Crime Control

Policing cannot be an isolated activity as it entails constant interaction with individuals, communities and various institutions. In many cases, collaboration with Civil Society is essential for preventing and reducing crime and violence. Statistical information on crime can provide guidance for preventing future incidents and developing public policy for long term changes.

RESUMO O objetivo deste artigo é descrever e analisar a situação carcerária no Brasil; orienta-se pelo seguinte problema: como tem evoluído a população prisional no Brasil e quais as condições dos estabelecimentos prisionais? Como se trata de um mapeamento nacional, enfatizamos que se trata unicamente de uma abordagem geral, que será objeto de futuro aprofundamento, pois a peculiaridade de um Estado federal de dimensões continentais como o Brasil torna mais difícil a análise e requer um olhar detido para as realidades locais. Ressaltamos que a proposta insere-se no rol de atividade do grupo de pesquisa Política Criminal (Uniceub-UnB), integrante da rede RELAPT-Red Eurolatinoamericana para la prevención de la Tortura y de la violência institucional. Utilizamos a metodologia de análise documental dos dados oficiais disponibilizados por organizações internacionais de Direitos Humanos, dos relatórios das comissões nacionais que fazem inspeções nos presídios e das estatísticas oficiais disponíveis no Brasil sobre população prisional, a partir do ano 2000, com especial ênfase nos dados disponíveis no período compreendido entre 2008 e 2014. Palavras-chave: encarceramento, direitos humanos, política penitenciária, Brasil 1 Uma versão distinta foi publicada pela Revista Brasileira de Ciências Criminais, Dezembro de 2016.

This chapter argues that harm is central to crime, as reflected in early legal doctrine, ongoing scholarly debate, and contemporary criminal policy, but not a substitute for crime. It describes a systematic, evidence-based approach to operationalising ‘harm’ in criminal policy and criminology, namely, a harm assessment framework; shows how harm assessment can serve criminal policy and criminology; and proposes using ‘harmfulness’ as a criterion for establishing criminality and to inform decisions about law enforcement priorities, sentencing, victim assistance programs and restorative justice, all with the potential to advance social justice. On that basis, the chapter supports the zemiological perspective, without abandoning criminology.

The article constitutes the first comprehensive review of the EU's export of crime control policies and 'aid to internal security' across regions over the last 15 years. Drawing on both International Relations and criminology, it develops an analytical framework to identify the political rationalities and technologies of crime control that the EU attempts to transfer across the Eastern and Southern (extended) neighbourhoods. By scrutinising 216 projects aimed at combating transnational crime beyond Europe's borders, spanning law enforcement, border security, criminal justice, and the penitentiary sector, the empirical analysis is geared towards detecting and systematising the ways of thinking and doing crime control that the EU seeks to promote and export. Moreover, it investigates the 'action at a distance' whereby it does so. It is argued that in shaping third countries' ability to criminalise, police, indict, convict, and punish, the EU is simultaneously defining its own security actorness, specifically consolidating its role as a 'global crime fighter'.

Criminal deportation policy in Canada follows a cyclical rather than a linear or partisan pattern. Based on a case study of Haitian residents deported between 1989 and 2009, I argue that criminal deportation cannot be explained as a stable proportion of the pool of permanent residents, but rather in terms of the political attention it generates. A change-point analysis identified two separate political mobilization phases. During the first phase (1994–1998), the integration of long-term residents is defined as a political issue and is translated into legislation (Bill C-44). The second phase (2003–2005) is a new episode of expansion that reformulated the issue around the concepts of risk and efficiency (Bill C-11). Despite recent legal reforms designed to accelerate removals of foreign criminals (Bills C-43 and C-60), the arrival of the Conservative Party (2006–2009) coincided with a decrease in criminal deportations during the period under review.

