμέλιο και όχημα της ακροδεξιάς Για την εκλογική αποτυχία της Νέας Αριστεράς: δεδομένα και προοπτικές Ο «ελέφαντας στο δωμάτιο» και άλλες ιστορίες Eupwanáleid k a In A vO eK tIk óT nt a TOUKÉVTpOU
Research Interests: European Studies, Resilience, Modern Greece, European Immigration and Asylum Law, Modern Greek Politics, and 11 moreEuropean Parliament, New Left, Elections, European Union Politics, Elections and Voting Behavior, Social Democracy, far-right politics Europe, Political Apathy, European Parliament elections, European Centre-Right, and Kostas Maronitis
Migration and the state of the UK economy are once again dominating the political agenda and are among the most heatedly debated issues in the run up to the 4 July General Election.
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Dr. Kostas Maronitis looks at the interlinkage between automation and migration policies that on the one hand expressed with a political backlash against immigration and fear of low productivity on the other hand.
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The victory of the conservative party New Democracy with an absolute majority in the 2019 Greek general elections was met with enthusiasm from the international political and financial media. The newly elected administration was depicted... more
The victory of the conservative party New Democracy with an absolute majority in the 2019 Greek general elections was met with enthusiasm from the international political and financial media. The newly elected administration was depicted as technocratic with a natural aversion to populism and capable of ending the political tensions between EU core and periphery, and between fiscal consolidation and social welfare. Such a depiction painted a distorted picture of an administration whose electoral victory and subsequent policies depend on the appropriation of the far-right’s communicative strategy and political opposition tactics. The aim of this article is twofold. First, the article establishes the relationship between the mainstream right and the far-right in Greece with reference to the wider political landscape of EU and Eurozone membership. Second, the article examines the negotiated scope of acceptable far-right politics in Greece as an EU and Eurozone member-state by deploying the concepts of the ‘consolidation state’, ‘technopopulism’ and ‘authoritarian liberalism’.
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Ο «σεισμός» των ελληνικών εκλογών Γενική αποτίμηση των αποτελεσμάτων Η βαρύτητα της δυστοπικής εμπειρίας και οι αριστεροί «υπνοβάτες» H ψευδαίσθηση της κανονικότητας Προς μια μετεκλογική αυταρχική πλουτοκρατία; Από την ομαλότητα στη... more
Ο «σεισμός» των ελληνικών εκλογών Γενική αποτίμηση των αποτελεσμάτων Η βαρύτητα της δυστοπικής εμπειρίας και οι αριστεροί «υπνοβάτες» H ψευδαίσθηση της κανονικότητας Προς μια μετεκλογική αυταρχική πλουτοκρατία; Από την ομαλότητα στη ρευστότητα και πάλι πίσω; Διαστάσεις του ελληνικού κομματικού συστήματος υπό την οπτική των αναμετρήσεων του 2023 Η κανονικότητα ως ιδεολογία: Τι απειλεί την κυριαρχία του Κ. Μητσοτάκη στο κέντρο Το μέλλον της αριστεράς Μετεκλογικό τοπίο: μπαίνουν o Juan Guaidó, ο Αρτέμης
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Ο Κώστας Μαρωνίτης μιλάει στη ROSA για τις προκλήσεις των αριστερών δυνάμεων μέσα σε ένα δυσμενές πολιτικοκοινωνικό περιβάλλον στην Ευρώπη.
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The article examines the emergence of the “Red Wall” as a descriptive term deployed in explanations of Labour’s electoral collapse and the Conservative’s new direction as the party of those who have been left behind by the free mobility... more
The article examines the emergence of the “Red Wall” as a descriptive term deployed in explanations of Labour’s electoral collapse and the Conservative’s new direction as the party of those who have been left behind by the free mobility of labour and de-industrialisation. While there is a growing body of literature that examines the continuous adaptability of the Conservatives to electoral challenges as well as to meeting social, cultural, and economic anxieties via the concepts of statecraft and the de-alignment of the British electorate, there is little published as to how the construction of a new collective identity — that of the “Red Wall” — has reinforced the hegemony of the Conservative party. The article makes three different yet interconnected arguments. First, the Conservative campaign and governing needs to be contextualised within the debate on the recognition of identity and re-distribution of wealth. Second, the “Red Wall” did not pre-exist political campaigns and respective policies but instead has been constructed and communicated to solidify a new conservative hegemony. Third, the “Red Wall” is part of a political-communicative tactic of constructing collective identities based on cultural stereotypes, location and professional occupation in line with Margaret Thatcher’s “Essex Man” and Tony Blair’s “Mondeo Man” for indicating ideological shifts and electoral trends.
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Όταν όλοι αναρωτιόντουσαν αν ο νεοφιλελευθερισμός έχει φτάσει στα όριά του και αν υπάρχει κάποιος άλλος τομέας της οικονομίας και της κοινωνίας που μπορεί να ιδιωτικοποιηθεί, η κυβέρνηση Τζόνσον εισήγαγε τον νόμο της αγοράς, της προσφοράς... more
Όταν όλοι αναρωτιόντουσαν αν ο νεοφιλελευθερισμός έχει φτάσει στα όριά του και αν υπάρχει κάποιος άλλος τομέας της οικονομίας και της κοινωνίας που μπορεί να ιδιωτικοποιηθεί, η κυβέρνηση Τζόνσον εισήγαγε τον νόμο της αγοράς, της προσφοράς και ζήτησης στην προσφυγική κρίση.
