Constitutional Making Process

The theoretical-abstract category of hybrid constituent power and the crisis of democracy: materializing new meanings for internationalization of the constituent power

Carina Barbosa Gouvêa

(…)A pesquisa objetiva, com isso, oferecer ao pensador do direito constitucional e comparado, uma nova hipótese de incidência que advém do poder constituinte originário ao qual denomino de “poder constituinte híbrido” e que pode ser identificado a partir da intervenção direta e indireta dos organismos internacionais ou potências estrangeiras, mais precisamente, da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) nos processos de constitution-making em nações recém democratizadas na fase constituinte.

Esta análise se constitui elemento indispensável para que se possa aferir a capacidade de resposta do universo teórico suscitada pela sempre desafiante tarefa de empoderamento do sistema dos direitos. Desta forma, conhecer os termos de como o poder constituinte híbrido vem se manifestando se constitui relevante para o desenvolvimento dos próprios elementos caracterizadores do poder constituinte; a subcategoria não possui precedentes teóricos capazes de estabelecer freios e contrapesos para a atuação das grandes potências e comunidades internacionais e pode conduzir  à afetação direta com a chamada crise do Estado de Direito e dos sistemas democráticos.

Essa questão factual – efeito do poder constituinte híbrido no que toca a cautela de se empreender a reedificação nacional  e a instauração de regimes que possam emancipar o sujeito constitucional, proteger e promover, seja na esfera individual, seja na esfera e eficácia das instituições políticas – guarda relação com o fenômeno patológico da crise dos sistemas democráticos. Esta crise constitui na verdade a “negação do projeto de efetividade dos direitos humanos” e à possibilidade de regressão do status quo da nação “recém democratizada”.

A partir destas variáveis encontra-se posto o grande problema que também precisa ser  enfrentado: a forma como a ONU empreende a constitution-making na fase constituinte, nas nações recém democratizadas, auxilia na construção que vai estruturar o viver constitucional a partir de um desenho institucional cooperado e está alinhada às liberdades fundamentais e às ferramentas que serão cunhadas para conformar a nova realidade social ou esta intervenção contribui para agravar a crise do Estado de Direito e dos sistemas democráticos que impõe?

Não tem a investigação a pretensão de esgotar o conteúdo possível de melhores práticas nos processos que envolvam a construção de uma constituição, principalmente por compreender que este é um exercício complexo, vivo, dinâmico e que deve ser atualizado periodicamente pela nação.

A visão atual do conceito de poder constituinte híbrido rompe com uma posição teórica construída principalmente no século XIX, fundada nas ideias do liberalismo. Estamos diante de uma redução teórico-sistemática do poder constituinte e sua natureza? Segundo Dantas, devemos ainda estar preocupados com uma análise sociológica da relação do poder constituinte, principalmente por ser ela o produtor inicial da Constituição.

De tudo que foi apresentado, busca-se, com base no reconhecimento da nova alternativa teórica, principalmente em contextos transicionais, seja para compor os destinos do Estado, seja para o futuro de seu conteúdo ou de seu modelo organizacional como estado constitucional, um aprofundamento no debate que deve buscar dar conta das (re)formulações de alternativas possíveis para a emancipação do sujeito constitucional e das instituiçoes e  que sofre de forma direta e indireta a intervenção a partir da materialização do poder constituinte híbrido.

Espera-se que a pesquisa, com a metodologia empregada, possa convidar teóricos e pesquisadores para compor o debate referente ao poder constituinte híbrido.

Jon Elster suggested that the constitution-making enterprise
can be understood resorting to two types of “speech acts”:
“arguing” and “bargaining”. He also makes reference to
“rhetorical statements”. Thus, the model seems to be triadic: arguing, bargaining and persuading. The analysis of constitution-making debates could be improved by developing this triadic model. In order to test this model, I will analyze the debate that led to the promulgation of article 29 of the Italian Constitution.

Why were the "founding fathers" of Argentina unable to constitutionally organize the country in the Congresses of 1816-9 and 1824-7? And why did the provinces reject the Constitutions of 1819 and 1826?
Historically, the rejection of such constitutions opened one of the harshest and most convulsed periods of our civil wars. For more than 25 years, our country was plunged into circumstances of deep conflicts that culminated in the 1850s, with the secession of Buenos Aires from the rest of the country, and its subsequent reincorporation through force and armed confrontation.
The conceptual questions are equally or even more challenging: can constitutions be written and agreed upon in situations of deep conflict? And if the constituents are aware of such a circumstance of conflict, why and for what do they write constitutions that will be rejected? These are the central questions that this work tries to answer. Our objective is to investigate the reasons why congressmen elected to write a constitution that works and organizes a country design and propose constitutional schemes that are later not accepted.

Tanto durante las transiciones a la democracia que tuvieron lugar desde finales de los años 70 hasta principios de los 90 como, más recientemente, en el contexto de regímenes
democráticos ya establecidos, los debates acerca de cómo crear una nueva constitución han ocupado un lugar fundamental en la experiencia constitucional Latinoamericana. No
obstante ello, existen pocos trabajos que busquen sistematizar de manera conceptual y empírica la rica información disponible acerca de procesos constituyentes en la región.
Este artículo es un primer esfuerzo en esa dirección

Our problems are man-made. Therefore they may be solved by man. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings & “The time to repair the roof is when the sun is shining.” – John F. Kennedy

This research has unlocked a lot of valid and useful information that will entirely shape all future constitutional interventions in the United Republic of Tanzania. The current constitution-making impasse is human(s) made and can also be solved by a human(s). From the beginning of this survey, there is one empirical truth that has run across it: this truth is the fact that a given process invariably determines the product of that process.

