Cultural Political Economy

Introduction
If “culture is more and more the business of cities” (Zukin 1995, 2), to what extent do cultural activities become mechanisms for rural economic, social, and educational development? New thinking about the cultural economy (Storper and Scott 2009) suggests that the alchemy of a lively cultural “buzz” to place making and economic growth (Florida 2002) is not restricted to the postindustrial urban scenes of the big city (Davoudi 2003; Denis-Jacob 2011; Donald 2008), although scholarly attention to the intersection of culture and economic regeneration in rural, remote areas and small cities has languished in global cultural circuits. Overlooked in the staples period by typical instrumental approaches to regional economic development, cultural economies might allow small cities and communities of varying scales and degrees of embeddedness in regional economies and nearby rural regions to benefit from “thinking big” about what is achievable despite apparent limitations in scale (Bell and Jayne 2009). However, this requires that current modes of strategic policy and planning change. Although there is growing consensus that amenity and lifestyle factors – including the presence of a senior population with disposable income (Denis-Jacob 2011) – play important roles in population growth in small cities reasonably close to larger ones, and new empirical evidence of the movement of certain classes of artists–creators, our attention here is on the understudied policy ensembles available to small cities and towns in seeding a creative economy and competing for the “creative class,” albeit in different forms and different degrees than metropolitan centres (Lewis and Donald 2010; Petrov 2007).
Based on current theory and planning practice that recognize cross-pollination among cultural, creative, and experiential activities (Boggs 2009), this chapter argues that the traditional policy and planning polarization, in which economic and regional development strategies prioritize staples-based resource industries while cultural policies generally stress the social aspects of community development, can no longer continue. Economic, social, and cultural policy agendas must become better coordinated to direct more attention to the significance of cultural industries and to embrace regional cooperative cultural development approaches embedded within the transformations of non-metropolitan communities. Although we concede the intrinsic, aesthetic, historical, and representative value of culture, our focus here is specifically on how culture can contribute to the broader development goals of small communities. We consider effective social transformation to imply balanced, sustainable, and endogenous cultural–economic development.
We examine four general approaches or pathways to this end, providing examples to illustrate how they have been adopted in various small cities, which we believe are useful exemplars for other rural communities. Although all approaches have shown success in various communities, we argue that an ecological approach can bring about economic, social, and cultural transformation most effectively in smaller communities. Theoretically indebted to emerging theories on the social economy, an ecological approach is grounded in cultural-led economic regeneration that fosters spatial and sectoral clusters, networks together both for-profit and non-profit actors, and reinstates new bases for regional cultural cooperation and competition. We focus on small cities and communities in British Columbia that show strong rates of transformation, with references to Canadian and international developments where appropriate.

2000년대 이후 한국에서는 저소득층의 ‘금융배제’가 중요한 정책과제로 부상했다. 외환위기 이후 실업과 소득저하에 처한 저소득층이 사금융에 의존하며 과다채무로 고통받자, 정부는 제도권 금융기관에서 배제된 저소득·저신용층에게 ‘금융 접근권’을 보장하는 일련의 ‘금융포용’ 정책을 추진했다. 금융포용 담론은 빈곤과 불평등의 사회문제에 대해 시장을 통한 해결과 개인의 책임성을 강조하는 신자유주의 담론들의 합리성을 반영하고 있다. 이에 따라 정부는 공급 측면에서 서민금융기관의 활성화, 신용카드업과 대부업의 규제완화, 정책성 서민금융의 제공을 통해 저소득층에 대한 신용공급을 늘리고자 했으며, 수요 측면에서는 소비자 보호와 금융 역량 강화를 통해 개인의 자활을 돕고자 했다. 그리하여 2000년대 이후 개인의 대출기회는 크게 확대되었으나 이는 저소득층의 과다채무 문제를 양산하는 한편, 빈곤 문제에 대한 시장적이고 개인화된 해결을 요구하는 새로운 합리성과 기술을 정착시켰다. 요컨대 금융포용은 실질적인 시민적 권리의 보장이 아닌 오직 시장에 대한 접근권만을 강조하면서 차별적 배제와 불평등을 완화하기보다 빈곤층을 더욱 취약하고 개별화된 위험관리의 주체로 만들었다.

Since the 2000s, the ‘financial exclusion’ of low-income families has emerged as an important policy task in Korea. After the financial crisis in 1997, low-income people who faced unemployment and income decline suffered from excessive debt, relying on money laundering. The government then imposed a series of ‘financial inclusion’ policies that guarantee ‘financial access’ to the low-income brackets excluded from formal financial institutions. This financial inclusion discourse reflects the rationality of neoliberal discourses that emphasize market-based solutions and individual responsibility for social problems. The government tried to increase the credit supply to low-income people through the activation of the ordinary financial institutions, the deregulation of credit card business and lending business, and the provision of policy-based credit from the supply side. On the demand side, the government tried to help the individual self-support through consumer protection and strengthening financial capacity. Thus, since 2000s, the opportunity for individual loans has expanded greatly, but this has created a problem of excessive debt in the low-income bracket and has set new governing rationality and technologies that force personalized solutions to poverty problem. In conclusion, financial inclusion has made the poor more vulnerable and individualized risk-management subject rather than alleviating discriminatory exclusion and inequality, emphasizing only market access, not substantive civil rights.

