Campaigns and Elections

Elected officials routinely do not reflect the racial diversity of the citizenry. In Latin America, these descriptive gaps are particularly pronounced. A growing number of studies investigate the causes of racial disparities in representation, however, extant research largely focuses on national assemblies. In this paper, I extend this well-trod line of research to an understudied context, local elections. Using a dataset that covers mayoral elections in Brazil, I demonstrate that multiple factors hinder Afro-Brazilians, who comprise a majority of the Brazilian population, from winning public office. I show that barriers to candidate entry, resource disparities between white and Afro-Brazilian candidates, and race-based preferences among voters contribute to racial inequality in political representation. These results indicate that members of marginalized racial groups often must overcome multiple barriers to achieve electoral success.

This article shows how the presence of an election campaign affects the way in which the main political leaders of 18 countries communicate on Facebook. Findings indicate the presence of robust qualitative and quantitative differences between campaign and peace-time periods. More specifically, this comparative analysis points out that election campaigns have a positive effect on the frequency with which political leaders update their Facebook pages and on the personalization of political communication, while a negative effect is associated with the publication of posts about policy issues and with a negative rhetorical strategy. No effect has been discovered concerning the privatization of political communication on Facebook. Finally, independent t-test analyses and bivariate correlations denote a generalized process of homogenization, whereby there is no single main impulse which governs the different communicative choices taken by political leaders on Facebook as an Election Day approaches.

Le vote, sous le règne du suffrage universel, est le principal mode de légitimation des régimes de démocratie représentative. Cette pratique générale – s’exprimer à échéance régulière pourl ’élection de ses représentants – recouvre un grand nombre de diversités. Diversité dans la nature des régimes : régimes parlementaire, semi-présidentiel ou présidentiel. Diversité dans les espaces-temps qui séparent les scrutins. Diversité surtout dans les modalités de l’élection.Le mode de scrutin est une des contraintes juridico-politiques qui entourent l’expression du suffrage. Depuis plusieurs années, la nature et les modalités des systèmes électoraux sont au centre de débats politiques et scientifiques. Certains Etats ont changé leur législation électorale récemment (Italie, Japon, Nouvelle-Zélande). En Belgique, la problématique d’un éventuel passage au scrutin majoritaire a été évoquée à plusieurs reprises. L’ouvrage fait le point sur l’état des principaux modes de scrutin à l’ceuvre en Europe. Une question centrale traverse le livre: dans quelle mesure le mode de scrutin « fait-il » l’élection ? Cette problématique est au cceur des différentes contributions à travers l’évocation de situations en Europe occidentale et centrale ou dans une dimension internationale – les élections pour le Parlement européen.Dans la deuxième partie du livre, la controverse est centrée sur la Belgique, à travers des interrogations clés : quelles raisons ont justifié le passage d’un mode de scrutin majoritaire au scrutin proportionnel en 1899 ? Quelles sont les modalités juridiques d’un éventuel changement de mode de scrutin ? Quels pourraient, enfin, être les effets d’un passage du mode de scrutin proportionnel à un scrutin majoritaire ?

Wie sieht die Zukunft der politischen Kommunikation in Deutschland aus? Wird es den gläsernen Abgeordneten geben, gewinnt die Europäische Union mehr Macht, können sich die traditionellen Leitmedien behaupten? Welche Chancen haben neue Parteien? Wird der Schlüssel zu politischen Karrieren das Internet? Wer schreibt und beeinflusst unsere Gesetze im Jahr 2030? Die Delphi-Studie geht diesen und weiteren Fragen mit einem innovativen Forschungsdesign nach. Über 100 Politiker unter 45 Jahren aus Parlamenten, Ministerien und Parteizentralen haben Schlüsselthesen zur Zukunft der politischen Kommunikation und Gesetzgebung bewertet. Die Ergebnisse der Befragung haben die Politiker erneut als Experten bewertet und kommentiert. Dieser Band stellt die Ergebnisse systematisch dar und diskutiert die Szenarien einer Politikergeneration, die in den nächsten Jahrzehnten die politische Verantwortung übernimmt.