In the case of any constitutional reform-making process, the framework laws have to be deliberately crafted in a manner likely to safeguard the process from being hijacked by a minority group and meant to ensure that the process is free from being held hostage by participants with a conflict of interest. Crafting the framework laws on the above lines would require that these framework laws do provide for provisions guaranteeing genuine participation by people, and free from controversies. Unless the framework laws are so crafted then the product of such a process could not be a people’s centred constitution.

The survey has revealed that the level, nature and type of participation by the public are the key determinants of the form and content of the proposed constitution. The peoples’ will and voices must thus be heard and respected. Critically reviewing literature drawn from most countries, in most cases, a national constitution and its constitution-making process invariably determines a given country’s direction in terms governance and the extent to which the given country manages to successfully address its fate with respect to any vicious cycle of poverty it may have hitherto been experiencing. In the light of the findings of this study, it is reasonable to propose that in Tanzania the role of faith-based organisations, media and CSOs as neutral actors are destined to play a key role in setting up a viable way to correctly stir/inform the public and to act as mediators in endeavours meant to resolve the current deadlock and stalemate caused by two opposing
political ideologies both tainted by vivid conflict of political interests.

There is thus a dire need to
ensure that the public receives correct and timely information which will empower them to take
leadership in the making of their own constitution by considering not just what they know but
what they seriously want to know even when they are unable to explain it in a rational way.

The most powerful way of exerting sovereignty in the constitutional
democratic state is making or remaking of a constitution. The people, who have authority over the constitution, is the final source of legitimizing the constitution-making. Regarding the establishment of a constitution is qualitatively different from the establishment of other lower norms, the legitimacy of the constitution ought to stem from the people’s will. Thus, it is not enough to legitimize the constitution-making process formally and indirectly by the representatives, or rather, the people must legitimize the constitution-making substantively and directly.
Recently the Korean people broke through the constitutional crisis by active participation in politics: so-called “Candlelight revolution”. So it is required as well as it is a requirement from the people, who certainly created the constitutional momentum, to participate in the constitutional amendment process, which means redesigning the country. However, neither the Korean Constitution nor the current steps to amend the Constitution by the government and the parliament guarantee the people’s substantial participation in the process of constitutional amendment. But, in fact, many physical and technical conditions which set the limit on the direct democracy has changed. Moreover, in the comparative perspective, constitution-making cases with crowdsourcing measures in Iceland, Ireland, and Mexico City are very inspiring and encouraging.
To sum up, this paper will commit to the democratic legitimacy in the
constitution-making and emphasize that the upcoming constitutional amendment should be led by the people, considering the constitutional momentum in Korea. Accordingly, this paper will introduce comparative cases which performed the crowdsourcing constitution-making and will discuss the applicability and the benefits of the constitution-making process with public participation in Korea.

Ementa: A disciplina contextualizará o estudo do denominado “constitucionalismo
populista” cujo conceito tem sido ferozmente contestado. O constitucionalismo populista
investe nas formas de explorar as maneiras pelos quais os “populistas” usam as
ferramentas de mudança constitucional, além do modo como empregam o exercício de
poder. Assim, a categoria tem proporcionado a análise tanto para contribuir para a
transição de um regime autoritário para um ambiente mais plural, auxiliando, ainda, no
rejuvenescimento de uma sociedade estagnada, bem como para capturar a degradação
incremental das estruturas e substâncias da democracia constitucional liberal, conectando
o surgimento e a ascensão de novas formas de atuação governamental, que, na prática,
têm agido de forma persistente para enfraquecer os limites constitucionais, assumindo a
consolidação da denominada crise do sistema democrático. A disciplina se concentrará
em três partes distintas: constitucionalismo populista, jurisdição populista e a crise dos
sistemas democráticos.

... Since the major guerrilla organizations (FARC and ELN), were left out of the ANC, this reform was unable to pacify Colombia in a way comparable to the FN. • Pact ... This pact was incorporated in the decree 1926, promulgated by Gaviria under state-of-siege. ...

Os sistemas democráticos incorporaram alguns mecanismos de natureza instrumental como a teoria da separação dos poderes de Montesquieu . Esta teoria vem acompanhando o estudo do constitucionalismo e das constituições ao longo dos tempos. Pode-se dizer que constitui uma ideia básica para a modelagem do desenho institucional, eis que se centra em torno de três ramos governamentais: poder executivo, legislativo e judiciário - aqui pensado como uma separação necessária para prevenir e controlar o poder . Por que reacender a clássica teoria da separação dos poderes? Estamos diante de uma teoria já consolidada ou ainda não entendemos o “espírito das leis”?

Public participation in constitutional reform can play a key role in legitimizing and constructing a lasting constitution. However, few resources have been invested in determining why exactly this is, and what factors should be considered when designing such a process. This paper tackles these difficult questions, investigating the justifications for including public participation in constitutional reform processes and outlining the factors that seem to be the most important to consider when creating a public participation program. After examining how public participation programs were run in Uganda, Kenya, and South Africa during their periods of constitutional reform, the paper then turns to outlining a design for a public participation mechanism for Liberia's current reform processes.