La politique de déportation criminelle épouse une trajectoire cyclique et non partisane. Sur la base d'une étude de cas de résidents haïtiens déportés pour criminalité entre 1989 et 2009, je soutiens que la déportation criminelle ne s'explique pas comme une proportion stable du bassin de résidents permanents mais par l'attention politique qu'elle génère. Une analyse de points de rupture multiple distingue deux phases de mobilisation pénales distinctes. La première phase (1994–1998) correspond à la désignation du problème, puis à sa formulation en projet de loi (C-44). La deuxième phase (2003–2005) correspond à un nouvel épisode de durcissement par une reformulation de l'enjeu autour des notions de risque et d'efficacité (C-11). Malgré le dépôt de réformes législatives visant à accélérer la politique de déportation criminelle (C-43, C-60), l'arrivée du Parti conservateur (2006–2009) correspond à une baisse de la mobilisation pénale durant la période à l’étude.

The paper analyzes Malaysia’s experience in crime control. It offers insights on how a whole-of-government perspective, underpinned by a dynamic outcome-based performance management system, or DPM, supports governments in bringing about progress in crime reduction. Although not exhaustive of all factors contributing to crime control, the paper argues that DPM can make collaboration in designing and implementing policies for crime control more effective, by enabling policy-makers frame causal links between strategic resources, performance drivers and outcomes.
The feedback-loops underlying the crime-control system’s behavior should be governed in a way that enables policy-makers to build up a substantial and consistent endowment of strategic resources to affect sustainable outcomes. The deployment of these resources should help achieve—by affecting performance drivers, outputs, and intermediate outcomes—the ultimate outcome in crime control, namely, public perception of safety. The DPM approach applied to collaborative governance in crime control also suggests that policy-makers should build up and deploy strategic resources (most of which are intangible), such as political and administrative commitment, citizen participation, span of accountability, leadership, transparency, and trust. The mode of implementation can also influence success in crime control.
Accordingly, a blend of top-down and bottom-up implementation and a culture of collaboration should also expedite crime reduction.

The accelerated development in the industry of weapons has reshaped the human behaviors, which led to spreading of wars and terrorism. Since World War I, homeless people could not live without making crimes as a source of income. Residential compounds, private proprieties, and public projects have become attraction points magnetizing robbers. Consequently, architects have realized the importance to use design strategies reducing crimes. The scale of crime prevention is varied to cover a single building or a group of buildings. This paper proposes awareness-guidelines for 'architecture against crime' to be considered before setting the urban design of residential compounds in particular. It is a qualitative research based on a theoretical approach defining the meaning of crime then presenting a literature review highlighting previous architectural attempts in crime prevention. After that the paper deducts specific criteria for reducing crimes in the residential compounds. These criteria will be examined through analyzing three public housing projects; (WOES Public Housing in New York City, Sejong Public Housing Development, Sejong City, South Korea, and Abode at Great Kneighton Cambridge Shire Housing Project, Cambridge, UK). These case studies have been selected for implying certain urban treatments and elements that urban designers provided to reduce crimes. This analysis ends with a comparison between the case studies to conclude general guidelines that can be used as a formal code in the urban design of housing projects. Finally, the paper sets a group of conclusions to be a warning alarm provoking architects and urban designers to think firstly and before anything in life safety.

The historical development of the Soviet-Russian Criminal Justice System shows that there are ongoing negative attitudes towards acquittals amongst law enforcement agencies in Russia. Each period of acquittal rate rise is scrupulously monitored and controlled. Today, an acquittals spike in modern Russia is happening by virtue of Jury Reform, which has broadened the jury trial to the level of District Courts. By drawing on qualitative data from the observation of trials by jury, this paper explores the set of strategies and tactics, which the Criminal Justice System deploys to increase chances of reaching a guilty verdict by jury. The most frequently used strategies include manipulation in communication, trial "recursion", trial acceleration, and system's learning. The theoretical basis of research acknowledges N. Luhmann's theory of autopoietic social systems and the Crime Control Model of H. Packer.

Skoblik, K. V. (2022) “Coping with the undesired consequences of jury reform: How does the Russian criminal justice system control an acquittals spike over the reform 2018-2020?”, Oñati Socio-Legal Series. Available at: https://opo.iisj.net/index.php/osls/article/view/1355 (Accessed: 30 March 2022).