Les électeurs choisissent-ils le parti qui leur correspond le mieux ? Disposer de plus d'informations entraîne-t-il plus d'hésitations avant de voter ? Comment les électeurs belges perçoivent-ils la démocratie ? Lors des dernières élections, plus de quarante pour cent des électeurs ont voté pour un autre parti que celui qu'ils avaient soutenu au scrutin précédent. Comment peut-on interpréter cette observation factuelle ? Qu'est-ce que cela nous apprend sur les réflexions des électeurs et sur l'état de notre système politique ? Décrypter l'électeur offre une vue complète sur les évolutions du paysage électoral belge. Les principaux chiffres et faits du dernier scrutin electoral sont présentés et disséqués. En outre, le livre propose toute une série d'analyses complémentaires sur des sujets comme les attitudes sousjacentes des électeurs, le débat communautaire ou le vote préférentiel. Des différences entre la Wallonie et la Flandre à la confiance des électeurs dans la démocratie : les principaux politologues belges proposent dans cet ouvrage l'une des synthèses les plus détaillées de l'électeur belge jamais publiée.

This Chapter interrogates the logics and technologies underlying the governance of elections in Africa. It defines elections, their nature and logics. It argues that elections are tools, which integrate electoral processes and systems to deliver on the people's choice of who will govern them. 'Free and fair' presuppose the existence of a 'free and fair' electoral commission, 'free and fair' machineries to run the elections, 'free and fair' systems and procedures for the conduct of those elections. It interrogates the role of stakeholders, before, during and after the elections and argues that elections reflect the independence and sovereignty of any nation. The Chapter presents a 5Vs framework of Volume (how many vote); Velocity (Speed) – the regularity of the elections; Value (the value of the elections as perceived by voters; Veracity (the trustworthiness and authenticity of the systems and outcomes); and Variety (diversity of voters and diversity of political parties). The Chapter argues that the prerequisites to hold free and fair elections include political will from the polity; transparency; a politically educated citizenry capable to act; unity in diversity (there can be many parties and tribes), faith and trust in the electoral systems, political parties and themselves; astute and smart systems and processes and bureaucracy.

Abstracts of International Conference “Elections in Africa”. First joint Conference of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Centre of African Studies of the Porto University in the “Internal Changes and Foreign Policy of African Countries” Conference Series. Moscow, Russia. November 1–2, 2018.

As one of the most memorable campaigners for the New Interest whigs in the Oxfordshire election of 1754, Lady Susan Keck inevitably became the subject of press ridicule and criticism. Undaunted and irrepressible, she not only continued to campaign, but also turned the criticism back on the Old Interest, effectively neutralising it. This detailed examination of Lady Susan's electioneering illustrates the possibilities for electoral involvement at mid-century that were available to a woman of rank and spirit who was determined to make a difference. Propelled into action by sheer frustration with the poor planning and lacklustre campaigning that had marked the New Interest campaign in the 1751 election, Lady Susan put her, not inconsiderable, energy into securing a victory for the New Interest. Driven by ideology rather than by family interests, she used her age, rank, sex and connections, to political advantage. Confident and characterful, she was ideally suited to the rumbustious, personal politics of the age. Most importantly, her canvassing achieved results and the eventual New Interest victory owed, at least in part, to her efforts.

The decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit in SpeechNow.org v. Federal Election Commission may augur a sea-change in the law governing campaign finance regulation. This article discusses the statutory and jurisprudential context in which the SpeechNow.org challenge to federal campaign finance laws developed; presents an overview of the decision of the Court of Appeals; and notes the potential implications of the decision for the future case law addressing the intersection of campaign finance law and the First Amendment.