Yirminci yüzyılın son çeyreği ile yirmi birinci yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde anayasa yapım yöntemlerinde paradigmatik bir kırılma meydana gelmiştir. Daha önce kurucu meclis sistemi içinde temsilcileri aracılığıyla anayasa yapımında söz sahibi olan bireyler, bu dönemden itibaren doğrudan anayasa yapımına katılma imkânı elde etmiştir. Artık anayasa yapımının meşruiyetini sürecin kapsayıcılığı ve bireylerin sürece ne ölçüde katıldıkları belirlemektedir. Demokratik bir anayasanın ortaya çıkabilmesi için anayasayı meydana getirecek sürecin anayasa ile muhatap olacak tüm unsurları kapsaması, sürece dahil etmesi ve sürecin sonunda bu unsurların üzerinde uzlaştığı bir metin meydana getirmesi gerekmektedir. Bu çalışmada çeşitli ülke örneklerinden yola çıkılarak anayasa yapımında ortaya çıkan bu değişimin ana hatları incelenecektir.

The empirical evidences of constitution-making conducted by the United Nations (UN) represent a significant challenge to contemporary constitutional law and to the deeper tradition of modern constitutionalism.  By incorporating the ideals that sustain democracy to the UN there was a change of perspective as to its role: the political-juridical structuring of a nation in turmoil. This paper discusses the pre-constituent and constituent stages of the constitutional assistance processes developed by the UN in states that have democratization needs. The focus of the discussion relates to the possibilities and limitations of such processes, led by the UN as an international institutional authority with the aim of being responsible for the appeasement of large areas of turmoil. Whether in the pre-constituent phase, or in the constituent phase, we are addressing political-legal processes in which a global international organization interferes in the adoption or reform of a constitution by a national state. The fact reveals, firstly, the political, economic and social fragility of certain parts of the world - subject to fratricidal disputes that include the violence and the subjection of considerable parcels of their populations. Secondly, the fact reveals the difficulty that the global international system encounters in positioning itself adequately in the face of the problem without the marks of colonization. The problematization, from the subject of study, adopts a dogmatic profile and is promoted through an interdisciplinary approach, guided by the critical-dialectical model. It was undertaken, during the research of qualitative data collected from the real events, with the objective of explaining, exploring and describing current phenomena inserted in the analyzed context. Thus, the research is based in the following elements: doctrine and official documentation issued by the United Nations.

KEYWORDS: United Nations. Constitutionmaking
processes. Pre-constituent phase.
Constituent phase.

As the world grows ever smaller from the impact of globalization and technological advance—which effectuate the interdependence, cross-pollination, and ease of communication between the various cultures and nations of the world—increasing opportunities arise for foreign and international actors to influence political and legal reform abroad.  In many instances, this influence is voluntarily sought and given. In others it is imposed on averse or apathetic populations. Though the manner, means, and degrees of such influence take many different forms,  the simple fact remains that increasing numbers of persons and institutions are advising on political and legal reform abroad, and that there have been both success stories and notable failures.  Some scholars have expressed reservation at the possibility for such advisors positively to affect such processes,  but the increasing opportunities and the emergence of expertise in the field of constitutional design can, if approached properly, promote valued ends.
          Given the professionalization of many disciplines, there is no reason for people to work in the dark when expertise exists.  But what is the nature of this expertise and how can we ensure that it serves the interest of those seeking guidance? Drawing on various ethical traditions, lessons from recent constitutional reform efforts and the rich history of foreign “borrowing” of legal traditions, this paper seeks to build upon the friendship model of constitutional advising originally advanced by David Williams to construct a professional ethic for the work of constitutional advisors engaged in work in foreign contexts.  In doing so, this paper will propose a framework for thinking about constitutional advising, ultimately distilling a set of fundamental principles to guide consulting work and engaging in an analysis of the various mechanisms that can operate to incentivize the ethical conduct of this emerging profession.
          The propagation of such a set of guidelines is vital to both the interests of the emerging practice of constitutional design as an interdisciplinary field of law and policy and to the interests of those calling upon consultants to enable them in the complicated process of establishing a system of self-governance.  Ultimately, the paper recognizes one primary ethical dilemma regularly encountered by those engaged in the work of constitutional advising: the conflict between the institutional mission or personal values of the advisors and the self-conceived interests of those seeking a new fundamental legal ordering. In reconciling this inherent tension, this paper ultimately proposes a set of guidelines for professional conduct centered around the ethical principle of the “duty to enable,” gleaning duties to third persons and the expectations of competence, diligence, communication, independence, and truthfulness from the ethic of enabling that is central to this profoundly important work.

“70 YEARS OF THE UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS, A UNITED NATIONS APPROACH TO DEMOCRACY AND DEMOCRATIZATION: PAVING THE WAY FOR "COOPERATED DEMOCRACY"

Introduction 1 1 understanding of the democratic regime: a method for the construction of the rules of the game; 2 the need to conform the constitutional sign: The paths of representation, deliberation and participation; 3 1 United Nations approach on democracy and democratization; 4 1 Critical Analysis: "cooperated democracy" as a living organism that represents the integration of powers and development; Conclusion. 

Embracing the idea of the structuring of social coexistence in collectives as a necessity, the dilemma is ready, related to the way of formulating the choices of this same group and the possibly democratic character of this mechanism of Specification of collective options, that is, the "indefiniteness of meanings" that reflects democracy and democratization. 
Identify who are the people, the foundations and the structures that have the authority (internal or external), and also the mechanisms according to which the group's choices can materialize is a central element of this construction of a collective living that is represented by democracy.