El presente es el trabajo final del Máster en Gestión de Políticas y Proyectos Culturales de la Universidad de Zaragoza. Es un proyecto para crear un grupo de gestores y artistas del campo cinematográfico que propongan y den seguimiento a políticas públicas en favor de su sector, en el contexto de la ciudad de Mérida, México. Además de esto, se incluye un apartado breve sobre la historia de las políticas cinematográficas en México; así como un apartado sobre la importancia de que la sociedad civil entre al debate, planeación, ejecución y seguimiento de las políticas públicas culturales, en especial con los mecanismos de la legislación mexicana, la Carta Cultural Iberoamericana (OEA), la Convención sobre la protección y la promoción de la Diversidad de las Expresiones Culturales (UNESCO) y la Agenda 21 de la cultura (CGLU).

I am sharing the introduction and the conclusion of my new book on Disney, Hollywood and cultural capitalism. This book sheds new light on the socio-economic impact of multinational corporations. Combining Cultural Studies and International Political Economy, it provides a revealing analysis of the Walt Disney Company, and by extension the wider Hollywood studio system. It does so by examining the cultural and economic forces powering the industry's expansion, the 'civilisation' that Disney disseminates, and the various ways that societies beyond the USA have adopted facets of the Hollywood productions to which they are exposed. Identifying both the strengths and the weaknesses of these transnational firms, it demonstrates the significance of their contribution to American power and predominance.

This article discusses the cultural circuits present in the space of “low” Amazon - the more consolidated área, in the region, in terms of their West- ern occupation - with reference to three population groups, here understood as social trajectories, which differ among themselves by their way of economic and cultural occupation of space. We observe as two of these social trajectories partici- pate more actively in cultural circuits, while the third shows up more reserved. We propose to interpret these relations of closeness and distance from the intersubjec- tive social experience that involves them.

Considering the law as a social phenomenon intrinsic to political economy is key to engaging the work in this new volume of scholarly articles edited by Professor Poul Kjaer – The Law of Political Economy: Transformation in the Function of Law (Cambridge University Press, 2020).  The book is relevant on many levels to the events unfolding around us including unresolved issues between the private and the public realms (e.g., think banking and government in relation to the Global Financial Crisis of 2008).  Current manifestations (post-book publication) include the ruling of the German Constitutional Court in May, which at core, appears to challenge the legitimacy of EU law for German financial interests.  However distant such regulatory and legal matters may, at first appear, the idea that theories ‘are reflected in our social relationships’ anchors a more general observation made in this book’s introductory chapter concerning theoretical architectures as differentiating ‘between a holistic or a differentiation-based worldview, that is, between an understanding of society as a whole, which is larger than the sum of its parts, or an understanding of society as a mere collection of differentiated parts.’
In this NBn episode, Professor Poul Kjaer distinguishes such concepts among others, and sets the context for those with an interest in learning about ‘the law and political economy’ as a field of study including an explanation of the differences between the European and American approaches to this field.  Some other points of elaboration include more detailed thoughts on his introductory chapter, his previous books dealing with governance and governing, corporatism’s many guises, intermediary institutions as key locations for social integration and dis-integration, the concept of crisis and how law regulates the economy and politics, with Georg Simmel, in a sense, underlying it all with the question: ‘how is society possible?’
Professor Kjaer explains key concepts and thinkers in this field as he provides a lay of the land as surveyed from the ‘Copenhagen School’.  He also shares his impressions with the book editing process, and some of the more foundational concepts and sources. The book brings ‘together an exceptional group of scholars’ providing a ‘novel conceptual framework for studying the role of law and legal instruments in political economy contexts, with a focus on historical transformations and central challenges in both European and global contexts’.  This volume’s many contributions cover legal subfields ‘ranging from competition and consumer protection law to labour and environmental law, giving a comprehensive overview of the central challenges of the law of political economy.’ It should be added that the 15 chapters are compellingly written, and the book is available in hardcover and Kindle.

Poul F. Kjaer is a professor at the Copenhagen Business School (CBS) in Denmark with a research focus on European and global governance, the law and political economy.

A number of people have claimed that the ongoing financial crisis has revealed the problems with neoliberal thought and neoliberal policies in the 'Atlantic Heartland'. However, if we look at the history of the 'Heartland' economies then it becomes evident that they were never neoliberal in the first place - that is, the economic policies and discourses in these countries did not follow neoliberal prescriptions. /We Have Never Been Neoliberal/ explores this divergence between neoliberal theory and 'neoliberal' practice by focusing on the underlying contradictions in monetarism, private monopolies, and financialization. The book finishes by proposing a 'manifesto for a doomed youth' in which it argues that younger generations should refuse to pay interest on anything in order to avoid the trap of debt-driven living.