The paper is an argument for a new approach to electoral reform in India. A detailing of what ails Indian elections is followed by a summary of reform initiatives so far. The paper then argues that while reform efforts so far have focused on supply side regulation, that is, laying down minimum conditionalities for a candidate to contest elections, it is now time to shift to an alternate and complementary paradigm. Demand side regulation, which the paper proposes, works by providing voters a performance report on the status of their constituencies based on certain pre-determined standardized pan-Indian parameters. Operationalization of this strategy
is discussed, as well as the distinction between the two reform approaches.

Precies een jaar na de regionale verkiezingen van 7 juni 2009 verschijnt bij VUBPRESS het boek De stemmen van het volk van de interuniversitaire onderzoeksgroep PARTIREP gecoördineerd door prof. Kris Deschouwer (VUB). Het doet enkele opmerkelijke vaststellingen over het stemgedrag van de Belgische kiezer. Zo blijken partijen als VB en LDD helemaal niet zoveel Vlaamsgezinde kiezers aan te trekken als ze zelf doen uitschijnen, en zou de afschaffing van de kiesplicht weinig veranderen aan het politieke landschap. En hoewel er zich bij elke verkiezing schijnbaar grote en plotse verschuivingen voordoen, zijn deze in werkelijkheid erg oppervlakkig en zeker niet het gevolg van een veranderde samenleving. Vier politicologen van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel, de Université Libre de Bruxelles, de KU Leuven en de Universiteit Antwerpen hebben de gewestverkiezingen van 2009 aangegrepen voor een grondige studie over het stemgedrag van de Vlaamse en Waalse kiezers. Ze ondervroegen een representatieve groep kiezers vlak voor én meteen na de verkiezingen. De resultaten van dit onderzoek verschijnen nu gebundeld in het boek De stemmen van het volk, en bieden een interessante kijk in de hoofden van de Belgische kiezers. Uit de conclusies kunnen heel wat lessen getrokken worden voor de verkiezingen van volgende week. Dit boek bespreekt verder ook de mogelijke gevolgen van de afschaffing van de opkomstplicht, de mate waarin mensen over politiek praten, de redenen waarom kiezers een voorkeurstem uitbrengen, de verwachtingen van kiezers ten opzichte van hun vertegenwoordigers en de rol die politiek dienstbetoon en verzuildheid vandaag nog spelen. Wie dus wil weten hoe een stem tot stand komt, vindt de antwoorden in dit boek.

For decades, Spanish politics has revolved around two major parties, which have divided up power between the two of them in most institutions since 1982. They are the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and the People's Party (the conservative PP). In recent years, their hegemony has suffered as a result of, above all, the economic crisis that has beleaguered the country since 2007 and generated a high rate of unemployment (25%), which surpasses 50 percent among Spanish youth. As a result, protests against Spain's ruling class (spearheaded by the 2011 “indignados” [the outraged] movement and significant protests in other sectors of society) have become widespread.
Nonetheless, until quite recently no political party capable of articulating that citizen indignation had arisen. The results of the May 2014 European Elections, as well as opinion polls published afterward, indicate that party may be Podemos [literally, “We can”], which came on the scene in March 2014, earned 8 percent of the vote in the aforementioned elections and, since then, has continued its marked upward climb in the polls. In fact, the most recent polls show that Podemos enjoys levels of support near those of the PP and the PSOE (with each one near 25 percent).
Podemos features a bottom-up party structure, as seen in citizen associations connected through a series of “Circles” (local assemblies) which make decisions through voting. On the same token, decisions and nominations are also made through an online voting process, which led to the selection of the party's leader, Pablo Iglesias. But, at the same time, in the party's genesis and its success we also find a top-down strategy: Iglesias's front-and-center position as a guest on several national television programs, which transformed him into a well-known person throughout the country. This circumstance has benefited Podemos by allowing the party to combine its assembly model with a hyper-leadership structure represented by Iglesias.
In this paper we propose an analysis of the internal functioning of the party and its structural make-up in terms of two electoral processes: the 2014 European Elections, when Podemos was still an unknown; and the internal elections process developed by Podemos in October and November 2014, which defined its organizational structure and the leadership of Pablo Iglesias. The proposed methodology will consist of: 1) a descriptive analysis of the development of both campaigns, based on available information in the media; 2) an analysis centered on the presence of Podemos in social networks and the mainstream media, in addition to electoral results and polls; and 3) a qualitative study of the internal structure of the party and its internet-based mobilization strategies, through in-depth interviews with leaders and supporters of Podemos.
The analysis will attempt to determine: the party's decision-making process, along with the type of relationships established between leaders and supporters; to what extent the Internet is used as a primary tool for organization, mobilization and political propaganda; and the extent of the clash or harmony between the party's opposed dynamics: on one hand, the bottom-up structure of the citizen assemblies and, on the other, the top-down structure inferred from Pablo Iglesias's hyper-leadership and the media presence of the party's principal leaders.