The cover that covers any semantic determination tends, in a way, to limit the expansion of the meaning of a word in analysis. The scope of the etymological definition of democracy can be understood through its descriptive use which, in turn, is subdivided into the democracy of the Ancients – dictating as a determinant the power of demos, and the modern ones – the power of the representatives of the demos. 
Constant, exploring the path of man's struggle for freedom, states that for the Ancients democracy is reflected in the participation in the decisions taken within the city, while, for the modern ones, is characterized by the distance of the people with the elites Policies. 
The rule of law and democracy correspond to two ways of seeing freedom: in the denominated "rule of law", it is predominantly in its negative character, of defense, which curves power, blocking its intervention. Already in the "democratic state", there is the same attribute now manifest in its positive feature, based on the exercise of power and this is the one that legitimizes the authority.

Although the popular government is the subject of many magical letters, it cannot be interpreted solely by its "original" meaning. The words written in a formal document cannot reach all, their dictates. The constitutions cannot predict future disputes, so they are already born with a gap. They are not fully determined or totally indeterminate. 
It is Jackson's assertion that the vision of constitutional law must perceive democracy as "a living tree." A metaphor that captures the idea that a "living" document is not limited by its origins. The interpretation of any democracy must vary through the legal sources and the various understandings, transmitting the idea of equilibrium so that the tree cannot fall: too rigid structures tend to reach the time factor, which represents, Also, the materialization of institutional crises. 

What ultimately allowed to broaden the view that democracy today is not only realized by the possibility of choosing political actors, but also includes a constitutional protection that states: the superiority of the fundamental letter; The existence of fundamental rights; The legality of State actions; A system of legal and procedural safeguards; decentralization and integration of powers. Constitutions may be concerned not only with authority to legislate, but allow democracy to play its role, which is multidimensional.
Being still the concept of democracy the main engine of the mode of government, the great difficulty is to determine "what is" and "what comes to be" in this new regime. This is because its development is not "linear, because it is always subject to stumps and setbacks. 

It means that it is not enough to mention his name to legitimize his performance. Perceiving the unrealism of this simple and unitary notion that does not constitute a collection of individuals among themselves, but having as a recipient a complex set of classes, races, clans, stings, religious groups, whose power and influence vary enormously from Time and country to country. 
The conceptual evolution also allowed to find representation through external inputs, that is, international bodies. For the United Nations (UN), democracy encompasses in its bulge the forging of a letter of rights and guarantees; contributes to the preservation of peace and security; Ensures justice and human rights and promotes economic and social development. It means that it has the firm purpose of establishing a "democratic culture" in war-ravaged societies and for the purpose of determining sustainable peace. 

There is no doubt that democracy has become a dominant belief in the contemporary world and, for Sen, it is a demanding system and not just a mechanical condition. Viewed from this perspective, its merits and its claims can enrich the lives of citizens considering that political freedom is crucial to the development of individuals as social beings; Has an important instrumental value, it reinforces the hearing through which people can express their claims; and its practice retrofeeds collective learning and helps society to form its values and priorities. It has a constructive importance, especially with the assurance of open discussion, debate, criticism and dissension, which are fundamental to the process of generating choices. 
At the present moment, it is understood as an open model, "a process subject to a continuous invention and reinvention", allowing to be questioned, at any time, the forms of social coexistence. It would be a great misunderstanding to believe that democracy, as a constitutional reason for a political regime, has an immutable and eternal essence, whose ideal inspired all democratic models of government of peoples. The being in transformation is its natural and dynamic state.


The article is part of the pioneering research undertaken by Gouvêa and intends to explore the concept of democracy and the trajectory that marked the contemporaneity in a perspective of constructing semantic senses to enable the identification of a better understanding Of the rules of the game. It is part of a critical analysis of the "old democracy" to find a meaning that represents democracy as a living organism, aligned with the decentralization of power, integration and development. Subsequently, the conceptual definition of democracy and democratization undertaken by the United Nations will be exposed. The concepts presented were extracted exclusively from their publications, reports and experiences. This option proved to be adequate, since it sought to essentially reflect its principles, fundamentals and objectives. The next step will be to align the democratic ideals undertaken by the UN from a critical vision that represents democracy as a living and multidimensional organism through the paths that lead to "cooperated democracy".
Given this panoramic exposition of the organization of the text, as well as known the problem on which it focuses and the objective that is indicated, the methodological path that is imposed here is that of a bibliographic and documentary research. 

Historically, in spite of many chances to amend the Constitution after the revolution and people’s sacrifices, people could not participate in the actual constitutional amendment processes. The ‘Candlelight Revolution’, in which nearly 17 million people participated without any physical conflicts, finally led the impeachment of the former president and the election for new president. In respect that the revolution achieved the goal by lawful means instead of violence, it means a peaceful revolution combining legitimacy with legality. Now it’s time to discuss how to amend the Constitution, as a result of the revolution, to contain the people’s sovereign will and consensus more than ever.
Recently around the world, there is a new trend in constitution-making to focus more on the ‘process’ rather than the ‘contents’ of the constitution. We can also find the constitution-making cases with people’s wide participation through online in Iceland, Ireland, and Mexico City. With people’s participation in constitution-making process, the legitimacy of the new constitution and the stability of constitutional order could be enhanced, and civic education through the process itself could be possible, thereby fostering authorship and ownership of the new constitution. In addition to that, the new constitution could get a chance to accept fresh and useful contents from people’s diverse ideas which reflect the spirit of the times, and national integration could also be expected.
This essay proposes a council for constitutional amendment led by ordinary people, not by a small group of politicians or parliament, fit for participatory and deliberative constitution-making. In order that the parliament and the government should make a law to provide financial support and personnel to the council. The members of this council should firstly prioritize the main values and themes for the new constitution. And then, the council should aim to make a draft after receiving suggestions from the public using the online/offline platform and providing feedback to them. If the final draft is made, it should be submitted by President to the parliament for voting and then to a national referendum according to the constitutional amendment process prescribed in the present Constitution. If we could make a new constitution through this process, it means that we achieve a ‘revolutionary constitution-making’ by combining substantial legitimacy with formal legality, which is unprecedented in history.

