Dunhuang manuscripts

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Сэм ван Шайк. Тибетский дзэн. Открывая утерянную традицию. Истории, рассказанные манускриптами Дуньхуана / Пер. с англ. А. Г. Ливанского, под общ. ред. Б. К. Двинянинова. — СПб. : Издательство «Академия исследований культуры», 2021. — 248 с. : ил. — (Серия «Измерения опыта»). ISBN 978-5-94396-226-4

Вплоть до начала XII в. практически не оставалось следов существования тибетской традиции китайского чань-буддизма или дзэн. После обнаружения запечатанной пещеры в Дуньхуане, наполненной манускриптами на различных языках, начиная с первого тысячелетия н. э., наше понимание раннего дзэн претерпело существенные изменения. В этой книге переведена часть наиболее ранних рукописей тибетского дзэн, сохранившихся в Дуньхуане. Переводы освещают различные аспекты традиции дзэн, включая краткие введения, в которых обсуждаются не только роли ритуала, диспута, линии преемственности и медитации в ранней традиции дзэн, но также разъясняют, каким образом эти тексты были включены в живую практику.

吐魯番隨葬衣物疏中五道大神與果願大德比丘解題

中文摘要        "版權所有 引用請註明出處"
        他界觀科層化現象，意即將他界的架構想像為與現世中國官僚制度相對映的信仰概念，普遍被學者視為是中國宗教裡的一個重要特徵。中國宗教中他界觀科層化現象，自漢代起，最早具體呈現在前漢與後漢墓葬如遣策、地券以及鎮墓文，其後為道教、佛教吸收，發展成在喪葬儀式中所使用的牒文等。本文研究在吐魯番所發現六、七世紀高昌時期現存最早佛教墓葬衣物疏形成的起源。雖然經過一千多年，六、七世紀高昌時期佛教衣物疏中，佛教法師與他界五道大神聯繫的文書形式內容，與現代台灣佛教喪葬使用的三寶司牒文相較，仍存在相當程度的類似性。雖然根據史料，在四、五世紀甚至更早以前佛教已盛行於吐魯番地區，不過在高昌時期以前，吐魯番地區的墓葬卻極少發現關於佛教的文物。以往學者如馬雍以為這可能是因為佛教只盛行於上層貴族之故。  根據衣物疏的內容與形式，韓森 (Valerie Hansen) 認為這些吐魯番佛教衣物疏，不僅是佛教僧侶介入信眾墓葬的證明，同時也顯示佛教也由中國傳入吐魯番。  這些學者解讀吐魯番地區墓葬的論點，基本上是建立在墓葬中顯示的宗教觀與死者生前的宗教信仰應該是一致的前提下。
        不過，在本文中，我質疑這個前提是否適用於所有佛教徒的墓葬。我認為在探討佛教徒的墓葬時，有必要先釐清兩個重要的議題 第一：佛教教理與中國墓葬傳統相容性的問題。特別是佛教在印度與中國發展早期，在面對不同的環境以及文化條件時，如何處裡死者遺體的態度與方式。第二：印度與中國佛教僧侶在喪葬儀式中的角色。包括佛教僧侶在喪葬儀式中的主要工作，以及僧侶與葬儀人員及死者家屬在葬儀中的互動。
          我的研究顯示，最初，佛教僧人在喪葬儀式的主要角色就是誦經迴向功德給死者。在處理死者遺體的議題上，早期印度佛教中，因應不同環境條件，有不同處理死者遺體的方法。印度並沒有類似中國式的土葬葬儀，而在印度象徵尊貴的火葬，要到唐宋時期才逐漸被中國人接受，不過，這種在印度，因應不同狀況，有不同方式處理死者遺體的彈性態度也出現在六朝時期的重要偽經，《灌頂經》中。關於喪葬議題，《灌頂經》提到：只要是在依附佛教信仰的前提下，中國式的喪葬儀式傳統可以被視為是正確的喪葬處理方式。以在五世紀北涼時期吐魯番墓葬中發現的北涼王沮渠蒙遜之妻彭氏為例，她極可能如其夫婿及家族，也信仰佛教，不過在其衣物疏及墓葬文物中，並未發現有與佛教相關者。但是，這並不意謂在她的喪葬儀式中一定沒有佛教僧人的參與。可能佛教僧人有為死者誦經迴向功德，只是這樣的角色不一定能具體顯現在中國式的墓葬中。
          其次，關於高昌時期佛教衣物疏，有兩個問題已經困擾學者多年。第一，許多衣物疏都是由署名果願的僧人來聯絡他界的五道大神，不過由於最早與最晚提到果願的衣物疏相隔近一世記，所以，有些學者們懷疑果願可能是某種神聖稱謂，而非真有其人。第二，衣物疏中經常有語意片斷不完整文句，其中部分死者，特別是女性姓名常有留白、不詳的情況。在分析這些高昌時期佛教衣物疏時，過去學者有兩個基本的態度: 第一，佛教衣物疏是佛教僧人終於介入中國式墓葬儀式的證明。第二，他們傾向選取較完整正確的樣本研究，並視其他語意不全的樣本是因書寫者中文能力不足之筆誤。
        然而，高昌時期衣物疏中，僧人的出現並不意謂他們取代原先衣物疏中葬儀專家的角色。因為衣物疏本身陪葬物的內容還是必須有葬儀人員介入，所以這些佛教衣物疏所隱含的葬儀互動架構，應該不僅僅是建立在佛教僧侶以及信眾雙方間的互動，這個架構應該還包括葬儀專家在內的三角配合關係。在我的研究裡，我認為我們不能將那些在高昌衣物疏中，常見的死者或僧人之身份留白、語句顛倒不完整或語意錯誤單純視為是書寫者的錯誤。事實上，這些錯誤顯示反而為我們理解葬儀的互動架構提供許多線索。因此，不同於以往學者，傾向只選取少數內容較完整的衣物疏或墓葬為對象，並試圖將之解釋為處理高昌佛教衣物疏的較正確做法，我選取四個分別出土兩個以上衣物疏的家庭墓葬，作交叉分析比較，並輔以其他有特殊情形的個別衣物疏。我發現，雖然整體來說，高昌佛教衣物疏的書寫者對當中與五道大神聯繫的文書內容有一定程度的共識，但是他們之間對於文書內容的宗教目的、意義、忌諱似乎存有幾種不同的詮釋，有些甚至有可能是出自於誤解。即使是有出土佛教衣物疏的墓葬，有些似乎不見得實際上有佛教僧人的介入，它們的存在，有可能只是被葬儀人員當作是流行的或是具有避邪功用的陪葬物。換句話說，在墓葬的三角架構裡，三者之間的互動模式是有多元的可能而非只是依照某個單一模式。而且，在這個三角架構裡，葬儀人員或專家往往扮演著解讀這些吐魯番佛教衣物疏的關鍵角色。