The Cultural Political Economy of the Construction Industry in Turkey analyses the growth of the popularity of the ‘Justice and Development Party’ (official acronym: AK Parti or AKP) of Turkey’s president Erdogan, through the lens of the construction sector. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the question of hegemony and the electoral success of the AKP – despite frequent economic downturns and ferocious political conflicts including a coup d’état attempt and rekindled armed struggles. In this book, Ismail Doga Karatepe critically examines the AKP’s ability to satisfy the needs and wishes of different social classes and groups. By taking the construction sector as an example, the book analyses these in the context of the changes in the urban landscape of modern Turkey.

Seis Sexenios de investigación reconocidos: último : 2010/2016. Firma: El arriba firmante declara que son ciertos los datos que figuran en este currículum, asumiendo en caso contrario las responsabilidades que pudieran derivarse de las inexactitudes que consten en el mismo.

This study of Volkswagen’s national claim deals with the anomic dimension of globalization. Using Bourdieu’s and Durkheim’s framework of analysis, it examines the paradoxical promotion of national belonging by a transnational company. It makes three contributions: first, successful national narratives show the incompleteness of globalization which engenders anomie, the lasting divergence between people’s habitus and their environment. Second, the national claim can be regarded as a reaction to globalization as well as to its pluralizing effect. Third, in reflexive terms, durable anomie is analyzed as reinforcing the place of the national level and the state in people’s habitus.

Focusing exclusively on external forces risks producing an over-generalized account of a ubiquitous neoliberalism, which insufficiently accounts for the profusion of local variegations that currently comprise the neoliberal project as a series of articulations with existing political economic circumstances. Although neoliberal economics were initially promoted in the global south through the auspices of structural adjustment programs designed by the International Financial Institutions, powerful global south elites were only too happy to oblige. Neoliberalism frequently reveals opportunities for well-connected government officials to informally control market and material rewards, allowing them to easily line their own pockets. It is in this sense of the local appropriation of neoliberal ideas that scholars must go beyond conceiving of ‘neoliberalism-in-general’ as a singular and fully realized policy regime, ideological form, or regulatory framework, and work towards conceiving a plurality of ‘actually existing neoliberalisms’ with particular characteristics arising from mutable geohistorical outcomes that are embedded within national, regional, and local process of market-driven socio-spatial transformation. What constitutes ‘actually existing’ neoliberalism in Cambodia as distinctly Cambodian is the ways in which the patronage system has allowed local elites to co-opt, transform, and (re)articulate neoliberal reforms through a framework that ‘asset strips’ public resources, thereby increasing peoples’ exposure to corruption, coercion, and violence. It is to such an 'articulation agenda' that this article attends, as in seeking to provide a more nuanced reading to recent work on neoliberalism in Cambodia by outlining some of its salient characteristics, I reveal a more empirical basis to theorizations of ‘articulated neoliberalism’.

Since the end of the 1980s the development of theories of cultural globaliza- tion, in the Anglo-Saxon academic !eld, has resulted in a deep transformation in the ways of thinking media internationalization. The critical political economy of communication, which since the 1960s has played a key role in analysing media internationalization, has been supplanted by disciplines that until the late1980s had rarely addressed the international dimensions of media.
Theories of cultural globalization, as we will try to show here, are the product of a convergence in theory among cultural studies, anthropology and sociology, which regardless of their disciplinary differences tend to think of the cultural consequences of globalization along the same lines. As such, they propose a new dominant paradigm to apprehend the consequences of media internationalization – a paradigm which has deconstructed the perspectives of political economy and replaced them with a radically di"erent vision.
The aim of this chapter is to show, through some of the key texts, how these theories of cultural globalization have emerged and to underline some of the major ruptures that they have entailed in the ways of thinking media internationalization.

Most funding provided by international, governmental and non-governmental agencies to the non-profit sector is conditional, which implies that the recipient organization should commit to specific objectives and measures as defined with the donor to meet common needs, rights and interests. These conditions may be of an administrative, financial, or political nature. Political conditional funding remains acceptable as long as it does not, in principle or in fact, impose a political or moral dilemma to the recipient organizations, or minimize their agency over their own purpose and projects as protected under international humanitarian and human rights law.

This paper provides an in-depth analysis of the legality and political implications of Article 1.5 bis imposed in Annex II of the General Conditions Applicable to European Union-Financed Grant Contracts for External Action. This analysis is anchored in both international law and Palestinian domestic law. It provides legal and political context to the unacceptability of the imposition of the aforementioned article and Palestinian arguments and concerns vis-a-vis the claims put forth by the European Union (EU). 