ÖZET:
Bir ülkedeki siyasal, ekonomik ve toplumsal güçler, o ülkenin demokrasiye geçişi bakımından büyük etkiye sahiptir. Bu unsurlar, aynı zamanda, anayasasının yapımı sürecinde de etkin rol oynamaktadır. Özellikle halkın anayasa hakkındaki düşünceleri ve anayasaya olan saygıları, anayasal değişme açısından oldukça önemli bir husustur. Bu sebeple, toplumun her kesiminin anayasa yapım sürecine katılımı büyük önem taşımaktadır. Nikaragua’nın 11. Anayasası olan 1987 Anayasası, Nikaragua’da demokrasiye geçiş süreci sonunda hazırlanmıştır. Bu Anayasa’yı yapanlar, yapım sürecinde herkesin görüşünü almak suretiyle uzlaşmaya dayalı bir yeni anayasa hazırlamaya çalışmışlardır. Çünkü 1987 Anayasası, o dönemde, hem Nikaragua’da bütün sınıfların yeni rejime olan desteğini sağlamak hem de insan haklarını garanti altına alan bir anayasa olduğu için uluslararası desteği sürdürmek bakımından gerekli olması sebebiyle büyük önem taşımaktadır. Her ne sebeple olursa olsun, 1987 Nikaragua Anayasası’nın yapım süreci, halkın anayasa yapımına katılımını ve yeni anayasaya desteğini sağlamak bakımından dikkate değer bir örnek teşkil etmektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Demokrasiye geçiş, demokratikleşme, anayasa yapım süreci, Nikaragua’da siyasi gelişmeler, 1984 seçimleri.


ABSTRACT:
Political, economic and social powers in a country have a great impact on democratic transition. These factors play an active role in constitution making process as well. Especially public opinion and respect for constitution are very essential aspects of constitutional transition. Therefore, it is very important to ensure participation of every segment of the society in constitution making process. The Constitution of 1987, the 11th constitution of the Nicaragua, was drafted as a product of the democratic transition process in Nicaragua. The lawmakers then tried to  legislate a new constitution based on consensus by taking everyone’s opinion during the constitution making process. The Constitution of 1987 was of vital importance not only in the sense that it ensured support of every segment in the society to the regime, but also it guaranteed respect for human rights as it was quite essential in order to maintain international support. Whatever the reason might be, the constitution making process of the Constitution of 1987 constitutes a considerable example in terms of ensuring public engagement and support.
Keywords: Transition to democracy, democratization, constitution making process, political developments in Nicaragua, elections of 1984.

VI Constitutional Law Congress
Publius 2017
Roundtable 5: Constitutional Emancipation and International Context

CARINA BARBOSA GOUVÊA (UFRPE / UNESA-RJ) – “THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF INSTITUTIONAL DRAWING AND THE PROBLEM OF DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY IN THE TRANSITIONAL CONSTITUTIONALISM” 

The role of the United Nations (UN) in the construction of institutional design - constitution-making process – is capable of promoting constitutional emancipation or contribute to the crisis and erosion of constitutional law?

The empirical experience of constitution-making carried out by UN in countries like East Timor, the Republic of Haiti, Sudan, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Bosnia, Nepal, the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Republic of Iraq demonstrate that such practices, although for common purposes, that is, redemocratization, are in evolutionary process and in need of improvement, whether they are in the pre-constituent, constituent or post-constituent processes. The Charter forged under the auspices of the UN is indicative of intentions, from the moment it applies a theoretical-abstract model of constitutionalism which is in tune with the transition  and transformation  categories of constitutionalism.
This intervention shows the difficulties which different social realities present, such as promoting popular participation, as well as a growing westernization, meaning that too much international influence can be detrimental to the constitutional process and content.

As velhas questões que envolvem políticas de migração, imigração, nacionalidade, pessoas e cidadãos continuam a desafiar o constitucionalismo, a democracia e os direitos humanos. Nos dias atuais, o movimento de entrada ou saída de indivíduos de um país para o outro ou dentro de um mesmo país – de um estado para o outro, de uma cidade para a outra etc. – (migração) é imenso, como nunca se viu!

Também nunca se presenciou tamanho fluxo de estrangeiros vindos de todos os lados do globo (por motivos dos mais diversos, v.g., catástrofes, guerras, procura de um futuro melhor) rumo às terras brasileiras (imigração), visando aqui se estabelecerem e “ganharem a vida” .

Compreender e lidar com esse fenômeno, com a pluralidade étnica (e ética) que faz parte de uma nação (e ínsita às nações), a partir do histórico da diversidade sociocultural em nível mundial, constitui um desafio que as nações de pessoas constitucionais (inclusive a nação brasileira) precisam alcançar e superar.