Latin America remains one of the most criminalized regions of the world. At the same time countries of the region possess experience of successfully counteracting crime. The subject of study is the activity of public institutions in Latin America in the area of control over crime. By the examples of Guatemala, Colombia and Peru, the author analyzed the experience of Latin American societies’ struggle
against crime in the context of weak law enforcement bodies of the State. He
examined the approaches applied by Latin American authorities towards community institutions combating crime, revealed evolution of these approaches in the late 20th - early 21st century. Various forms of civil society’s response to the challenges posed by internal armed conflicts and rising crime are shown.
The conclusions are drawn that society’s ability to self-organization is of vital importance in the context of weak state institutions; that community is the optimal
unit playing the role of a structural element of such organization; that the State needs support from the direction of social forces to carry out a successful penal policy; that various forms of citizens’ self-defense and policing can be effective in crime control in cases when they emerge voluntarily, on the initiative of the population, without pressure of authorities.

Латинская Америка остается одним из наиболее криминализованных регионов мира. В то же время государства региона обладают опытом успешного противодействия преступности. Предметом исследования является деятельность общественных институтов стран Латинской Америки по контролю над преступностью. На примере Гватемалы, Колумбии и Перу анализируется опыт борьбы латиноамериканского общества с
преступностью в условиях слабости правоохранительного аппарата
государства. Рассматриваются подходы властей латиноамериканских стран к общественным институтам противодействия преступности, показана эволюция  этих подходов в конце ХХ – начале ХХІ вв. Использован системный подход, а также обще- и частнонаучные методы познания, прежде всего, сравнительно-правовой и исторический. Показаны различные формы ответа гражданского общества на вызовы, связанные с внутренними вооруженными конфликтами и ростом криминала. Делаются выводы о важности социальной организации в условиях слабости государственных институтов; о том, что оптимальной формой такой организации являются общины; о необходимости для государства опоры на общественные силы для проведения успешной уголовно-правовой политики.

This article examines the framework which Herbert Packer devised for analyzing the criminal justice process. Warning against an indiscriminate use of the word "model"—something which Packer introduced, which critics of his work have perpetuated, and which today is commonplace in criminal justice research—it distinguishes three distinct tools which researchers might employ—strong ideal types, weak ideal types and non-ideal types—and underscores the importance of drawing a sharp distinction between empirical work and evaluative work. Exposing other fundamental flaws in Packer's framework, the article also abstracts two other general lessons for criminal justice research: (1) arguing that a one-dimensional framework like Packer's is insufficient, it advances the normative claim that a multidimensional framework is needed; and (2) it shows that Packer's simplistic approach to the analysis of values is ultimately inadequate. So as well as constructing a number of tools which may be used by criminal justice researchers, and offering examples of how they might be employed, the article establishes the general contours of a framework for criminal justice research.

Palestinians make up 64% of homicide victims in the in Israel, even though they constitute 20% of the population. The homicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants in Arab towns in Israel is 5.5 times higher than in Jewish towns. The turbulent relationship between the police and Palestinian minority is a key factor for understanding high crime rates in Arab towns. This relationship could be characterised by over-policing political activities and under-policing ordinary crime. This article analyses the policing of the Palestinian minority in Israel from a human rights perspective. It suggests that policing the Palestinian citizens in Israel is inconsistent with international human rights standards. Furthermore, eradicating institutional bias against the Palestinian citizens within the police force requires broader political and constitutional changes.

This paper deals with the Broken Windows theories. It first presents the different versions and after analyses the criminal policy consequences. It explains the discussion surrounding the decline in crime in New York as a case study for the verification of these theories. After it introduces briefly the Antisocial Behaviour Orders existing in England. It ends with a presentation of the civic order passed by the City Hall of Barcelona in 2005 and tries to draw some similarities between these different developments.

Обобщены результаты работы круглого стола «Уголовный процесс: оптимизация или
неоправданное упрощение?», организованного 24 сентября 2015 г. кафедрой уголовного процесса
Юридического института Сибирского федерального университета. Изложены основные проблемы,
поднимавшиеся участниками: 1) несоответствие устройства современного российского уголовного
процесса его континентальной природе; 2) утрата судом функции правосудия ввиду значительного
увеличения количества дел, рассмотренных в особом порядке судебного разбирательства; 3) необходимость уточнения критериев допустимого упрощения российского уголовного процесса; 4) определение сущности производства в особом порядке; 5) возникновение этических проблем при взаимодействии адвоката и доверителя при производстве в особом порядке; 6) появление законопроекта МВД РФ о введении особого порядка досудебного производства; 7) отсутствие доказывания в упрощенных формах уголовного судопроизводства; 8) методологии проведения сравнительно-правовых исследований; 9) различия упрощенных форм уголовного процесса Германии и России и корректность их сравнения; 10) реформирование зарубежного уголовного процесса. Описана возникшая дискуссия.