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This article examines the campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party depicts the post-industrial working class communities as forgotten and betrayed... more
This article examines the campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party depicts the post-industrial working class communities as
forgotten and betrayed and attacks the Labour Party for its stance on Brexit. While current research on national populism focuses on demographic and cultural changes and highlights a prevailing distrust of the political establishment there is little as to how victimhood is performed by the agents of national populism. By deploying Jeffrey Alexander’s conceptualisation of cultural performance, the article identifies the current status of victimhood and its political communication in the Brexit debate. As a result, the post- industrial working class becomes the victim of failed policies and the authentic voice of a country unable to assert its dominance in the world. The social actors in the Brexit Party’s campaign are being motivated by and towards concerns, the meanings of which are defined by signifiers of inequality and nostalgia. The article makes two arguments: the cultural performance of victimhood is a precondition for articulations of nationalism and belonging; the cultural performance of victimhood is integral for the communication of loss, democratic deficit and for presenting the working class as a racialised minority.
forgotten and betrayed and attacks the Labour Party for its stance on Brexit. While current research on national populism focuses on demographic and cultural changes and highlights a prevailing distrust of the political establishment there is little as to how victimhood is performed by the agents of national populism. By deploying Jeffrey Alexander’s conceptualisation of cultural performance, the article identifies the current status of victimhood and its political communication in the Brexit debate. As a result, the post- industrial working class becomes the victim of failed policies and the authentic voice of a country unable to assert its dominance in the world. The social actors in the Brexit Party’s campaign are being motivated by and towards concerns, the meanings of which are defined by signifiers of inequality and nostalgia. The article makes two arguments: the cultural performance of victimhood is a precondition for articulations of nationalism and belonging; the cultural performance of victimhood is integral for the communication of loss, democratic deficit and for presenting the working class as a racialised minority.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Labour Party (UK), Political Campaigns, Immigration, Politics, and 14 moreNationalism, Politics of Recognition, Ethnic and Racial Studies, European Union, National Identity, Political Communication (Communication), Wealth Distribution, Working Class, Uk Politics, Politics of Victimhood, European Parliament elections, Nigel Farage, Brexit UK, and UK 2019 General Election
Πότε το νέο είναι πραγματικά νέο; Πότε πρέπει να αρχίσουμε να αμφισβητούμε τις ιδέες και πρακτικές του νέο-φιλελευθερισμού ως μια σειρά πολιτικών και οικονομικών μεταρρυθμίσεων που έχουν αποτύχει πλήρως σε όποια χώρα έχουν εφαρμοσθεί; Εδώ... more
Πότε το νέο είναι πραγματικά νέο; Πότε πρέπει να αρχίσουμε να αμφισβητούμε τις ιδέες και πρακτικές του νέο-φιλελευθερισμού ως μια σειρά πολιτικών και οικονομικών μεταρρυθμίσεων που έχουν αποτύχει πλήρως σε όποια χώρα έχουν εφαρμοσθεί; Εδώ και χρόνια, η οικονομία της γνώσης και η άμεση συσχέτιση της με την αγορά εργασίας αποτελεί τον Δούρειο Ίππο για τον μετασχηματισμό της παιδείας σε μια πλατφόρμα αποκεντρωμένων εκπαιδευτικών μονάδων των οποίων ο σκοπός είναι η άμεση εξυπηρέτηση των αναγκών των εργοδοτών. Με άλλα λόγια, φοιτητές και μαθητές της δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης θα πρέπει να λογίζονται ως δυνητικά μέλη της εγχώριας και διεθνούς αγοράς εργασίας.
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Research Interests: Communication, Media Studies, New Media, Media and Cultural Studies, Digital Media, and 11 moreMass Communication, Social Media, Media and Democracy, Community, Michael Waltzer, John Rawls's theory of justice, Journalism And Mass communication, John Rawls Political Liberalism, Media and Culture, Liberalism and Communitarianism, and Localism In Media
This article identifies the points of divergence and convergence between the discourses of technological displacement and low-skilled immigrant labour and argues for the understanding of a new model of neoliberal governance. New... more
This article identifies the points of divergence and convergence between the discourses of technological displacement and low-skilled immigrant labour and argues for the understanding of a new model of neoliberal governance. New technologies, new managerial and organisational strategies, and new models of exploitation emerged in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis in the UK. What are the main features of this crisis? The article points to two different yet interconnected processes. First, due to demands for higher productivity and economic growth the advent of automation, robotics and AI is presented as an irreversible process capable of producing a new corporate environment in which low labour costs and efficiency co-exist with massive job losses, waning of workers’ collective defences and re-training programmes. Second, for all the increasing popularity of protectionist politics and of demands for tight immigration controls the need for low paid and low-skilled immigrant labour across several sectors of the UK economy remains unchanged. Demands for economic growth render the presence of low-skilled immigrants necessary as long as they are subjected to the minimum political, economic and social provisions such as wages, political participation and mobility. As a result, low-skilled immigrants must exist within a political and economic environment in which they are perceived as useful and at times essential accessories for sustaining economic growth and public services. The concepts of precarisation and precarity provide a useful insight into the underlying logic that connects and differentiates those two discourses. In particular, precarisation becomes at once the dominant mode of governing the population and the most effective means for capital accumulation. In contradistinction to old understandings of government that demanded political compliance in exchange for the promise of social protection, the neoliberal process of precarisation increases instability and provides the minimum of insurance. Precarisation is not limited to employment but more generally to the formulation of homo œconomicus as a collective neoliberal subject living in fear and uncertainty. Precarity, on the other hand, designates a sense of hierarchy amongst insecure workforce and the compensations they receive. The article concludes by arguing that the dividing lines between national and foreigner, domestic and immigrant, become integral notions of neoliberal governance for differentiating between precarious groups and maintaining order in contemporary capitalism.