A sociedade brasileira, como de resto ocorre com a maior parte das sociedades do mundo atual, depara-se com um século (o presente século XXI) onde a diversidade se faz presente e é complexa, o que traz para a realidade a necessidade de remodelação diante do que seja aquele difuso conceito histórico de “nação brasileira” . O quadro que se instala faz intensificarem-se os debates acerca dos desafios abertos pelos novos processos de mundialização do capital (globalização da economia), principalmente, sobre o trânsito de pessoas entre as novas fronteiras geopolíticas . O transnacionalismo é a tônica do presente século e um fenômeno irreversível .
A Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos (1948) assegura o direito de ir e vir das pessoas em todo e qualquer país .

Neste sentido, compete a cada nação independente e soberana, estabelecer suas regras internas para o reconhecimento e efetivação desse direito universal. Cada sociedade legisla de acordo com seus próprios interesses no tocante à abordagem de fluxos migratórios , de modo que a regulamentação desse fato social assume importância estratégica para os governos.

Mas nesse contexto é preciso ressaltar que o fenômeno (i)migratório não é um episódio dissociado das relações humanas, onde não há perda, restrições e privações de direitos básicos de seres humanos ao se cruzar fronteiras. Ao contrário! Ao se transpor as barreiras transfronteiriças fatos e surpresas ocorrem, nem sempre boas, mas situações que colocam em risco a vida de (i)migrantes se apresentam e muitas vezes vitimizam aqueles que se aventuraram (por vontade ou necessidade) a deixarem o seu lugar de origem, principalmente quando se verificam casos de migração ilegal.

Isto porque o quadro que se verifica é que os Estados têm atribuído direitos de cidadania com base na nacionalidade, portanto, pertencer a um determinado Estado torna-se necessário para ser oficialmente reconhecido e capaz de se mover, trabalhar e viver .

Ao lado desse fator, considerando o direito de livre circulação dos seres humanos em igualdade de condições e direitos, evidentemente adaptado aos contextos de determinadas circunstâncias e especificidades que devem ser consideradas, os problemas desencadeados pelos fluxos (i)migratórios que atualmente se verificam em diversos países do globo e, notadamente no Brasil, devem ser encarados de frente e com responsabilidade pelos governos, onde a preocupação com a proteção dos direitos humanos dos (i)migrantes deve se converter em atitudes práticas; assim como políticas públicas efetivas devem ser o alvo dos poderes públicos nacionais nesse sentido. Presente, portanto, a real necessidade de prover esta circunstância, não peculiar, com a aderência do núcleo mínimo do direito universal, incluindo a política da boa governança e da nacionalidade, a fim de se solidificar o conteúdo essencial dos direitos humanos fundamentais em favor dessas pessoas.

O presente texto tem como finalidade realizar uma abordagem acerca do fenômeno (i)migratório enquanto um descolamento que carece de proteção e de políticas públicas levadas a efeito pelas autoridades constituída dos países, visando-se a proteção dos direitos humanos dessas pessoas. Também busca analisar o caminhar do Brasil no estabelecimento de uma legislação e política migratória voltada à proteção dos direitos humanos fundamentais dos migrantes. Em seguida é analisado um caso especifico de conflito atual envolvente dos problemas imigratórios: uma decisão do Tribunal Constitucional da República Dominicana à luz dos diretos humanos fundamentais, passando-se, ato contínuo, à análise do direito à nacionalidade enquanto um direito humano fundamental.

"UN's interventions on the constitution-making process in political transition States: the role of the UN in the rescue of the democratic order"

ABSTRACT
The present work aimed at verifying the institutional ability of United Nations (UN) to contribute to the generation of a legitimate order in those countries passing through stages of redemocratization from the perspective how it undertakes the constitution-making process. The research was made from a path, wich comprises the democracy, the democratization, the analysis of transitional constitutionalism, transformative constitutionalism and democratic constitutionalism, and the theoretical and empirical framework in the field of consolidating democracy and creation of a constitution by UN view. Determined these assumptions, the theoretical dimension in the constitution-making process that the UN can promote is, in theory, a unique building architecture, with capability to social and human development support. This dimension aligns itself with theoretical and abstract concepts of the democratic, transformative and transitional constitutionalisms, once it invests in the potential of modifying a policy of segregation status for the implementation of an evolutionary social reality scenario in which it occurs. It is noticed that the displacement of the concepts, created by the UN to a country that is going through a political transition process, requires primarily a tune with the reality in which they focus, once that the research revealed a high potential to generate a illegitimate constitutional charter. Finally, transition constitutionalism and transformative constitutionalism are able to find answers to the forging of a legitimate and democratic constitution, because they are enablers of the formation of the collective will. Additionally, it points out for legitimization of further prognosis of fundamental charter for a finely tuned constitutional practice with the concept of democratic constitutionalism of Post and Siegel.

Keywords: Transition Constitutionalism – Transformative Constitutionalism - Democratic Constitutionalism - Constitution-Making Process by the UN