"This article examines the international security situation by means of an integrated cultural-civilisational approach. According to this approach, crime is an inevitable part in cultural phenomena, wherefore the definitions of crimes, punishments
and their execution manifest value specificities of cultures (civilisations). The links of fundamental terrorism with cultural conflict are analysed and its similarities with the fourth
generation warfare (Lind et al. 1989) are highlighted. A thesis is proposed that the third phase of deviancy control (Cohen 1985) is being transformed into the fourth phase, principally at variance with the preceding ones. Summing up, some ideas are suggested to form the theoretical framework for the new model of effective social control in this changing world."

Trump is the new President of the United States of America. Calling for 'emergencies' threatening the core values of the nation was a key element of his triumphant campaign. In the framework of a national critical moment of public discussion on crime policies, there is a risk of witnessing the uprising of a 'new war on crime' to sort out these multiple social 'emergencies.' Upon this divisive framework, the purpose of the article is to analyze Trump's emergency-based approach to social and crime problems, and its potentially negative effects in terms of encouraging ill-and warlike crime policies, along with their socially harmful consequences. The article's thesis states that this emergency-based approach is everything but new. Conversely, this approach has been dominating U.S. crime policies throughout the nation's history. To demonstrate this, the following pages explores some landmarks in the history of U.S. emergency-based crime policies as well as their outputs and outcomes, clarifying the risks and inefficiencies of this tactic. Overall, the article explores the benefits of a more careful method to approach crime and social problems in the close future. It is proposed that a comprehensive, interdisciplinary, intersectorial, and research-based style has the potential to overcome the emergency-based approach.

To cite this work/Para citar este trabajo: Vegh Weis, Valeria “A ‘New War on Crime’? The United States & its History of Emergency-Based Criminal Policies.” Criminal Law Bulletin, 53, 2017, pp. 1-42.

Penal populism as a trend in the crime control policy can be understood only when it connects with the fear of crime, moral panics, media manipulation and a crisis of the authorities legitimacy in modern states. After pointing out the mechanisms of formation and functioning of populism in the United States, Britain and the former socialist countries, the author states that in Serbia in the new millennium, regardless of the relatively stable state crime occurred, there has been a strengthening of punitivness and expansion of penal populism. At the same time, it is fortunate that the wave of penal nationalism has not spilled over from the north, from the former communist countries of Central Europe.

«انتقال سیاست­های کنترل جرم»، به فرایندی گفته می­شود که از طریق آن دانش و اطلاعات مربوط به اندیشه­ها، ایدئولوژی­ها، رویه­های قضائی و برنامه­ها و سیاست­های ناظر بر کنترل جرم، از یک نظام حقوقی به نظامی دیگر منتقل می­شود. این اصطلاح که در اوایل قرن بیست و یکم مورد توجه برخی جرم­شناسان قرار گرفته، متأثر از ادبیات علوم سیاسیِ تطبیقی با عنوان عامِ «انتقال سیاست­ها» است. امروزه، رشد فزاینده انتقال سیاست­ها بین کشورها و بهره­گیری گسترده از سیاست­های انتقالی در عرصه سیاست‌گذاری داخلیِ کشورها، مطالعه فرایند انتقال را به ضرورتی انکارناپذیر تبدیل کرده است. نظام حقوقی ایران نیز که برای حل مسائل و چالش‌های نظام عدالت کیفری، همواره از سیاست­های کنترل جرمِ انتقالی، اعم از کُنشی و واکنشی در سیاست جنایی خویش الهام گرفته است، نیازمند آشنایی با این موضوعِ بااهمیت و تأثیرگذار در عرصه سیاست­گذاریِ کیفری جهت تضمینِ موفقیت در سیاست­های انتقالی است. در این نوشتار، طی چهار مبحث، ضمن تبیین چارچوب مفهومی موضوع، گونه­های مختلف انتقال (انتقال داوطلبانه و انتقال اجباری) و زمینه­های به­وجود آورنده هر یک از آنها، با ذکر نمونه­های عینی، در حوزه سیاست­های کیفری بررسی می­شود و در نهایت، نشان داده می­شود که در عمل، طیف وسیعی از انتقال­ها، متضمن عناصری از انتقال داوطلبانه و اجباری، به صورت هم‌زمان است.