The paper demonstrates that imposing political conditional funding on CSOs pursuing the right to self-determination of an oppressed and colonized people is not only morally and politically unacceptable, but also illegal in consideration of international law. In particular:

- Although consistent with the continuous reinforcement of the counter-terrorism regime within the EU, Article 1.5 bis was only included in grant contracts with Palestinian CSOs in 2019 and constitutes an alarming precedent that undermines the trust upon which the EU-Palestine relations are based.

- Article 1.5 bis imposes a new obligation on Palestinian grant recipients, as it entails the endorsement of EU restrictive measures, screening and vetting processes of the Palestinian CSOs’ own people, the Palestinians. By forcing such conditions upon Palestinian grant beneficiaries, the EU is unacceptably asking Palestinian CSOs to monitor and police their own counterparts and to endorse the European counter-terrorism framework to do so.

- Article 1.5 bis is not only inconsistent with the principles of humanitarian action, but also with the Palestinian people’s legitimate human rights as recognized under international law, including the right to self-determination, and the right to resist by any legitimate means against foreign oppression, occupation, colonization and apartheid. The current counter-terrorism framework imposed on Palestinian civil society by means of Article 1.5 bis criminalizes the Palestinian people’s struggle for their right to self-determination, contributes to the de-politicization and alienation of Palestinian civil society, and neglects the Palestinian people’s right to legitimate resistance.

- Article 1.5 bis contradicts Palestinian law that prohibits political conditional funding, therefore imposing an unacceptable legal and moral dilemma on Palestinian CSOs vis-a-vis their own domestic law.
Given that Article 1.5 bis reflects the current EU counter-terrorism policies, largely influenced by the US and Israel, there is solid evidence that support the possible escalation of measures targeting Palestinian civil society and labeling their work under the framework of terrorism in order to discredit them.

-Although framed in an innocuous way, and while no Palestinian person currently appears on EU sanctions lists, Article 1.5 bis would have dramatic consequences as it lays the foundations for a system of generalized screening and vetting of the whole of Palestinian civil society.

-If compared with the USAID’s conditions imposed in the early 21st century, the EU’s imposition of a terrorist framework on Palestinian civil society occurred later but follows the increasingly tight counter-terrorism framework imposed by the US.

This paper examines the use of the blockchain to create limited editions of digital art with a particular focus on the business models of two companies: Monegraph and Ascribe. For some, blockchain technologies suggest an opportunity for artists to protect their work from misuse and expropriation. For others it suggests the possibility of stronger forms of digital rights management going forward that may negatively impact digital culture. Through discourse analysis of the patents and whitepapers of start-ups who are working to cryptographically secure art this paper argues that the aim of limited editions on the blockchain is not usually to institute a new form of digital rights management but rather to create new kinds of digital assets. In turn this trend implies a different operation of intellectual property rights where alienation rather than exclusion is significant, and a different operation of artificial scarcity with respect to cultural goods, where their free circulation is not necessarily antithetical to profit.

The process of redefining national and ethnic identities often relies on a close relationship between cultural and linguistic traditions, political movements and
religious communities. This manuscript seeks to understand how the religious
aspect influenced regional identity-building under conditions of colonial rule in
India. The paper draws on a project concerning itself with the political implications
of regional identities during the twenties and thirties of the 20th century. The
project compares the movements of the Sikhs, the Tamil "Non-Brahmans" and
the Pakhtuns.
It is intended to outline the evolution of the religious aspect in these movements
through three major stages of political mobilisation: revivalism, loyalism
and radicalism. The issue seems to be of particular interest in the Indian case
for two reasons:
- Was there any common pattern behind the influence of religion on group
identity? What were the similarities and the differences in the role of religion
in the three movements?
- Was there any peculiarity in the Indian case under colonial rule as compared
to the time of independence?

In historical institutional analysis, critical junctures are rare moments in the development of an institution or a policy. Due to endogenous or exogenous disruptions, during critical junctures there is a substantial increase in the possibility that powerful political actors –be these individuals or organizations-- can, in a relatively short span of time, influence decisively the creation of new enduring, path-dependent institutions or the significant reform of existing ones. Pre-existing social, economic, and cultural conditions typically influence actors’ decisions, strategies, and interactions during the critical juncture --e.g. by limiting the range of plausible institutional options available, empowering or disempowering certain actors, offering different arenas for interactions-- but they do not predetermine its outcome. Hence, the defining trait of critical junctures is contingency: during a critical juncture, more than one option for institutional innovation must be available to actors, and must be plausibly attainable ex ante. The chapter conceptualizes and illustrates several situations in which the relexation of contraints on agency offers the opportunity for the establishment of new path-dependent institutions. In some cases, this opportunity is not seized: structural preconditions may be broadly favorable to the creation of certain institutions, but the failure to effectively mobilize supportive groups may fail to produce institutional innovation, or institutional innovation may be possible and attempted but may be narrowly missed. In other cases, against similar background conditions, short-term political imperatives may lead to the formation of different political coalitions that then support different institutional reforms. In other situations, even though the preferences of key actors are linked to pre-existing structural conditions, the institutional outcome that emerges from the juncture may not correspond to the actors’ individual or combined preferences (“out-of-winset” outcomes). In addition, the chapter pays particular attention to the importance of the politics of ideas during critical junctures, in which politically influential actors may seek to establish the legitimacy of new institutional arrangements. Looking at the politics of institutional formation during critical junctures through these theoretical lenses can inform comparative analysis and yield fresh findings, thus furthering the scholarly conversation on institutional change. The conclusion of the chapter locates critical juncture and path dependency analysis in the broader context of theories of institutional change, identifying the potential limitations of such theories and pointing to avenues of further theorization.