Research Interests: Working Classes, Immigration, Immigration Law, Unemployment, Michel Foucault, and 15 moreNeoliberalism, Industrial Automation, Precarity, Employment, Middle Class Identity, Job Insecurity, Trade unions, Migrant workers, Precariat, Robots, Friedrich Hayek, Wendy Brown, Precarious Work, Precarity, Homo Oeconomicus, and Brexit UK
Does the general election result signal a new political and, dare I say it, public relations phase for Labour? There is a consensus among commentators and MPs across the political spectrum that Jeremy Corbyn's leadership has been a... more
Does the general election result signal a new political and, dare I say it, public relations phase for Labour? There is a consensus among commentators and MPs across the political spectrum that Jeremy Corbyn's leadership has been a continuous struggle to revive the party's ideological purity and rekindle its cultural and political relationship with the trade unions. The Economist cover depicting Corbyn as Lenin with the caption " Backwards, Comrades! " encapsulated the mood about a leader thought to only o!er old and sometimes toxic solutions to new problems such as the gig economy, Brexit, fintech and corporate taxation. Criticisms about militant left politics and Seventies nostalgia exist in a political and cultural framework constructed and passionately preserved by New Labour and its proponents. New Labour was the mark of a newly reformed party that had detached itself from the politically and electorally incapacitating idea of common ownership of the means of production (known as Clause IV), and endorsed competitive market economics.
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Research Interests: Critical Theory, Music History, Popular Music, Contemporary Art, Local History, and 15 moreRace and Ethnicity, Performance Art, Soundscape Studies, Modern Greece, Hip-Hop/Rap, Existentialism, Greek culture, Modern Greek culture, Piraeus, Smyrna, Accra, Rebetika, Soundscapes Aural Architecture Urban Acoustic Environments Sensory Geography Public Art and Policy Concepts of Place Sense of place + place experience Place-making, Rebetiko, and Music ( Rnb
In our ongoing series of columns authored by specially invited guests from the worlds of academia, research, media, activism and beyond, Dr. Kostas Maronitis, a lecturer in media and communications at Leeds Trinity University in the UK... more
In our ongoing series of columns authored by specially invited guests from the worlds of academia, research, media, activism and beyond, Dr. Kostas Maronitis, a lecturer in media and communications at Leeds Trinity University in the UK returns to explore the topical subject of referenda and the public voice regarding political reform in the case of the European Union: On the 6 th of April, the Dutch people said no to a new treaty between the EU and Ukraine aiming at stronger political and commercial ties; 61% of the voters rejected the treaty while 38% accepted it. The Dutch referendum is the latest in a series of referenda aspiring to address something more than the specific question on the ballot paper. Usually they operate as vehicles for addressing the state of the EU and the relationship between member-states. In the summer of 2015, the Greek Prime Minister called a referendum on the country's fiscal consolidation package imposed by the IMF, the European Commission and the European Central Bank. In the same year, Denmark held a referendum on whether it should be subjected to the EU's justice and home affairs policies. The closure of borders in the Balkans and central Europe during the migration and refugee crisis generated the need for another referendum yet to take place in Hungary. The far-Right Hungarian Prime Minister called the referendum in order to demonstrate to the Commission of the EU and to Germany more specifically that only elected representatives and national citizens can make decisions over the acceptance and accommodation of refugees. Certainly, the referendum in the UK over the country's continuing membership to the EU appears to be the most important one thus far. Not only because it is the only referendum that directly addresses the issue of membership but also because every time EU citizens have been given the opportunity to vote on European matters they vote against the expectations and sometimes demands of Brussels. Considering the much discussed European democratic deficit and the impenetrable European institutions, the referenda in the member-states constitute the only process of debating, implementing or rejecting European
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Research Interests: European History, European Studies, European integration, European Law, Immigration, and 15 moreUtopian Studies, Immigration Law, Immigration And Integration In Europe, European Union, Undocumented Immigration, Immigrant Detention, European Union Politics, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Utopia, Immigrants, Europe, Utopia/dystopia, Refugees, migration and immigration, Utopia/Distopia, and Anti Utopia
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The election of Liz Truss to the leadership of the Conservative party and to UK Prime Minister in conjunction with the appointment of Kwasi Kwarteng as Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 5th of September 2022 signalled an ideological... more
The election of Liz Truss to the leadership of the Conservative party and to UK Prime Minister in conjunction with the appointment of Kwasi Kwarteng as Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 5th of September 2022 signalled an ideological break with Boris Johnson’s short-lived government. However, financial markets reacted unfavourably if not violently to a framework of fiscal policy that lacked foundations and long-term planning. The sharp fall of the pound and rise of interest rates not only derailed the government’s plan and led to the resignations of the Prime Minister and the Chancellor but more importantly forced a swift change to something oddly familiar – austerity and the explicit acknowledgment that financial markets constitute an extra-parliamentary force that determines the viability of a government and its subsequent policy direction. By focusing on the ‘growth plan’ presented to the House of Commons on the 9th of September 2022, the Chancellor’s statement presented to the House of Commons on the 17th of October 2022 and on Britannia Unchained, the multi-authored book by Kwasi Kwarteng, Liz Truss et al. (2012) as the ideological and intellectual foundation of the short lived and rejected ‘growth plan and by deploying Wolfgang Streeck’s concept of the ‘consolidation state’ the paper raises the following questions: First, to what extent can a neoliberal economy serve the interests of the markets and the citizens? Second, is it possible for a government to be sovereign while operating withing the network of rating agencies, financial markets and international financial institutions?