SUMMARY 
INTRODUCTION 
Chapter 1 DEMOCRACY IN CONTEMPORARY: BUILDING IDENTITY
1.1     Semantic agreement: a process subject to a continuous invention and reinvention
1.2     An understanding of the Democratic Rule: a method for the construction of game rules
1.3     The need to conform the Constitutional Sign: paths of Representation, Deliberation and Participation
1.4     A critical analysis: Democracy as a living organism that represents Decentralization of Power and Development
Chapter 2 BUILDING A ENVIRONMENT THAT ENABLES DEMOCRACY THROUGH DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTIONALISM
2.1 Constitution and Constitutionalism: understanding their essence
2.2 Developing New Constitutionalism categories: an essential exercise for the living of the Constitution
2.2.1 Transition Constitutionalism
2.2.2 Transformative Constitutionalism 
2.2.3 “Democratic Constitutionalism”
Chapter 3 THE UN ROLE IN THE CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY AND CONSTITUTION-MAKING
3.1 A United Nations approach: conceptualizing Democracy and Democratization
3.2 Democracy and Human Rights: independent and related ideas
3.3 Changing perspectives regarding the UN Role: the political and legal structuring
3.4 Foundational Charter: a prerequisite for achieving the Development of Nations
Chapter 4 ANALYSIS OF CONSTITUTION-MAKING FROM UN INTERVENTION: MATERIALIZATION DIFFICULTIES OF TRANSITION AND TRANSFORMATION CONSTITUTIONALISMS
4.1 Constitution-Making
4.2 The Intervention in the Pre-Constituent Phase
4.2.1 Support for election campaigns
4.2.2 Intervention in educational campaigns and popular participation
4.3 Intervention in the Constituent Phase
4.3.1 The contribution to the constitutional process design and the enunciation of the constitutional content
4.3.2 The composition of the Constituent Assembly: in search of constitutional legitimacy
4.3.3 Proposition of the substantive democracy
4.4 Intervention in the Post-Constituent Phase
4.4.1 Constitutional development
4.4.2 Constitutional effectiveness
4.5 The UN Intervention through pratical perspective 
Chapter 5 CASE STUDY - UN INTERVENTION IN POLITICAL AND LEGAL STRUCTURE OF EAST LESTE
5.1 East Timor: characteristics and nature of conflict
5.2 The UN intervention in the Pre-Constituent Phase
5.3 The UN intervention in the Constituent Phase
5.4 The UN intervention in Post-Constitutional Phase
5.5 Transition, Transformative and Democratic Constitutionalisms and Legitimacy of the East Timorense Constitutional Charter
CONCLUSION
REFERENCES




RESUMO
A presente obra teve por objetivo verificar a aptidão institucional da ONU em contribuir para a geração de uma ordem legítima naqueles países em estágio de redemocratização a partir do modo que empreende constitution-making. A investigação se fez a partir do percurso que compreende a de­mocracia, a democratização, da análise das categorias mais modernas que o constitucionalismo manifesta – o constitucionalismo de transição, de transformação e democrático –, e do referencial teórico e empírico, no campo da consolidação da democracia e na criação de uma constituição pelo olhar da ONU.
Fixadas essas premissas, a dimensão teórica nos processos de constitution-making que a ONU possa promover é, em tese, uma singular arquitetura de construção, com aptidão à promoção do desenvolvimento social e humano. Percebe-se que o desloca­mento dos conceitos, idealizados pela ONU para um país que es­teja atravessando um processo de transição política, exige “prioritariamente” uma sintonia com a realidade em que eles incidem, tendo em vista que a pesquisa revelou um alto potencial para gerar uma carta constitucional ilegítima, tanto no momento das escolhas das formulações políticas quanto da proposição em con­creto de conteúdo de opções valorativas.
Aponta-se, ainda, para um prognóstico de legitimação ulterior da constituição, por uma prática constitucional afinada com o con­ceito de “constitucionalismo democrático” de Post e Siegel, que pode promover uma institucionalidade em sintonia com a rule of law e com os valores democráticos.
Palavras-chave: Constitucionalismo de Transição – Constitucionalismo de Transformação – Constitucionalismo Democrático – Processo de Constitution-Making pela ONU

SUMÁRIO
LISTA DE ABREVIATURAS E SIGLAS
INTRODUÇÃO
Capítulo 1 DEMOCRACIA NA CONTEMPORANEIDADE: CONSTRUINDO IDENTIDADE
1.1 Acordo Semântico: um Processo Sujeito a uma Contínua Invenção e Reinvenção
1.2 Uma Compreensão do Regime Democrático: um Método para a Construção das Regras do Jogo
1.3 A Necessidade de Conformar o Signo Constitucional: os Caminhos da Representação, da Deliberação e da Participação
1.4 Uma Análise Crítica: a Democracia como Organismo Vivo que Representa Descentralização do Poder e Desenvolvimento
Capítulo 2 CONSTRUÇÃO DE UM AMBIENTE QUE VIABILIZE A DEMOCRACIA ATRAVÉS DO CONSTITUCIONALISMO DEMOCRÁTICO
2.1 Constituição e Constitucionalismo: Compreendendo sua Essência
2.2 Desenvolvendo Novas Categorias de Constitucionalismo: Um Exercício Essencial para o Viver da Constituição
2.2.1 Constitucionalismo de transição
2.2.2 Constitucionalismo de transformação
2.2.3 "Constitucionalismo democrático"
Capítulo 3 O PAPEL DA ONU NA CONSOLIDAÇÃO DA DEMOCRACIA E NA CONSTITUTION-MAKING
3.1 Uma Abordagem das Nações Unidas: Conceituando Democratização e Democracia
3.2 Democracia e Direitos Humanos: Independentes e Conexos
3.3 Mudança de Perspectivas Quanto ao Papel da ONU: A Estruturação Político-Jurídica
3.4 A Carta Fundacional: um Pré-Requisito para Alcançar o Desenvolvimento das Nações
Capítulo 4 UMA ANÁLISE DE CONSTITUTION-MAKING A PARTIR DA INTERVENÇÃO DA ONU: AS DIFICULDADES DE MATERIALIZAÇÃO DO CONSTITUCIONALISMO DE TRANSIÇÃO E DE TRANSFORMAÇÃO
4.1 Constitution-Making
4.2 A Intervenção na Fase Pré-Constituinte
4.2.1 O apoio às campanhas eleitorais
4.2.2 A intervenção nas campanhas educacionais e de participação popular
4.3 Intervenção na Fase Constituinte
4.3.1 A contribuição no desenho do processo constituinte e a enunciação do conteúdo constitucional
4.3.2 A composição da assembleia constituinte: em busca da legitimidade constitucional
4.3.3 Proposição da democracia substantiva
4.4 Intervenção na Fase Pós-Constituinte
4.4.1 Desenvolvimento constitucional
4.4.2 Eficácia constitucional
4.5 A Intervenção da ONU Através de uma Perspectiva Prática
Capítulo 5 ESTUDO DE CASO DA INTERVENÇÃO DA ONU NA ESTRUTURAÇÃO POLÍTICO-JURÍDICA DO TIMOR-LESTE
5.1 Timor-Leste: Características e Natureza do Conflito
5.2 A Intervenção da ONU na Fase Pré-Constituinte
5.3 Intervenção da ONU na Fase Constituinte
5.4 A Intervenção da ONU na Fase Pós-Constituinte
5.5 O Constitucionalismo de Transição, de Transformação e o Democrático e a Legitimidade da Carta Constitucional do Timor-Leste
CONCLUSÃO
REFERÊNCIAS