Prävention und Gesundheitsförderung spielt in Deutschland seit dem Präventionsgesetz 2015 eine besondere Rolle. Mit diesem wurde nicht nur die Leistungen der verschiedenen Trägerinstitutionen neu strukturiert, sondern auch eine übergreifende Koordinations- und Kooperationsstruktur vom Bund bis zur kommunalen Ebene etabliert. Dieser Beitrag stellt sich die Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen die politische Steuerung dieses neuen Politikfeldes theoretisch zu konzipieren und empirisch zu begreifen ist. Neben staatstheoretischen Überlegungen werden auch die neuartigen Handlungsfelder der Prävention und Gesundeitsförderung aus einer staatstheoretischen Perspektive interpretiert, die sich von der analytischen Idee leiten lässt, dass Gesundheitspolitik mehr ist als die  Verbesserung der Gesundheit von Gruppen und Invidiuen, obwohl normativ betrachtet genau dies im Mittelpunkt stehen sollte. Um dies zu erreichen, muss Gesundheitspolitik jedoch zum Thema auf allen staatlichen Handlungsfeldern gemacht werden. Dabei ist zu die beobachtende zunehmende Wettbewerbsorientierung im deutschen Gesundheitssystem durchaus als problematisch für die Zieletzungen einer zielgruppensensiblen Präventions- und Gesundheitsförderungspolitik zu bezeichnen.

Essay dealing with the consequences and implications of the so-called rise of the creative industries for  economy, policy and practice of innovation and society in general. The increasing emphasis on creativity as a prerequisite for both innovation and social change makes the nurturing of creative talent a necessity and should make politicians think twice before they curtail spendings on culture.

The paper is a critical study of the post-conceptual paths in art and theory, including its post-secular and techno-occult routes.
In avant-garde rhetoric, as appropriated by contemporary art, the ideas of social engagement and artistic achievement have been almost identical: after art’s self-sublation, its principal goal has supposedly been social engagement. Yet despite the internalization of the avant-garde’s socially oriented legacy, the true episteme and achievement of art since the 1960s has been conceptual surplus rather than social involvement. The negative antisocial character and vicious genealogy inherent to art since early modernist practices fostered various manipulations of this conceptual surplus, which eventually turned into the surplus value—the “metaphysical index”—of art’s economics, as Diedrich Diederichsen puts it. Regardless of whether this surplus is a cognitive gimmick, symbolic capital , or a financialized abstraction simply increasing the cost of art, it has functioned as a hidden power of contemporary art, and has been effectively disguised by art’s emancipatory intentions. But what happens to art as an institution of contemporaneity if its codex of self-sublation and the logic of conceptual surplus are demolished by post-secular, post-conceptual cyber-fantasies?

Many parts of the world have been written off as resistant to development. We may think of most of Africa, parts of Latin America, the Middle East, and a few of the countries in Southeast Asia. Then there is the Pacific, which has shown disappointing economic growth rates over the past decade or two (Francis & Hezel, 2009).
Of course, many of these countries still lack the reliable institutions, beginning with stable government and the rule of law, that are clearly a requisite for development. That is why according to today’s canon, differences in economic performance can only be explained by different economic institutions and public policies.
On the other hand, considerable cultural differences do still exist and even today cultural diversity remains definitely significant among different continents, states and even regions and we believe it is must be taken into account, despite the processes of globalization and immigration.
Thus, in our work we are going to critically analyze the limits of the traditional theory about economic development and - by describing what culture is and which are the prior beliefs and values shaped by it- we are going to study the channels through which culture had and has an impact on the economic growth of countries.