Çalışmada kişisel verilerin işlenmesine ilişkin güvence, sınırlama, ilke ve hakların; adli ve önleyici amaçlı faaliyetler bakımından nasıl daraltıldığı (istisna tutulduğu) incelenmektedir. Adli ve önleyici amaçla veri işlemede de sayılan güvence, sınırlama ilke ve hakların bir kısmı geçerlidir. Fakat bunlar özel hukuk ilişkilerinde olduğu kadar geniş boyutta sağlanmamaktadır. Uluslararası ve uluslarüstü mevzuattaki genel eğilim, adli ve önleyici amaçlı faaliyetlerin, kişisel verilerin işlenmesine ilişkin kuralların bir kısmından istisna tutulması; ulusal güvenlik amacıyla gerçekleştirilen istihbari faaliyetlerin ise tamamen istisna tutulması yönündedir. Ancak ikincisine ilişkin tartışmalar sürmektedir. Çalışmada, Türk hukuku ve literatüründeki eksiklik de gözetilerek hem 6698 sayılı Kişisel Verilerin Korunması Kanunu hem de konuya ilişkin önemli bazı uluslararası ve uluslarüstü hukuk metinleri incelenmiştir. Bunların adli ve önleyici amaçla kişisel veri işlemede istisnaların öngörülmesine ilişkin yaklaşımı değerlendirilmiştir. Bu güvence, sınırlama, ilke ve hakların her biri ayrı birer çalışma konusudur; bu çalışmada ana hatlarıyla üzerinde durulmakla yetinilmiş olup, konu karşılaştırmalı hukuk disiplini altında incelenmemiştir.

This article considers what can be learned regarding the ethical acceptability of intrusive interventions intended to halt the spread of infectious disease (‘Infection Control’ measures) from existing ethical discussion of intrusive interventions used to prevent criminal conduct (‘Crime Control’ measures). The main body of the article identifies and briefly describes six objections that have been advanced against Crime Control, and considers how these might apply to Infection Control. The final section then draws out some more general lessons from the foregoing analysis for the ethical acceptability of different kinds of Infection Control.

ABSTRACT Crime control methods can be grouped into two major categories: formal and informal. Formal crime control uses the law and government agencies (e.g., police, courts, and prisons) to deter crime, whereas informal crime control utilizes moral and social institutions (e.g., the family, religion, peers, and neighborhood groups) to deter illegal behaviors. This exploratory study used t tests, chi-square tests, ordinal ordered regression, and ordinary least squares regression analyses of survey data from 258 Bangladeshi and 484 U.S. college students to explore students’ perceptions of formal and informal crime control. Bangladeshi students had more support for both formal and informal crime controls than their U.S. counterparts; however, U.S. students were more likely to feel that being rejected by family, neighbors, and peers was effective at deterring crime. Both groups felt that punishment by the law was needed to deter repeat offenders. When asked to rank formal and informal crime control mechanisms, Bangladeshi students ranked family higher than U.S. students did, whereas U.S. students ranked the importance of peers higher than Bangladeshi students. Bangladeshi respondents also ranked the neighborhood as being important to controlling crime. Overall, the results indicated that Bangladeshi respondents strongly supported most methods of both formal and informal crime control. U.S. respondents were generally more supportive of formal than informal methods, although they were less supportive than Bangladeshi respondents, perhaps because of pessimism over longstanding issues with crime.

A través de los cuatro ensayos que componen este libro, los autores analizan problemáticas de distinto orden en torno a las manifestaciones urbanas del crimen y la violencia en Colombia, y las iniciativas gubernamentales implementadas en las principales ciudades del país para prevenir y controlar este fenómeno.