The presidential petition was on the 5th September 2016 dismissed by Zambia’s Constitutional Court on account of the 14 days as provided for in the amended constitution having elapsed on Friday 2nd September 2016. The petitions followed a hotly contested presidential race between the incumbent Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front, PF and his closest rival Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development, UPND.

The petition had been filed on the 19th August 2016, four days after a disputed declaration of the incumbent as President-elect. The petition was supposed to be heard within fourteen days as provided in Article 101(5) of the Constitution which states that;
    (5)The Constitutional Court shall hear an election petition filed in accordance with clause (4) within fourteen days of filing of the petition.

A l’occasion de chaque élection, les cartes sont redistribuées. Des partis perdent, d’autres gagnent. Rapidement des conclusions sont tirées des résultats pour mettre en évidence ce que les électeurs ont voulu signifier précisément. Pourtant, peu après un scrutin, nous n’en savons guère sur ce qui s’est véritablement joué. Qui a voté pour quel parti ? Qui a changé de parti à cette occasion ? Pourquoi un électeur a-t-il opté pour tel(s) parti(s) et pas pour d’autres ? Sur quelles bases se sont opérés les choix ?



Ces questions peuvent être traitées sur la base d’une enquête, où un échantillon représentatif de la population électorale se voit soumettre un jeu complet de questions. Cet ouvrage présente les résultats d’une enquête de ce type menée à l’occasion des scrutins régionaux de juin 2009, en Flandre et en Wallonie. Réalisée dans le cadre du réseau scientifique PARTIREP, associant l’Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB), la Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB), l’Université d’Anvers et la KU Leuven, soutenu par la Politique scientifique fédérale, il décrit et explique la voix et le choix du peuple. Ces voix s’expriment parfois nettement en faveur du changement. Pour autant, les électeurs ne sont pas vraiment capricieux. Le contexte socio-économique et un certain nombre d’opinions sur l’homme et la société anticipent dans une large mesure les votes des citoyens en faveur des partis qui se disputent leurs suffrages. Les résultats de l’enquête révèlent la faiblesse du thème communautaire dans le choix des électeurs flamands et wallons, et les partis fixés sur ces thématiques engrangent des voix bien au-delà des segments électoraux qui lui portent une forte attention : en particulier, les électeurs méfiants envers le système politique. Paradoxalement pourtant, la méfiance est plus grande en Wallonie qu’en Flandre, mais les électeurs y trouvent beaucoup moins qu’en Flandre des partis porteurs de cette méfiance et surfant sur le populisme.



Ce livre examine en détail l’impact possible de la suppression du vote obligatoire, la façon dont les citoyens discutent de la politique, les raisons qui mènent au vote de préférence, l’expression des attentes des électeurs envers leurs représentants de même que l’attitude envers les services rendus par les responsable politiques. A partir d’une enquête de grande envergure menée en trois temps, ce livre offre des réponses exceptionnellement précises sur l’essence et les ressorts du comportement électoral en Wallonie et en Flandre.