¿Afronta actualmente el capitalismo el “fin de la naturaleza barata”? Si así es, ¿qué podría significar esto y cuáles con las implicaciones para el futuro? Estamos, de hecho, siendo testigos del fin de la naturaleza barata en un sentido específico histórico. En vez de contemplar el fin de la naturaleza barata como la reafirmación de “límites de crecimiento” externos, sostengo que, a día de hoy, el capitalismo ha agotado la relación histórica que la produce. El fin de la naturaleza barata se comprende mejor como el agotamiento de las relaciones de valor que han restaurado periódicamente los “Four Cheaps”: trabajo, alimentos, energía y materias primas. Fundamentalmente, estas relaciones de valor son coproducidas por, y a través de, humanos con el resto de la naturaleza. La cuestión decisiva, por lo tanto, enciende las relaciones que envuelven y despliegan las sucesivas configuraciones de la naturaleza humana y extra-humana, simbólicamente capacitadas y materialmente realizadas, a través de la larga duración del sistema-mundo moderno. Significativamente, la apropiación de trabajo no remunerado —incluyendo los “regalos gratuitos” de la naturaleza— y la explotación del trabajo asalariado, forman una unidad dialéctica. Los límites del crecimiento enfrentados actualmente por el capital son suficientemente reales, y son “límites” coproducidos a través del capitalismo como ecología-mundo, uniendo la acumulación de capital, la búsqueda de poder y la coproducción de naturaleza como un todo orgánico. El límite de la ecología-mundo del capital es el capital en sí mismo.

In the last few years the so-called ‘360 deal’, in which record labels receive a portion of income from revenue streams such as merchandising and publishing, have become increasingly common in the recording industry. However, the most publicised 360 deals have been made not by labels but by Live Nation, the world’s largest live music promoter, and some have argued that the
emergence of the 360 deal reflects a shift in the balance of power within the music industry. This article provides an overview of 360 deals, discussing their emergence and overall structure as well as arguments for and against the 360 approach. It examines the broader implications of the
360 deal, concluding that the current situation of the major labels may not be quite as bad as is commonly perceived, and that the 360 approach may help them manage the challenges that they have faced in the last decade.

Knjiga proučuje neplačano umetniško delo in kulturno politiko v času samoupravnega socializma in na prehodu v obdobje postsocializma. Avtorica razvija argument v treh poglavjih: »Kulturna politika in paradoks neplačanega dela«, »Od avantgarde do alternative: umetniško delo in avtonomija v samoupravnem socializmu« in »Postsocialistična razlastitev: prekarizacija kulturnih podjetnikov in razredno razslojevanje kulture«. Prvo poglavje razčlenjuje konceptualni okvir, drugo in tretje pa vzpon neplačanega umetniškega dela v socializmu in poslabšanje delovnih razmer kulturnih delavcev v obdobju prehoda v postsocializem.
Osrednja teza knjige se nanaša na paradoksalno »avtonomijo« dela na področju umetniške produkcije. Avtorica ponuja objektiv, skozi katerega vidimo osupljiva protislovja v samem jedru umetniškega dela: čeprav institucija umetnosti zagotavlja relativno avtonomijo, ki umetnikom omogoča določanje vsebinskih okvirov njihovega dela kot specializiranega poklica, obenem organizira razmere za izkoriščevalski sistem, ki ga na področju kulture zaznamujejo nestalne oblike zaposlitve, podplačanost dela, plačna neenakost in nezanesljiva socialna varnost. Ugled in navidezna izjemnost umetniškega dela zakrivata nepravičnost prekarnega in pogosto neplačanega dela, ki vzdržuje institucijo umetnosti. Avtorica te razmere poimenuje paradoks neplačanega dela (prvo poglavje) in o njem razpravlja na primerih, ki zajemajo tako kulturnopolitične ukrepe, ki naj bi zajezili protislovja s pravno regulacijo umetniškega dela, kot tudi umetniške iniciative, ki so povezane s to protislovno zagato in se borijo proti njej (drugo in tretje poglavje).
Delo temelji na specifični feministični perspektivi, s katere avtorica analizira izjemnost umetnikovega ali umetničinega dela v primerjavi z neplačanim gospodinjskim delom. Namreč, ravno navidezna »notranja« poklicanost – k umetniškemu ustvarjanju oziroma skrbi za gospodinjstvo – obe vrsti dela razveljavlja v kapitalskem razmerju, ju dela za nevidni, kajti povezava s plačo bi gospodinje in umetnike vzpostavila kot delavce. Ker je umetniško delo običajno razumljeno kot izjemno, je državno reguliranje trga dela na področju umetnosti pojmovano kot nagrada za izjemnost, in ne kot zaščita delavskih in ekonomskih pravic kulturnih delavcev in delavk.
Z analizo ukrepov kulturne politike in umetniških bojev za novo vlogo umetnosti v socialistični družbi avtorica dokazuje, da je socialistični državi blaginje spodletelo oblikovati tak produkcijski model za umetnost, ki bi se izognil neplačanemu delu. Posledica tega je bil nastanek alternativne umetniške scene, ki je sčasoma postala sidrišče prekarnih delovnih razmer. Umetniško delo v samoupravnem socializmu je bilo tako ujeto v paradoks: po eni strani je bila kulturna produkcija podprta kot javna dobrina v socialni državi, po drugi pa je naraščalo število kulturnih delavcev, ki so bili podplačani in so delovali v  razmerah neenakopravne socialne zaščite in s pomanjkljivimi delavskimi pravicami. Knjiga nato z vidika politične transformacije socializma in vzpona neoliberalne vladnosti analizira neplačano umetniško delo ob vnovičnem premisleku političnega programa alternative osemdesetih let in s preiskovanjem poskusov neodvisne kulture v devetdesetih letih, ki je s sklicevanjem na avtonomijo hotela izboljšati delovne razmere za umetniško ustvarjanje. V zadnjem poglavju avtorica analizira uvedbo konkurenčnih odnosov na trgu kulturniške delovne sile – tako je kulturna politika na novo opredelila kulturne delavce, in sicer kot kulturne podjetnike – in pojasnjuje postsocialistični paradoks neplačanega umetniškega dela: medtem ko država še vedno (so)financira kulturno produkcijo kot javno dobrino, umetniško delo regulira z rabo izkoriščevalskih tehnik. S tem ustvarja podjetniške subjekte, ki na svoj račun in brez delavskih pravic tekmujejo za čedalje bolj pičla javna sredstva.