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The victory of the conservative party New Democracy with an absolute majority in the 2019 Greek general elections was met with enthusiasm from the international political and financial media. The newly elected administration was depicted... more
The victory of the conservative party New Democracy with an absolute majority in the 2019 Greek general elections was met with enthusiasm from the international political and financial media. The newly elected administration was depicted as technocratic with a natural aversion to populist politics, capable of putting an end to the political and cultural tensions between the EU core and periphery, fiscal consolidation and social welfare.
The enthusiasm expressed by the international political and financial media and the way such an enthusiasm has been framed by the alleged virtues of liberalism, technocracy, moderation and capitalist acumen, paint a distorted picture of a conservative administration whose electoral victory and governing style depend on the ideological support of the far right.
This paper analyses the international politics and financial media’s depiction of the Greek conservative ruling party from 2019 up until 2021 by focusing on Foreign Policy, the Economist and the Financial Times.
Conservative centrism and the free market have become increasingly unable to project a coherent vision of a good life to which all social groups and classes could subscribe. Consequently, conservative politics and its affiliate media found necessarily to distance themselves from old ideologies and identities, and to attempt to move to a new politics free from traditional principles. Technopopulism (Bickerton and Invernizzi Acceti, 2022) suggests that governance should be exercised by experts who have not been tainted by party and parliamentary politics and whose policymaking approach is independent from established ideologies. Effectively and as the international political and financial media argue, policymaking needs to be redefined as a problem-solving activity that bypasses social divisions associated with parliamentary democracy. As a newly found populism restores unity under the banner of nationalism and xenophobia, technocracy allows to take over and solve people’s problems.
The aim of this paper is twofold: First, the paper establishes the relationship between technocracy and populism, the mainstream right and far right through the depiction of Greek politics and of the ruling party New Democracy by the Economist, the Financial Times and Foreign Policy. Second, drawing on the work of Chamayou (2021) and Dardot and Laval (2019), the paper examines the international political and financial media’s reconsideration of the acceptable limits of far-right politics and the ideological repositioning of the Greek mainstream right via the concepts of liberal authoritarianism and post-neoliberalism.
The enthusiasm expressed by the international political and financial media and the way such an enthusiasm has been framed by the alleged virtues of liberalism, technocracy, moderation and capitalist acumen, paint a distorted picture of a conservative administration whose electoral victory and governing style depend on the ideological support of the far right.
This paper analyses the international politics and financial media’s depiction of the Greek conservative ruling party from 2019 up until 2021 by focusing on Foreign Policy, the Economist and the Financial Times.
Conservative centrism and the free market have become increasingly unable to project a coherent vision of a good life to which all social groups and classes could subscribe. Consequently, conservative politics and its affiliate media found necessarily to distance themselves from old ideologies and identities, and to attempt to move to a new politics free from traditional principles. Technopopulism (Bickerton and Invernizzi Acceti, 2022) suggests that governance should be exercised by experts who have not been tainted by party and parliamentary politics and whose policymaking approach is independent from established ideologies. Effectively and as the international political and financial media argue, policymaking needs to be redefined as a problem-solving activity that bypasses social divisions associated with parliamentary democracy. As a newly found populism restores unity under the banner of nationalism and xenophobia, technocracy allows to take over and solve people’s problems.
The aim of this paper is twofold: First, the paper establishes the relationship between technocracy and populism, the mainstream right and far right through the depiction of Greek politics and of the ruling party New Democracy by the Economist, the Financial Times and Foreign Policy. Second, drawing on the work of Chamayou (2021) and Dardot and Laval (2019), the paper examines the international political and financial media’s reconsideration of the acceptable limits of far-right politics and the ideological repositioning of the Greek mainstream right via the concepts of liberal authoritarianism and post-neoliberalism.
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The paper examines the emergence of the “Red Wall” as a descriptive term deployed in explanations of Labour’s electoral collapse and of the Conservative’s new direction as the party of those who have been left behind by free mobility of... more
The paper examines the emergence of the “Red Wall” as a descriptive term deployed in explanations of Labour’s electoral collapse and of the Conservative’s new direction as the party of those who have been left behind by free mobility of labour and de-industrialisation. While there is a growing body of literature that examines the continuous adaptability of the Conservatives to electoral challenges as well as to social, cultural, and economic anxieties via the concepts of statecraft and of the de-alignment of the British electorate there is little as to how the construction of a new collective identity – that of the “Red Wall”, has reinforced the hegemony of the Conservative party. The paper makes three different yet interconnected arguments. First, the Conservative campaign and governing needs to be contextualised within the debate on the recognition of identity and re-distribution of wealth. Second, the “Red Wall” does not pre-exist political campaigns and respective policies but instead is constructed and communicated in order to solidify a new conservative hegemony. Third, the “Red Wall” is part of a political-communicative tactic of constructing collective identities based on cultural stereotypes, location and professional occupation in line with Margaret Thatcher’s Essex Man and Tony Blair’s Mondeo Man for indicating ideological shifts and electoral trends.