""Den „Vater aller WahIkampfmanager in der Bundesrepublik“ nannte ihn Peter Radunski. Harry Walter, Jahrgang '29, hat rund 90 Wahlkämpfe hinter sich. Als Stratege und Werbechef für die SPD in Bundes-, Landtags-, Kommunal- und Europawahlen seit 1969. Auch für Sozialdemokraten im Ausland – in der Türkei. in Kenia, Israel, Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica und Portugal.
Zunächst raste er als Fotoreporter durch das Nachkriegs-Berlin, ging dann an die Werbefachschule und hörte nebenbei an der Freien Universität. Seine Abschlussarbeit über den Wahlkampf '57 schickte er an die SPD nach Bonn. Keine Antwort. Erst als die Kreativdampfwalze aus der Werbebranche 1969 die SPD-Agentur ARE Kommunikation übernahm, wurde Walter zum Full-Service-Wahlkampfprofi für Themen, Technik, Abwicklung und Finanzen.
SPD-General Peter Glotz wollte den Oldtimer 1982 nicht mehr. 1987 und 1990 holte man ihn, mittlerweile im Ausland hochgeschätzt, für kleinere Aufträge zurück. Nach den Wahlkämpfen in NRW und Mecklenburg-Vorpommem 1994 will er sich zur Ruhe setzen.
Mit der OZ sprach die lebende Legende über Wahlkampf, Geld, Plebiszite, Politprofis und die Oma mit der Plastiktüte. Und was der „Bauchmensch“ Harry Walter gegen „politologisch und soziologisch geschulte Eierköppe“ hat.
""

This paper assesses the patterns of financing politics in democratizing Indonesia at both the national and local level. In doing so, it explores practices of money politics in three areas, namely political parties, elections, and parliaments. Money politics in political parties works in selecting leaders and candidates for the legislative and executive branches. This paper shows that party financing in Indonesia is based on the elite party model. Money politics in elections has to do with candidates' efforts to mobilize voters. Vote buying is the most popular electoral strategy in legislative elections as well as in direct regional elections. Meanwhile, money politics in parliament refers to the behavior of members of parliament and of governors, mayors, and regents when they try to gain access to State resources, and the consequences of their behavior. This paper argues that money politics in these three areas is interrelated. Money politics in one area generates money politics in other areas. Consequently, the way politicians manage their political financing has influenced democracy in post-Suharto Indonesia.

Philippe Carasco, Nikolas Dörr, Die Bedeutung von Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik im Wahlkampf. Eine vergleichende Betrachtung der Bundestagswahlen 2002 und 2013, in: MIP – Mitteilungen des Instituts für deutsches und internationales Parteienrecht und Parteienforschung an der Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf (PRuF), 20. Jahrgang, Nr. 1/2014, S. 64–71.

Introduction: The main objective of this research article is to study the tendency towards the spectacularization of political information in the news coverage of Donald Trump, the republican candidate for the presidency of the United States, by El País, the most-read daily newspaper in Spain, throughout the electoral campaign: from the announcement of his candidacy on 17 June 2015 to one week after his victory on 15 November 2016. Methods: The study is based on the quantitative and qualitative content analysis of 462 news pieces on Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, published in the aforementioned newspaper during the period of study, and the textual analysis of 320 strategy frame news on Trump. Results and conclusions: The results reveal the preeminence of the strategy frame, the greater relevance given to Trump, and the construction of two antagonistic characters (Clinton the heroine and Trump the antihero) inserted into a mythical story with no happy ending.

Over the past twenty years, the scientific community and politicians in consolidated democracies have been regularly alarmed by political and electoral participation, portrayed as undergoing a brutal and linear decline. Each election is now scrutinized in terms not only of its results but also of its level of electoral turnout. This paper deals with two important issues—the reality of changes in electoral turnout in Europe and the impact of the institutional constraint of compulsory voting in voter turnout levels—through an analysis of 402 elections held in thirty-five States from 1944 until December, the 31st 2009. We do ob- serve a contemporary erosion of voter turnout but at this stage voters are not so impossible to find as some claim they are. Furthermore, the assumption that interest in, and the importance of, compulsory voting as an institutional constraint encouraging voter turnout is confirmed.