Tens of thousands of manuscripts dating from the fifth to the tenth centuries were discovered in Mogao cave n. 17 at Dunhuang, in Gansu Province. These documents have completely transformed the discipline of Chinese medieval history in its various aspects. The course of this renewal extended over several decades throughout the twentieth century. One of the fields which remained largely unexplored until recent years was the history of the Chinese book and the production of writing, with particular focus on manuscripts as objects carrying meaning. The discovery of a large number of manuscripts dating back to the first few centuries of the Common Era has opened up new perspectives and allowed parallel lines of questioning to be drawn. The emergence of codicology and the development of research on the history of text production applied to western manuscripts have provided a model upon which to open a new chapter in the history of Chinese manuscript books. This innovative approach focuses on the production of manuscripts and their utilization, handling and preservation as much as on their design, the readership for whom they were intended and how they were written and read. This book represents a first attempt at writing a history of ancient and medieval Chinese texts in their context.

From the 1790s until World War I, Western museums filled their shelves with art and antiquities from around the world. These objects are now widely regarded as stolen from their countries of origin, and demands for their repatriation grow louder by the day. In The Compensations of Plunder, Justin M. Jacobs brings to light the historical context of the exodus of cultural treasures from northwestern China. Based on a close analysis of previously neglected archives in English, French, and Chinese, Jacobs finds that many local elites in China acquiesced to the removal of art and antiquities abroad, understanding their trade as currency for a cosmopolitan elite. In the decades after the 1911 Revolution, however, these antiquities went from being “diplomatic capital” to disputed icons of the emerging nation-state. A new generation of Chinese scholars began to criminalize the prior activities of archaeologists, erasing all memory of the pragmatic barter relationship that once existed in China. Recovering the voices of those local officials, scholars, and laborers who shaped the global trade in antiquities, The Compensations of Plunder brings historical grounding to a highly contentious topic in modern Chinese history and informs heated debates over cultural restitution throughout the world.