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The paper focuses on the Pick for Britain public appeal (spring 2020) that aimed at encouraging young people, as well as furloughed and laid-off workers to take up seasonal employment in UK farms in order to ensure the sustainability of... more
The paper focuses on the Pick for Britain public appeal (spring 2020) that aimed at encouraging young people, as well as furloughed and laid-off workers to take up seasonal employment in UK farms in order to ensure the sustainability of supply chains. The paper argues that the failure of the campaign is a result of three distinct, yet interrelated discourses: i) increasingly restrictive migration policies, ii) lack of investment in the automation of agricultural production, and iii) a growing sense of entitlement on the part of the British public that abundant and inexpensive produce should be available all-year-round. The paper brings these discussions together theoretically - by drawing on the work of Foucault, Polanyi, Dardot and Laval, and Isin, and empirically within the contextual intersection of COVID-19 and Brexit.
By critically overviewing testimonies from recruitment agencies, as well as recent think tank reports, and policies on automation and immigration, the paper demonstrates that current aspirations and appeals to automate work seek to depoliticise the economy whilst legitimising a specific kind of governmentality focusing on re-training, self-realisation, and ever increasing growth and productivity. Automation is presented as an unstoppable, irreversible force whose mission is to tackle low productivity and make the economy less dependent on cheap migrant labour. Yet, the discourse of automation and technological displacement allows us to distinguish not only the lack of resources or dependence of workers on state and corporate welfare, but also to identify the ways in which the workforce is categorised and fragmented according to the binaries of competent and incompetent, trained and untrained, skilled and unskilled, educated and uneducated, flexible and inflexible, male and female, young and old.
By critically overviewing testimonies from recruitment agencies, as well as recent think tank reports, and policies on automation and immigration, the paper demonstrates that current aspirations and appeals to automate work seek to depoliticise the economy whilst legitimising a specific kind of governmentality focusing on re-training, self-realisation, and ever increasing growth and productivity. Automation is presented as an unstoppable, irreversible force whose mission is to tackle low productivity and make the economy less dependent on cheap migrant labour. Yet, the discourse of automation and technological displacement allows us to distinguish not only the lack of resources or dependence of workers on state and corporate welfare, but also to identify the ways in which the workforce is categorised and fragmented according to the binaries of competent and incompetent, trained and untrained, skilled and unskilled, educated and uneducated, flexible and inflexible, male and female, young and old.
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This article examines the political campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party election broadcasts focus predominantly on the post-industrial working... more
This article examines the political campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party election broadcasts focus predominantly on the post-industrial working class communities by depicting them as forgotten and betrayed and attack the Labour Party as their formerly natural representative for its stance on Brexit. While there is a growing body of research that convincingly examines the rise of national populism as a direct result of distrust towards politicians and the establishment and of demographic and cultural changes there is little as to how notions of victimhood, the white working class and the “left behind” are constructed and performed by the agents of contemporary national populism. By deploying Jeffrey Alexander’s (2011; 2017) conceptualisation of cultural performance as a social process by which actors display for others the meaning of their social situation the paper identifies the current status of victimhood and its political communication in the wider Brexit debate. As a result, the post-industrial working class becomes at once the victim of failed social and economic policies and the authentic representative of a country unable to assert its dominance in the world economy. The social actors in the Brexit Party’s campaign are being motivated by and towards moral and cultural concerns the meaning of which are defined by signifiers of regional inequality and nostalgia. The article makes two different yet interconnected arguments. First, the cultural performance of victimhood is a precondition for contemporary articulations of nationalism and belonging. Second, the cultural performance of victimhood is an indispensable component for the communication of loss, democratic deficit and for presenting the working class as a racialised minority.
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In the aftermath of the referendum on the UK's membership to the EU, the Prime Minister delivered a series of key speeches in London's Lancaster House and Mansion House, and in Florence. In these speeches the Prime Minister set out her... more
In the aftermath of the referendum on the UK's membership to the EU, the Prime Minister delivered a series of key speeches in London's Lancaster House and Mansion House, and in Florence. In these speeches the Prime Minister set out her vision for a global prosperous country disengaged from the political, economic and legal structures of the EU. A common that runs through speeches and public statement on Brexit is the imperative need to terminate the free movement of EU workers to the UK. While the UK government is yet to publish a comprehensive post-Brexit immigration policy a report by the Migration Advisory Committee argues for the need to offer visas in tiered system based on skills and income in proportion of the contribution of immigrants to the UK economy. Present and future immigration policies will have to reflect public anxieties generated by media discourses and political rhetoric about the impact of immigration on cohesion, identity and public services and at the same time to address the needs of the economy in terms of skills, salaries and overall number of the working population. Such suggestions have been rebuked by trade unions and business federations (TUC, Unite, CBI, NFU) who demand access to a larger pool of low skilled workers to fill in vacancy in construction, agriculture and farming, hospitality and service economy. For trade unions and business federations the most efficient way to tackle the decrease of the flow of immigrant workers coming to the UK is to increase the levels of automation in specific sectors of the economy. By systematically and comparatively examining these speeches and subsequent responses we seek to develop a twofold argument. First, the discourses of automation of work and of low-skilled immigration construct a narrative in which competition, precarious employment and insecurity are normalised. This narrative is produced disseminated and controlled by the government and corporations and is occasionally contested by trade unions and individual workers. Despite differences and conflicting interests both government and corporations are able to defend the ethos of the competitive neoliberal labour market by pointing out to the necessity of economic growth, ever-higher productivity and the country's ability to compete in the global economy. Second, we draw on the theoretical elaborations of Michel Foucault, Isabell Lorey and Wendy Brown for arguing that automation of work and low-skilled immigration are not inherently progressive but rather they depend on the political organisation framework in which they exist. Automation and immigration transform the neoliberal subject homo oeconomicus from a subject attached to power and interest to a subject existing in precarity: job insecurity, debt, austerity and fiscal consolidation. The indiscriminate exposure to precarious labour conditions functions a disciplinary mechanism for all those partaking in the competitive labour market.