In this study, researchers explored how political candidate's used social media in Dhaka City Corporation election 2015. As we may already know, political candidates have made use of online platforms in this election. The researchers began the study with such queries as to ‗whether Facebook really is an effective medium for disseminate election-related information? What types of content is currently being used in Facebook pages to persuade voters? What types of feedback are given by the said voters? What interactions transpire between FB administrators and voters?' Results show normalization at play in DCC cyber campaigning, as most of the candidates target urban & young voters. This social media campaign plays role to engage the voters with election & politics. Findings on the political use of SNS by campaigners indicated that they used this platform to transfer political information, involve voters, share political videos, photos and links, discuss political issues, and to give campaign updates. Slowly social media is putting impact on the campaign process. This platform provided a cheaper means of campaigning for less known candidates. It facilitated the recruitment of volunteers and supporters. The lack of equitable access to internet across the country and lack of skill to use it effectively, using social media for election campaign is a big challenge as the content has no variation than the offline media. Study predicts that, although it's having some limitations but still in the future social media campaign will be an important aspect for election campaign beside the TMM campaign. As these newer forms of technology are actively being embraced by the political parties.

Mit dem ehemaligen US-Wahlkampfberater Dick Morris führte p&k ein Gespräch über die Unterschiede im europäischen und amerikanischen Wahlkampf [INTERVIEW with political consultant Dick Morris about differences between European and American election campaigning]

Debates about the role of money in politics are commonplace. Although some critics point to the potentially negative impact spending has in elections, most recent scholarly evidence indicates that spending may actually promote greater participation in the political process. However, most of this research has uncovered this relationship in races for more visible offices; few studies have focused on whether the same linkage is present in low-information elections. For a variety of reasons, it is not altogether certain whether this relationship would exist for such offices. To test this proposition, we examine the impact of campaign spending on voter rolloff in 172 contested races for intermediate appellate courts (IAC) between 2000 and 2008. In contrast to other types of elections, combined candidate spending in these races had no effect on ballot rolloff.

Peter Thiel speaking at the 2016 Republican National Convention in support of businessman Donald Trump recalls for me the arguments I made about Thiel, business, and 'good citizenship' in this short chapter.  Looking at a variety of combinations of citizenship and values, it argues that we must be attentive to how citizenship and value - as ‘good citizenship’, ‘bad citizenship’, or indeed ‘non-citizenship’ - are constantly combined, defined and redefined as well as attached to and detached from individuals, institutions and political communities to complete sentences like this one – ‘Good citizenship is…’.

This chapter explores the political ideologies, narratives, and political programs on the political campaign posters during the elections. The political campaign posters often include symbolic meanings, related to nationalism, social democracy, and religion as a propaganda method for gaining support from the voters during the elections. Such complex political campaigns match a very complex political system in Bosnia and Herzegovina that has a tripartite presidency, 14 governments, and 136 different ministries. For the sake of a concise understanding of the relationship between political ideologies, political campaign posters, and elections, this paper examines the 2018 general elections in which the participation 69 parties, 34 independent candidates, and 36 coalitions. Through the prism of semiotic analysis, it is significant to analyze the ideology, political campaigns, and elections. For the sake of a visual and textual presentation selected political posters will be analyzed within the theoretical discussion through semiotic and content analysis. The aim is to analyze what is the relationship between visual graphic elements and the ideological rhetoric of political parties? What political parties on their political campaign posters want to portray or conceal? To what extent the political parties have designed their election campaigns by using the presence of conservative, nationalist and social-democratic elements of visual persuasion?

Why are campaign advertisements utilized in congressional
campaigns? This study examines the factors that influence if
and the extent to which campaign ads are sponsored by candidates.
Using the 2008 Wisconsin Advertising Project, the 2010
Wesleyan Media Project data sets, and original data on all U.S.
House Candidates in the 2008 and 2010 general election, we
investigate the candidate- and district-level factors that influence
the use of political advertisements. The results indicate the
competitiveness of a race, ad costs, heterogeneous media markets,
and campaign contributions influence when and the
extent to which candidates expend resources on political ads.