Global Cultural Economy critically interrogates the role cultural and creative industries play in societies. By locating these industries in their broader cultural and economic contexts, Christiaan De Beukelaer and Kim-Marie Spence combine their repertoires of empirical work across four continents to define the ‘cultural economy’ as the system of production, distribution, and consumption of cultural goods and services, as well as the cultural, economic, social, and political contexts in which it operates.

Each chapter introduces and discusses a different theme, such as inclusion, diversity, sustainability, and ownership, highlighting the tensions around them to elicit an active engagement with possible and provisional solutions. The themes are explored through case studies including Bollywood, Ghanaian music, the Korean Wave, Jamaican Reggae, and the UN Creative Economy Reports.

Written with both students, researchers, and policy-makers in mind, Global Cultural Economy, is ideal for anyone interested in the creative and cultural industries, media and cultural studies, cultural policy, and development studies.

This paper explores the process of building a new literary community of the young Russian-language writers in Kazakhstan starting from the 2000s. As a response to the shortcomings of previous literary infrastructure, writers created new ways of writing and literary interactions that can be called a new literary economy. The concept of literary economy refers to the act of a new literature creating its own infrastructure and literary space, with the objective of joining the world literary space. The young Kazakhstani authors produce a new type of literature by (re-)writing language, time and space, and in doing so they produce new bilingual, historical and spatial imagination that results in a new identity. In this process of rewriting, authors create surplus value for their works and capitalize on their particular literary and cultural identities. By ‘value’ I mean new meanings and new ways of being Russophone.

Situated in the south-eastern suburbs of Rome, between the Via Latina and Via Appia antica, the Caffarella valley forms part of the Appia Antica archaeological park. The constitution of a public park that would include the valley began amidst debates on the creation of the Appia Antica Park in the 1950s. The Caffarella Park was ultimately created in 2005 thanks to the joint efforts of citizens and institutions. However, various important areas have not yet been annexed and are therefore at the mercy of inconsiderate actions by private citizens. In this regard, the future of the Park remains undetermined.
This book, which ties into on-going discussions on the need to defend and promote the area, starts by asking some fundamental questions to reflect on the way in which both material and immaterial heritage can be democratically shared in Italy: what was the driving force behind decades of battles to make this space accessible to the public? why is this space so important to society? In what lies its value?
To address these issues, the cultural process underlying the development of a collective memory of the Caffarella will be investigated and contrasted with the notion of Antiquity that characterizes this archaeological site. The different meanings attached to the monuments and landscape of the valley over the centuries are analysed in the belief that value can be assigned only to what  is recognized. Starting with its ancient roots, the many stories of the Caffarella are told in order to depict the landscapes created by human hands and minds over time.

This article reviews an English translation of "First Principles of Islamic Economics" (Leicester: Islamic Foundation, 2011) by Maulana Sayyid Abu’l A‘la Maududi (1903–1979), a foundational document of the field, that was published in Urdu in 1969. After a brief Introduction the selections in this book are arranged in two parts: Islam’s philosophy (or system, the words are used interchangeably) of economic life, and the application of this philosophy to some specific economic issues. The article reviews the text, and provides a brief guide to the semantic minefield that readers of translated texts on Islamic economics must traverse.