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This paper identifies the points of convergence and diversion between the discourses of technological displacement and cheap migrant labour respectively and argues for the understanding of a new model of neoliberal governance. Whenever a... more
This paper identifies the points of convergence and diversion between the discourses of technological displacement and cheap migrant labour respectively and argues for the understanding of a new model of neoliberal governance. Whenever a financial crisis occurs capitalism tends to be restructured. New technologies, new managerial and organisational forms, and new models of exploitation emerge. What are the main features of the most recent capitalist crisis? Drawing on the work of Agamben (2017), Berardi (2017) and Streeck (2016) the paper points out to two different yet interconnected processes.
First, due to the rapid acceleration of the digitalization of the economy the middle class is discussed as an endangered social species (Price Water House Coopers; National Bureau of Economic Research). Up until the 1990s technology mainly displaced the manual working class. In the most recent economic and political crisis the middle classes as the carriers and defenders of capitalism are destined for destitute by the proliferation of robot labourers, automation and artificial intelligence.
Second, due to the increasing popularity of protectionist and populist politics and despite proclamations of taking back control of immigration policy a consensus has emerged indicating the need for cheap, low skilled migrant labour. Even within the discourse of progressive and liberal politics low skilled immigrants are the embodiment of otherness - they always belong to a different race, ethnic group, country and most importantly culture. Demands for economic growth render the presence of low skilled immigrants necessary as long as they are subjected to the minimum political, economic and social provisions such as wages, political participation and mobility. As a result, low skilled immigrants must exist within a political and economic environment in which they are perceived as useful and at times essential accessories for sustaining economic growth and public services.
The concepts of precarisation and precarity (Lorey 2016; Butler 2016) provide a useful insight into the underlying logic that connects and differentiates those two discourses. In particular, precarisation becomes at once the dominant mode of governing the population and the most effective means for capital accumulation. In contradistinction to old understandings of rule that demanded political compliance in exchange for social protection, the neoliberal process of precarisation increases instability and provides the minimum of insurances. Precarisation is not limited to employment but more generally to the destabilisation of political conduct. Precarity, on the other hand, designates a sense of hierarchy amongst the precarious population namely the middle class and low skilled immigrant labour and the compensations they receive. The paper concludes by arguing that ethnicity and race become integral notions of neoliberal governance for differentiating between precarious groups and maintaining order in neo-capitalist society.
First, due to the rapid acceleration of the digitalization of the economy the middle class is discussed as an endangered social species (Price Water House Coopers; National Bureau of Economic Research). Up until the 1990s technology mainly displaced the manual working class. In the most recent economic and political crisis the middle classes as the carriers and defenders of capitalism are destined for destitute by the proliferation of robot labourers, automation and artificial intelligence.
Second, due to the increasing popularity of protectionist and populist politics and despite proclamations of taking back control of immigration policy a consensus has emerged indicating the need for cheap, low skilled migrant labour. Even within the discourse of progressive and liberal politics low skilled immigrants are the embodiment of otherness - they always belong to a different race, ethnic group, country and most importantly culture. Demands for economic growth render the presence of low skilled immigrants necessary as long as they are subjected to the minimum political, economic and social provisions such as wages, political participation and mobility. As a result, low skilled immigrants must exist within a political and economic environment in which they are perceived as useful and at times essential accessories for sustaining economic growth and public services.
The concepts of precarisation and precarity (Lorey 2016; Butler 2016) provide a useful insight into the underlying logic that connects and differentiates those two discourses. In particular, precarisation becomes at once the dominant mode of governing the population and the most effective means for capital accumulation. In contradistinction to old understandings of rule that demanded political compliance in exchange for social protection, the neoliberal process of precarisation increases instability and provides the minimum of insurances. Precarisation is not limited to employment but more generally to the destabilisation of political conduct. Precarity, on the other hand, designates a sense of hierarchy amongst the precarious population namely the middle class and low skilled immigrant labour and the compensations they receive. The paper concludes by arguing that ethnicity and race become integral notions of neoliberal governance for differentiating between precarious groups and maintaining order in neo-capitalist society.