This study  researches the Seals of Temples and Offices and Owners impressed on Documents in Dunhuang Miji (Tonkō Hikyū,敦煌秘笈)Collection belonging to the Kyo-U Library and specifies their  provenance. There are  some mistakes in the index and photocatalogue volumes of Dunhuang Miji Collection, but this study is based on previous studies that made it possible to consider the relationship between the transcribers or the previous owners and each inscription of seals.
And several important insights are aquired to know the relation to the other Dunhuang and Turfan collections in Japan.

In this paper, I will be analyzing the Sutra of Jesus Christ,  one of the manuscripts found in the Dunhuang caves, believed to have been written around 645-650 CE.  The scrolls and manuscripts found at the Dunhuang caves were part of a collection of texts that were sealed within the cave around 1005 CE.  The cave and its contents were rediscovered around the end of the nineteenth century, and the documents were spread throughout Europe and Asia via explorers, traders, and thieves. The discovery of these scrolls have led to a greater understanding of the dedication of the Nestorian missionaries in their efforts to convert the Chinese people to Christianity. The Sutra of Jesus Christ is one of the four “Jesus Sutras” researched and translated by Martin Palmer and his colleagues. This particular sutra echoes the message of Christianity while incorporating Buddhist, Daoist, and Chinese philosophical ideas as well as cultural references from Tibet and China. This sutra intertwines various topics regarding who God is, how one should live, and elements of Jesus’ life. The goal of this paper will be to analyze the particularly Buddhist, Tibetan and Bön elements. The most important messages that the Nestorian missionaries wanted to keep in the readers’ cultural context, were the ideas of a vague, omniscient ultimate power, the theory of karma, and general ethics for living one’s life. It is important to note that the Tibetan empire was not under great Buddhist influence until the eighth century—nearly a century after these texts were compiled. One of the ultimate questions raised through the research of this paper is whether this work influenced or was a part of the growing collection of literature that introduced and assisted in the development of Buddhism in Tibetan regions.

[Preview only] As far back as we can see in the historical record, Buddhist monks, nuns, and other ritual specialists have offered services including healing, divination, rain making, aggressive magic, and love magic to local clients. Studying this history, scholar Sam van Schaik concludes that magic and healing have played a key role in Buddhism’s flourishing, yet they have rarely been studied in academic circles or by Western practitioners. The exclusion of magical practices and powers from most discussions of Buddhism in the modern era can be seen as part of the appropriation of Buddhism by Westerners, as well as an effect of modernization movements within Asian Buddhism. However, if we are to understand the way Buddhism has worked in the past, the way it still works now in many societies, and the way it can work in the future, we need to examine these overlooked aspects of Buddhist practice.

“Three Buddhist Texts from Dunhuang” provides an introduction to and translation of texts that are representative of the larger genre of Chinese Buddhist medical literature. These examples are indigenous Chinese Buddhist scriptures dating to the early ninth century. They were recovered in the early twentieth century at Dunhuang in western
China. Although they often draw from Indian Buddhist sources, these texts are local Chinese products and are characterized by etiologies and therapeutics drawn from both Indian Buddhist traditions and Chinese worldviews. In these texts, disease is alternately the result of personal immorality, divine retribution, and collective misconduct. The prescribed therapies are also multiple, but consistently social in nature. These
include worshiping buddhas and Buddhist deities, performing repentance rituals, copying Buddhist scriptures, sponsoring meals, and refraining from immoral behavior. As manuscripts essentially discovered in situ, these texts provide valuable insight into on-the-ground worldviews, concerns, practices, and institutions in far western China.
With their composite nature, drawing from established Indian Buddhist scriptures, folk beliefs, and governmental fiats, they are also suggestive of the strategies behind indigenous textual production.