Rodríguez Oliva, Lázaro Israel.
Economía creativa en América Latina y el Caribe: mediciones y desafíos / Lázaro I.
Rodríguez Oliva; coordinación, Alejandra Luzardo.
p. cm. — (Nota técnica del BID ; 1488)
Incluye referencias bibliográficas.
1. Cultural industries-Economic aspects-Latin America. 2. Cultural industries-Economic
aspects-Caribbean Area. 3. Creative ability-Economic aspects-Latin America. 4. Creative
ability-Economic aspects-Caribbean Area. I. Luzardo, Alejandra. II. Banco Interamericano
de Desarrollo. División de Innovación y Creatividad. III. Título. IV. Serie.
IDB-TN-1488

The pervasiveness of neoliberalism within the field of human geography is remarkable, especially when we consider its virtual absence from the literature less than a decade ago. While the growing attention afforded to neoliberalism among geographers is new, the phenomenon of neoliberalism is not. This paper traces the intellectual history of neoliberalism and its expansions across various institutional frameworks and geographical settings. I review the primary contributions geographers have made to the literature, and specifically their recognition for neoliberalism’s variegations within existing political economic matrixes and institutional frameworks. Contra the prevailing view of neoliberalism as a pure and static end-state, geographical inquiry illuminates neoliberalism as a dynamic and unfolding process. The concept of ‘neoliberalization’ is thus seen as more appropriate to geographical theorizations insofar as it recognizes neoliberalism’s hybridized and mutated forms as it travels around our world. I also consider some of the most salient ways that neoliberalism has been theorized among human geographers. In particular, I highlight understandings of neoliberalism as a hegemonic ideology, as a policy-based approach to state reform, and as a particular logic of governmentality, arguing that while there are significant differences between these various formations, it may also be important to work beyond methodological, epistemological, and ontological divides in the larger interest of social justice.

This work, pioneer in Bolivia in the investigation in the field of the economic theory of the art, analyzes the artists behavior before economic incentives. In this sense, it is proposed a model that explains the differential of laboral income among artists. The main conclusion suggests that only the experience from the variables of human capital theory affects directly the revenues of the artists.

This model supposes that the access to this experience is restricted by a double barrier selection, in one hand final consumers and in the other one expert-producer-union. In this sense, the investment in education, the free concerts, and other elements are constituted in the main strategies to cross them. Due to the dynamics of the market, this generates a process of constant signaling, which is constituted in the prestige that finally will determine the income differential. In order to validate this model it was generated a specific database for the group of instrumentalists interpreters of classical music in the city of La Paz.

Additionally, some characteristics of this population are described and settle down a comparison between its income level and that of its occupational group of reference. The document concludes with several suggestions of cultural politics after a reflection regarding the degree of the studied populations similarity with the described characteristics of the artists populations widespread in other contexts and their behavior modeled in the theory of the economy of the art.

O presente trabalho trata de uma proposição para a conceituação de territórios urbanos denominados Polos Criativos, a partir dos princípios da Economia Criativa. Tratamos da questão contemporânea que aplica a criatividade como eixo de desenvolvimento, dos territórios urbanos, seus espaços e relacionamentos com a cultura e apresentamos uma proposta metodológica para a identificação destes territórios no Brasil, através da observação de 5 potenciais polos criativos.

Pirates are often described as existing on the margins of the world economy, emerging from the outskirts to disrupt otherwise free capitalist markets. With this narrative in mind, it is not surprising that the pirate remains a marginal figure within both the fictional stories and historical accounts of the emergence of capitalism. This article, however, asks: What do we learn about the capitalist world economy if we understand the pirate not as an outlaw but as a fellow capitalist? Weaving together stories of the golden age of piracy in the Atlantic world with contemporary piracy in the Gulf of Aden, I argue that pirate capitalism helps us to understand the capitalist world economy, not only demonstrating the violence and dispossession at the centre of capitalist accumulation but also making visible the fluid relationship between capital, sovereignty, violence, and freedom. Le capitalisme pirate, ou l'accumulation primitive du capital lui-même Résumé On décrit souvent les pirates comme existant en marge de l'économie mondiale, surgissant de ses abords pour venir perturber des marchés capitalistes par ailleurs libres. Cette représentation une fois posée, il n'est pas surprenant que le pirate demeure un personnage marginal des récits fictionnels ou historiques sur l'émergence du capitalisme. Cet article pose cependant la question suivante : Qu'apprenons-nous de l'économie mondiale capitaliste si nous voyons le pirate non pas comme un hors-la-loi, mais comme un capitaliste lui aussi ? Entremêlant récits de l'âge d'or de la piraterie dans le monde atlantique et de la piraterie contemporaine dans le golfe d'Aden, je défends la thèse que le capitalisme pirate facilite la compréhension de l'économie mondiale

This article takes the case of Uber, a global platform specialized in transport technologies, to reappraise the claims of the sharing economy. The case presents a chronology of the struggles over the regulation of these digital markets in the US and France, using Uber´s self-description and web discourse for additional illustrative purposes. It exposes Uber´s
business model, the key driving actors and their strategies as well as multi-scalar countermovements. The analysis is framed from a Hayekian and a Polanyian perspective, and the potential of the sharing economy to go beyond market fundamentalism. The Polanyian utopia of sharing as more than market relations based on self-interest is mobilized for legitimizing the platform. The Hayekian utopia of a market society which transforms social relations of friendship and community service into market activities is describing actual development. Finally, Polanyian “counter movements” are described and their potentials are discussed.