Research Interests: Welfare State, Immigration, Autonomous Robotics, Productivity, Racism, and 8 moreNeoliberalism, Labour Studies, Work and Labour, Employment, Automation, Near eastern Archaeology, Archaeology of Iran, Prehistoric Archaeology, Archaeological Method and theory, Prehistory of Southeastern Iran, Urbanisim, Early State, Secondary State, Complex societies, ancient trade, ancient economies, European Union Immigration Policy, and Brexit UK
Research Interests: Political Philosophy, Race and Racism, Immigration Studies, British Politics, Political communication, and 14 moreImmigration And Integration In Europe, Media and Democracy, Michel Foucault, Neoliberalism, Public Opinion (Political Science), European/EU Politics, Referendum, European Union Politics, Media and Politics, Political Parties and Party Politics, F.A. Hayek, Brexit, Brexit UK, and Brexit 2016
Research Interests: European Studies, Utopian Studies, Race and Ethnicity, Nationalism, Federalism, and 11 moreImmigration And Integration In Europe, European Union, Undocumented Immigration, European Immigration and Asylum Law, Utopianism, European Union Politics, European Sociology, Ethnicity and National Identity, Euopeanism and euroscepticism, Sociology of European integration, and Immigration Status & Nationality
Research Interests: Political Sociology, European Studies, Media Studies, Immigration, British Politics, and 15 morePolitical Science, Political communication, European Foreign Policy, Capitalism, European Politics, European Union, Michel Foucault, Neoliberalism, Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Loic Wacquant, Brexit UK, Brexit 2016, and European Union, Brexit, Migrant Workers
Research Interests: European History, Political Sociology, European Studies, Comparative Politics, Political Philosophy, and 24 moreMedia Studies, European integration, European Law, Human Rights Law, Refugee Studies, Immigration, Immigration Studies, Political Science, Utopian Studies, Immigration Law, Political communication, European Politics, European Union, Michel Foucault, Comparative Politics (Research Methodology), Immigration History, Immigrant Detention, Ernst Bloch, Max Weber, Max Weber (Sociology), far-right politics Europe, Comparative Politcs, The Far Right: Anti-Immigration Parties, Neofascist and Extreme Right Parties in Europe, and Anti Utopia
Research Interests: Economic History, Comparative Politics, Political Economy, Welfare State, Race and Racism, and 13 moreImmigration, Race and Ethnicity, European Union, Subjectivity (Identity Politics), Turkey, Neoliberalism, Immigrant Detention, Military and Politics, Representation of Others, Other, Ludwig von Mises, Foucault, and Friedrich August von Hayek
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Research Interests: Comparative Politics, Race and Racism, Community Development, Immigration, British Politics, and 9 moreEuropean Union, Political Communication (Communication), Modern Greece, Right-Wing Extremism, Right Wing Populism, Public Communication. Political Communication, Great Britain and the European Union, Brexit, and European Union, Brexit, Migrant Workers
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The chapter examines the political and cultural meanings of detention for undocumented migrants in Greece. Central to this examination are the theoretical elaborations of Carl Schmitt and Wendy Brown on territorial division, the state of... more
The chapter examines the political and cultural meanings of detention for undocumented migrants in Greece. Central to this examination are the theoretical elaborations of Carl Schmitt and Wendy Brown on territorial division, the state of exception and waning sovereignty in conjunction with reports from the Human Rights Watch and the Greek Council for Refugees.
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Research Interests: Immigration and ROBOT
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Drawing from Manuel Castells ’ assertion that in a network society “a logic of flows has replaced a logic of structures”, this paper examines the (re) formation of the idea of national space and national identity in relation to the... more
Drawing from Manuel Castells ’ assertion that in a network society “a logic of flows has replaced a logic of structures”, this paper examines the (re) formation of the idea of national space and national identity in relation to the socio-cultural phenomenon of Diaspora of Kazakhstani and Albanians in Greece as depicted in the films of Constantine Giannaris (“At the Edge of the City”, “Hostage”). Giannaris ’ cinema is analysed through the Deleuzian concept of the “assemblage”, which denies the existence of two (or three, or…) distinctive components of cultural interaction and at the same time acknowledges the multiple intermediate components of a dialogue between “host ” and “visitor ” where youth subcultures, sexuality, public transport and working environments constitute a volatile and instable ethnoscape best described in terms of deterritorilisation and reterritorilisation. How does the ethnoscape constitute a threat to traditional notions of national space and identity? What are...
Following the conclusions of Chapter 4 on detention, isolation and fear of coexistence, the chapter reflects upon the formation and presence of the far right in Europe. The chapter deals with the violent activities and communicative... more
Following the conclusions of Chapter 4 on detention, isolation and fear of coexistence, the chapter reflects upon the formation and presence of the far right in Europe. The chapter deals with the violent activities and communicative practices of the Greek neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn. Michel Wieviorka and Alain Touraine’s theorisation of the subject provides a platform to examine the emergence of the nationalist subject as a rejection of liberal parliamentary politics.
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Research Interests: Productivity and Brexit
This article examines the campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party depicts the post-industrial working class communities as forgotten and betrayed... more
This article examines the campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party depicts the post-industrial working class communities as forgotten and betrayed and attacks the Labour Party for its stance on Brexit. While current research on national populism focuses on demographic and cultural changes and highlights a prevailing distrust of the political establishment there is little as to how victimhood is performed by the agents of national populism. By deploying Jeffrey Alexander’s conceptualisation of cultural performance, the article identifies the current status of victimhood and its political communication in the Brexit debate. As a result, the post-industrial working class becomes the victim of failed policies and the authentic voice of a country unable to assert its dominance in the world. The social actors in the Brexit Party’s campaign are being motivated by and towards concerns, the meanings of which are defined by signifiers of inequality and nostalgia. The article makes two arguments: the cultural performance of victimhood is a precondition for articulations of nationalism and belonging; the cultural performance of victimhood is integral for the communication of loss, democratic deficit and for presenting the working class as a racialised minority.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Labour Party (UK), Political Economy of Communication, Political Campaigns, British Politics, and 15 morePolitical Science, Politics, Nationalism, Foreign Policy, Ethnic and Racial Studies, European Union, National Identity, Working Class, Uk Politics, Politics of Victimhood, European Parliament elections, Brexit, Nigel Farage, Brexit UK, and UK General Election
This article examines the campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party depicts the post-industrial working class communities as forgotten and betrayed... more