Mussolini's Fascists staged their "March on Rome" in 1922 and bluffed their way to power.

GERMAN / DEUTSCH Mit dem inszenierten „Marsch auf Rom“ tricksten sich Mussolinis Faschisten 1922 an die Macht.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Ästhetisierung, Bewegung, Demokratie, Duce, fascismo, Faschismus, Film, Frankreich, Gewalt, Gewerkschaften, Großbritannien, Hitlerputsch, Italien, Journalismus, Marsch auf Rom, Medien, Mostra della Rivoluzione fascista, Mussolinismo, Nationalismus, Nationalsozialismus, Öffentliche Meinung, Personenkult, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Rechtsextremismus, Risorgimento, Ritual, Sozialismus, Straßenterror, Symbolik, Syndikalismus, Terrorismus, Vereinigtes Königreich, Volksempfänger, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Fasci d’azione rivoluzionaria, fasci di combattimento, Faschistische Partei, Istituto Luce, Partito Nazionale Fascista, Schwarzhemden, Sozialistische Partei Italiens (PSI), Squadrismo, Squadristen, Squadristi

PERSONEN: Italo Balbo, Gustave Le Bon, Gabriele D’Annunzio, Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Emilio De Bono, Giuseppe Garibaldi, Adolf Hitler, Giacomo Matteotti, Benito Mussolini, Friedrich Nietzsche, Georges Sorel, Viktor Emanuel III (Vittori Emanuelle III)

PUBLIKATIONEN: Avanti, Il Popolo d’Italia
"

Politicians have been quick to adopt and leverage social media to engage voters. Micro-blogging on Twitter is a campaign tool that helps a political candidate directly interact with citizens through a shared conversation. It also allows the candidate to use a personal campaigning style based on a more everyday (versus an institutionalized) style of speech. The aim of this article is to analyse the extent to which the candidates for the presidency of the two leading parties in Spain deployed this personal strategy on Twitter during 2011 General-Election campaign. In order to achieve our goal, we have designed and used a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the 2.274 tweets put out by both candidates’ accounts: @conRubalcaba and @marianorajoy.

The exercise of franchise and fielding of candidates for electoral positions in most democracies are costing fortunes for candidates and political parties. Funding electoral campaigns has become critical and determines to a long extent who contests elections in developing countries. In spite of several check rules and measures, access to state treasury had facilitated funding of political activities and programmes especially those in power. To that end, this paper seeks to examine how the Peoples " Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC) financed their campaigns for the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria. It further seeks to determine the accepted sources of funding for political campaigns while appraising the ongoing probe of abuse of arms(security) vote by the Jonathan " s government. It also examines the sources of fund available to other political parties.

What are the characteristics of pre-democratic elections? This article seeks to answer this question by analyzing the Brazilian First Republic. Through an original assessment of formal complaints filed by defeated candidates in federal elections, we show that 1) political conflicts were intense and electoral fraud was a consequence of parties' inability to monopolize the administrative machine in charge of conducting elections; 2) elections were organized by state parties, but voting practices were confined to local environments; and 3) voters were mobilized collectively, not individually.

O crescimento do número de parlamentares evangélicos ao longo das últimas legislaturas acompanha o crescimento populacional de brasileiros evangélicos em todo o Brasil. Esta lógica faz sentido a partir do momento em que o eleitorado evangélico passa a buscar opções de candidatos que possam vir a representar seus interesses no Parlamento em concordância com os princípios da religião, e há também o crescimento de candidatos que se utilizam do discurso da religião para atraírem votos dos fiéis. Os candidatos que se declaram como Pastor, por exemplo, já enviesam seu eleitorado-alvo como aqueles pertencentes à religião e tendem a buscar seus votos. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar se os candidatos evangélicos possuem um perfil de arrecadação diferente dos outros candidatos e necessitam de um menor financiamento de campanha para conseguirem se eleger. O objetivo é analisar os candidatos pastores para Deputado Estadual e Federal em todos os estados na eleição de 2014 em contraposição com os outros candidatos.