Modern observers tend to simplify the complex process of textual transmission and imagine that in a manuscript culture texts were handed down by scribes copying manuscripts in a long line of succession extending for generations. It is less commonly recognized, however, that manuscript copies were also routinely made from non-handwritten material, such as printed works or stone inscriptions. This paper looks at dated copies of stele inscriptions among the Dunhuang manuscripts, in an attempt to demonstrate the inherent difficulties in dating and establishing provenance for such copies. One of the main questions is whether the date in the colophon refers to the time when the text was carved into stone or the moment of creating the manuscript copy. The analysis reveals that there is no automatic answer to this problem, and the decision has to be made on a case-by-case basis. An additional lesson is that in many cases manuscripts are composite objects the components of which had a history of their own. The panels comprising a typical scroll often came from different locations and were written decades or more apart. It is through analyzing the interrelation of the texts and panels that we begin to uncover the complex process of the manuscript’s creation and the different layers of time and locations.

There has been a long tradition of imitation in the calligraphic and painting traditions in East Asia but, it is arguable, the history of forgeries is just as long. And sometimes it seems that the same masters who created some of the finest works of art, were also teasing their audiences – and the market – by creating forgeries. Two thousand years ago a cache of 'ancient manuscripts' found in the wall of Confucius's family home gave rise to an acrimonious debate among scholars over their genuineness which lasted for over a century and defined much of Chinese orthodoxy for the next millennium. The discovery of numerous caches of ancient manuscripts along the Eastern Silk Road in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, most notably Dunhuang, has again raised the debate of forgeries among scholars and, despite the scientific advances of the last two millennium, the matter is not yet resolved. This paper will discuss these two examples of forged texts in China and the way scholars have approached them to show the similarities and differences between the East Asian and other traditions of forgeries.

This paper examines a series of six curious narratives that appear in the section dealing with the third pārājika, the rule addressing monastic involvement in various acts of homicide (including abortion), in the Bhikṣu-vibhaṅga of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya. These tales purport to record the Buddha’s legislative reaction to (1) an offhand remark made to a seriously ill monk by his brother-in-the-dharma in response to which the sick monk foolishly and fatally consumed poison, (2) a monk under whose care a gravely ill monk convinced his co-religionist’s nephews to cut off his head in order to put an end to his suffering, (3–4) two monks who hope to receive the possessions of dying monks, (5) the famous arhat Upasena’s consent to a former doctor’s offer of an abortive preparation for his brother’s wife whom he got pregnant before becoming a monk, and (6) an ill father who decides to trick his female servant into squeezing the very life out of him after his son, a monk, tells him that as a lay Buddhist he will be reborn in a good destiny. What is curious about these stories, all delivered before the formal establishment of the third pārājika, is that at the end of each tale the Buddha is said not to have established a rule-of-training. These tales thus run counter to the general function of narratives that precede the formal promulgation of Prātimokṣa rules in the extant vibhaṅgas. This paper seeks to throw light on the role of these curious stories.

This paper focuses on several questions about Sitātapatrādhāraṇī after it was transmitted into Inner China.

Both Zhu Dafoding Zhenyan注大佛顶真言 (Annotation on Great Uṣṇīṣa Mantra. T. 2234)  recorded by a Japanese monk Nanchū南忠 in 845 CE and Baigai Shenzhou白盖神咒 found at Dunhuang originated from the literal Translation of the dhāraṇī proper, which was called “Zhenyan shi”真言释 (lit. explanation for the mantra) and created at Qinglong Monastery青龙寺, a famous tantric monastery in Chang’an.

During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Baisangai Lenyan Jing白伞盖楞严经 -- another version of Sitātapatrādhāraṇī -- was transcribed, printed and even engraved on the mighty bells. One could speculated that at early Ming it was transliterated in Chinese characters base on a new Sanskrit text by a monastic community, with Zhiguang智光 as its core.

After re-examining several versions of Sitātapatrādhāraṇī translated and inherited in the Inner China on the basis discussed above, one can discern that the length of the text had been enlarged all the time. Furthermore, despite the need for understanding its meaning and the attempt to translate it into "Zhenyan shi", it has been consistently adhered to recite all the text in Sanskrit sounds by Chinese Buddhists.