Bu çalışma, mevcut konjonktür altında Türkiye'de yeni bir anayasa girişiminin gerekli olup olmadığını ve bu girişimin ne anlama geldiğini değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. 1982 Anayasası birçok kez kapsamlı değişiklikler geçirmesine rağmen halen siyasilerin ve toplumun çoğunluğu tarafından eleştirilere maruz kalmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda 2021 yılında iktidar bloku tarafından yeni anayasa çağrısı yapılmıştır. Ancak, muhalefet 2011 yılındaki sürecin aksine iktidar blokunun bu çağrısına olumsuz cevap vermiştir. Dolayısıyla siyasal elitler arasında yeni anayasanın zamanına ilişkin bir uyuşmazlık olduğu gibi yeni anayasanın içeriği üzerinde de anlaşmazlık bulunmaktadır. Bunun da ötesinde yeni anayasa, farklı bir anayasacılık paradigmasının zuhur etmemesi karşısında rejimin temelleri anlamında eski anayasayı büyük ölçüde takip edecektir.

In 2014, Tunisia’s National Constituent Assembly (NCA) almost unanimously approved the country’s first democratic constitution despite significant identity-based divisions. Drawing on the Tunisian case, the article explores the role of an inclusive constitution-making process in fostering constitutional agreement during democratization. Emerging studies that link different process modalities to democracy have so far brought only limited illumination to how inclusive processes matter, nor were these propositions systematically tested. Using process tracing, and building on original interviews gathered in Tunisia between 2014 and 2020, this article traces a causal mechanism whereby an inclusive constitution-making process allowed for a transformation of interpersonal relationships between political rivals. It demonstrates that more than two years of regular interactions allowed NCA deputies to shatter some of the prejudices that initially separated especially Islamist and non-Islamist partisans and develop cross-partisan ties, thus facilitating constitutional negotiations. However, I argue that the way these transformations contributed to constitutional settlement is more subtle than existing theories envisaged, and suggest alternative explanations. The article contributes to the debate about constitution-making processes by unpacking the understudied concept of partisan inclusion and applying it empirically to trace its effects on constitutional agreement, bringing precision and nuance to current assumptions about its benefits.

E foi maravilhoso o encontro com os acadêmicos da FDUFBA no dia 27 de abril para discutir a minha pesquisa, as intervenções da ONU no processo de constitution-making nas fases pré-constituinte, constituinte e pós- constituinte. Um tema curioso e que desperta!
Agradecendo o convite do Prof. Dr. Maurício Requião, ao Centro de Pesquisasse Jurídicas da UFBA pela organização dos trabalhos e aos professores debatedores Profº Drº Geovane Peixoto e Profº Drº Gabriel Marques que contribuíram grandemente para deixar a reflexão ainda mais intrigante.
Casa cheia e noite memorável!

The present work aimed at verifying the institutional ability of United Nations (UN) to contribute to the generation of a legitimate order in those countries passing through stages of redemocratization from the perspective how it undertakes the constitution-making process. The research was made from a path, wich comprises the democracy, the democratization, the analysis of transitional constitutionalism, transformative constitutionalism and democratic constitutionalism, and the theoretical and empirical framework in the field of consolidating democracy and creation of a constitution by UN view. Determined these assumptions, the theoretical dimension in the constitution-making process that the UN can promote is, in theory, a unique building architecture, with capability to social and human development support. This dimension aligns itself with theoretical and abstract concepts of the democratic, transformative and transitional constitutionalisms, once it invests in the potential of modifying a policy of segregation status for the implementation of an evolutionary social reality scenario in which it occurs. It is noticed that the displacement of the concepts, created by the UN to a country that is going through a political transition process, requires primarily a tune with the reality in which they focus, once that the research revealed a high potential to generate a illegitimate constitutional charter. Finally, transition constitutionalism and transformative constitutionalism are able to find answers to the forging of a legitimate and democratic constitution, because they are enablers of the formation of the collective will. Additionally, it points out for legitimization of further prognosis of fundamental charter for a finely tuned constitutional practice with the concept of democratic constitutionalism of Post and Siegel.

Keywords: Transition Constitutionalism; Transformative Constitutionalism; Democratic Constitutionalism; Constitution-Making Process by the UN