This article examines the campaign of the Brexit Party via the conceptual frameworks of cultural performance and the politics of victimhood. The Brexit Party depicts the post-industrial working class communities as forgotten and betrayed and attacks the Labour Party for its stance on Brexit. While current research on national populism focuses on demographic and cultural changes and highlights a prevailing distrust of the political establishment there is little as to how victimhood is performed by the agents of national populism. By deploying Jeffrey Alexander’s conceptualisation of cultural performance, the article identifies the current status of victimhood and its political communication in the Brexit debate. As a result, the post-industrial working class becomes the victim of failed policies and the authentic voice of a country unable to assert its dominance in the world. The social actors in the Brexit Party’s campaign are being motivated by and towards concerns, the meanings of which are defined by signifiers of inequality and nostalgia. The article makes two arguments: the cultural performance of victimhood is a precondition for articulations of nationalism and belonging; the cultural performance of victimhood is integral for the communication of loss, democratic deficit and for presenting the working class as a racialised minority.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Labour Party (UK), Political Economy of Communication, Political Campaigns, British Politics, and 15 morePolitical Science, Politics, Nationalism, Foreign Policy, Ethnic and Racial Studies, European Union, National Identity, Working Class, Uk Politics, Politics of Victimhood, European Parliament elections, Brexit, Nigel Farage, Brexit UK, and UK General Election
Research Interests: European History, European Studies, European integration, Immigration, Political Science, and 13 moreUtopian Studies, Immigration Law, Immigration And Integration In Europe, European Politics, European Union, Undocumented Immigration, European Immigration and Asylum Law, Utopianism, European Union Politics, Immigrants, Europe, Utopia/dystopia, and Anti Utopia
The paper focuses on the Pick for Britain public appeal (spring 2020) that aimed at encouraging young people, as well as furloughed and laid-off workers to take up seasonal employment in UK farms in order to ensure the sustainability of... more
The paper focuses on the Pick for Britain public appeal (spring 2020) that aimed at encouraging young people, as well as furloughed and laid-off workers to take up seasonal employment in UK farms in order to ensure the sustainability of supply chains. The paper argues that the failure of the campaign is a result of three distinct, yet interrelated discourses: i) increasingly restrictive migration policies, ii) lack of investment in the automation of agricultural production, and iii) a growing sense of entitlement on the part of the British public that abundant and inexpensive produce should be available all-year-round. The paper brings these discussions together theoretically - by drawing on the work of Foucault, Polanyi, Dardot and Laval, and Isin, and empirically within the contextual intersection of COVID-19 and Brexit. By critically overviewing testimonies from recruitment agencies, as well as recent think tank reports, and policies on automation and immigration, the paper demonstrates that current aspirations and appeals to automate work seek to depoliticise the economy whilst legitimising a specific kind of governmentality focusing on re-training, self-realisation, and ever increasing growth and productivity. Automation is presented as an unstoppable, irreversible force whose mission is to tackle low productivity and make the economy less dependent on cheap migrant labour. Yet, the discourse of automation and technological displacement allows us to distinguish not only the lack of resources or dependence of workers on state and corporate welfare, but also to identify the ways in which the workforce is categorised and fragmented according to the binaries of competent and incompetent, trained and untrained, skilled and unskilled, educated and uneducated, flexible and inflexible, male and female, young and old.
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Within the context of the financial crisis and austerity protests in Greece, this article elucidates the potential of Facebook communities to realise democracy as a notion that transcends instrumental processes of electing political... more
Within the context of the financial crisis and austerity protests in Greece, this article elucidates the potential of Facebook communities to realise democracy as a notion that transcends instrumental processes of electing political elites while at the same time reinstating a cultural order and legitimising exclusionary political and communication practices. The article contrasts Facebook communities with John Dewey's vision of democracy as a form of social cooperation, which orients citizens toward pluralistic associations and overlapping political discourses. In order to overcome discredited economistic approaches, the article highlights the social dimension of the crisis by developing a media sociology for the analysis of the technological turn to community. The media sociology developed here refrains from sociology of media approaches, which explain the formation of social media communities as a result of hard variables such as the economy and political corruption. Media soc...
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The chapter deals with the regulation of dystopia and utopia, exclusion regimes and postnationalism. The freedom of religious practice and the troubled history of building a mosque in Athens provide the setting for the examination of the... more
The chapter deals with the regulation of dystopia and utopia, exclusion regimes and postnationalism. The freedom of religious practice and the troubled history of building a mosque in Athens provide the setting for the examination of the concept and process of integration and tolerance.
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espanolEste articulo se centra en el analisis de la comunidad de facebook de los indignados griegos para posteriormente compararla con la vision de democracia propuesta por John Dewey, quien la entendia como una forma de cooperacion... more
espanolEste articulo se centra en el analisis de la comunidad de facebook de los indignados griegos para posteriormente compararla con la vision de democracia propuesta por John Dewey, quien la entendia como una forma de cooperacion social donde la ciudadania se orienta hacia una pluralidad de asociaciones y discursos. Sin embargo, la comunidad de indignados parece haber creado en el espacio web un regimen democratico mejorado, que en este texto se define como �Comunitarismo 2.0� y que no se asemeja tanto al ideal de democracia de Dewey como al concepto sobre la misma que subyace en la teoria constitucional de Schimitt, en la cual la homogeneidad es una condicion necesaria para la democracia EnglishThis paper focuses on the Facebook community of the Greek Indignants and contrasts it with John Dewey�s vision of democracy as social cooperation, which orients citizens toward pluralistic associations and discourses. Instead of Dewy�s democracy the Indignants� community forges a Web enha...
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The chapter analyses how immigrants are categorised according to their ethnicity, age, gender and skills. By providing an analysis of immigration policy documents in conjunction with census findings, the chapter reflects the way policy,... more
The chapter analyses how immigrants are categorised according to their ethnicity, age, gender and skills. By providing an analysis of immigration policy documents in conjunction with census findings, the chapter reflects the way policy, police operations and national citizenship respond to demographic changes and perceptions of immigration.