白伞盖经传入汉地以来，有几个现象应予关注。以日僧南忠述《注大佛顶真言》为线索，可知它与敦煌发现的《白盖神咒》同渊源于真言之《释》，源头直指唐长安青龙寺。明清写经、刻本、钟铭中数见《白伞盖楞严经》，尚未得到学界重视，推测系明初释智光为核心的西天僧团根据新请来的梵本音写而成。在此基础上重新审视白伞盖经在内地的翻译与传持，可以看到字面一直呈现增广的趋势；尽管存在解义的需要以及意译为“真言释”的尝试，然而以梵音持诵全文仍是汉地佛教一贯坚持的信仰实践。

The ancient Buddhist world was centered in the Eastern reaches of Eurasia. The boundary of this religious tradition is here names "The Great Circle of Buddhism".  Based on the accounts of pilgrims who traveled from the coast of China to India, stopping at Java or Sumatra, and moving around the coasts of India before crossing the land area of Inner Asia, the "Great Circle" becomes the map for Buddhism.

A look at foreign elements in Dunhuang manuscripts from the 9th-10th centuries, including bookbinding format, paper, orthography and other issues. Dunhuang was a cosmopolitcan city on the Silk Road and a closer analysis of the manuscripts reveals that many of even the Chinese manuscripts were likely to have been written by non-Chinese people. This attests to the multilingual nature of contemporary communities and, from our modern point of view, to the fluidity of concepts such as literacy, ethnicity, language.

The Dunhuang manuscripts include over twenty copies of a text called Foshuo jie baisheng yuanjia tuoluoni jing 佛說解百生怨家陁羅尼經 (Dhāraṇī Scripture Spoken by the Buddha on Dissolving [Ties with] Grudge-Holders of a Hundred Lifetimes). The text is also known from other sites along the historical Silk Road, attesting to its popularity across a vast geographical area. This paper focuses on extant manuscripts of this scripture from the Dunhuang library cave and groups them according to physical typology. The basic premise is that the manuscripts’ physical characteristics are of significance because they show how the dhāraṇī was reproduced as material text. Some of them were produced collectively, in ways that included the active participation of donors from the same extended family, possibly in connection with the commemoration of the dead. Other types of manuscripts suggest having been copied as part of larger projects. Finally, some of the manuscripts may have functioned as devotional objects in themselves.

Tibetan Buddhism has played an important role in Asian politics from the 8th century to the present day. It has provided an ideological underpinning and power status to a variety of Central Asian and Chinese empires, including the Mongol empires of Genghis Khan’s heirs and the Manchu rulers of China’s Qing dynasty. While the geopolitical influence of Tibetan Buddhism during this time has waxed and waned over the centuries, it never disappeared. The locus for this influence is in Eastern Central Asia, the crossroads of cultures situated on the overland trading routes known as the Silk Road.

（See abstract in English at the end of the file）：This study investigates the blossoming of woodblock print illustration in late Tang, Song, Liao, and Xi Xia regimes during the late ninth to twelfth centuries. To date, studies of early Buddhist prints have primarily focused on the relationship between text and image, and less on how the images themselves were derived and transported across vast regions to be adapted and transformed by other artisans. This study explores the way in which multiple sources contributed to the stock of imagery used by print artisans, how they standardized visual motifs into modules, and how this distilled imagery was transferred geographically. The prints studied were produced in a number of important centers including Beijing, Dunhuang, Hangzhou, Kaifeng, and Yinchuan. Compared to wall paintings in caves, temples, and tombs, printed images were portable, mass-produced, and wide-spread, hence an efficient medium for spreading these materials across regions well beyond China. This study proposes that Buddhist printed images had multiple visual sources including other prints, painting, and bas-relief tiles, many of which were not Buddhist but secular. It also shows that Buddhist illustrated prints were not necessarily related to the accompanying texts; rather, they were composed of motifs adapted from an existing pictorial vocabulary and used in a modular fashion by print artisans. In conclusion, this exploration of media transfer and modular design evident in Buddhist prints sheds light on the active role played by print artisans. Though anonymous, they were decisive in standardizing a repertoire of popular motifs and assembling, selecting, and modifying these stock images to create original and coherent compositions.

What do dice and gods have in common? What is the relationship between dice divination and dice gambling? This interdisciplinary collaboration situates the tenth-century Chinese Buddhist "Divination of Maheśvara" within a deep Chinese backstory of divination with dice and numbers going back to at least the 4th century BCE. Simultaneously, the authors track this specific method of dice divination across the Silk Road and into ancient India through a detailed study of the material culture, poetics, and ritual processes of dice divination in Chinese, Tibetan, and Indian contexts. The result is an extended meditation on the unpredictable movements of gods, dice, divination books, and divination users across the various languages, cultures, and religions of the Silk Road.
Link: https://brill.com/view/title/59960

This paper identifies for the first time the Old Tibetan version of the Kāśyapaparivarta preserved in fragments from Dunhuang. The currently known extant versions of the Kāśyapaparivarta are in Sanskrit in two Central Asian manuscripts, five Chinese versions, Khotanese fragments, and a ninth century Tibetan version preserved among Tibetan Kanjur
collections. The following comparative collation identifies for the first time seven Old Tibetan fragments of the Kāśyapaparivarta found among the Stein and Pelliot collections from the ancient city-state of Dunhuang. Jonathan Silk previously identified an eighth Tibetan fragment, Pelliot tibétain 676. These fragments comprise a version of the Kāśyapaparivarta preserved in Old Tibetan that was previously unknown. This article, Part 1, examines and collates the Old Tibetan fragments that correspond to sections §00–63 of the Staël-Holstein (1926) edition. Part 2 consists of the fragments that correspond to sections §98–135.

In this lecture, art historian Shih-shan Susan Huang will consider major texts and images in Mahayana Buddhism that were popular in pre-modern China.  Highlighting two of the most important Buddhist scriptures, the Diamond Sutra 金剛經 and the Lotus Sutra 妙法蓮華經, she will also discuss imagery associated with two of the most popular Buddhist deities—Guanyin 觀音 (or Avalokiteśvara) Bodhisattva, and Amida 阿彌陀 (or Amitābha) Buddha. The presentation will draw on medieval manuscripts, paintings, and prints from the Dunhuang “library cave”.  Going beyond Dunhuang, she will also discuss relevant later visual materials including Xi Xia 西夏 (1038-1227) paintings excavated in Khara Khoto, Inner Mongolia, and illustrated books printed in Song-Yuan 宋元 (960-1368) Hangzhou and Ming 明 (1368- 1644) Beijing.

Many modern narratives of the period of Tibetan rule in Dunhuang (ca. 786–848) emphasize ethnic tensions between the Tibetans and Chinese, with clothing styles as their most visible manifestation. The Xin Tangshu claims that the Dunhuang Chinese were forced to wear Tibetan-style clothing except on New Year’s Day, when they were allowed to dress in the Tang style to perform ancestral rites, wailing bitterly as they did so. The Dunhuang manuscript P.3451 claims, however, that the Dunhuang Chinese persisted in wearing Tang-style clothes throughout the Tibetan occupation. A contradiction therefore exists in the sources regarding what kind of clothing the Dunhuang Chinese usually wore, even as these sources agree in interpreting Tang-style clothing as a symbol of ethnocultural identity and Tang loyalism. Yet murals from ninth-century Dunhuang suggest that Tang and Tibetan clothing styles coexisted and even blended together under Tibetan rule. By reassessing the textual and visual sources more critically, I argue that the most plausible interpretation is that there was no forced Tibetanization of clothing in Dunhuang at any time during the period of Tibetan rule. Instead, the people of Dunhuang were free to dress as they wished, but many members of the Chinese (and quite likely Sogdian) elite families adopted Tibetan dress or elements of Tibetan fashion voluntarily as symbols of prestige and loyalty to the Tibetan empire. The elite families of Dunhuang accommodated themselves to Tibetan rule and adopted bicultural identities until the breakdown of Tibetan administration put their interests in jeopardy, upon which they drove the Tibetans out and sought to cover up their past collaboration by inventing a new tradition of “stubbornly Chinese” Tang loyalism.
[For maps to go with this article, see the "History maps" section below]

Notes on my going on works (concise) Old Turkic Dictionary and Uyghur Dictionary. - Devam Eden Çalışmalar bağlamında bu yazıda 1989’da çalışmalarına başladığım ve altı yıldır baskıya hazırladığım, hâlen düzeltmeleri ile meşgul olduğum sözlüğümden ve yöntemimden bahsedecek, örnekler vereceğim. Yazıda çalışmanın geçmişi, uygulanan yöntem ve sözlüğümün her maddesinden birer kelimeye yer verilmiştir.

When questions prove unanswerable, there are two possibilities. One is that we need more data, and better ways of processing that data; the other is that the question is a bad one, that it is not answerable in the terms in which it has been stated. Now, it is true that we have frustratingly few sources from the time in which Chan is supposed to have been exerting its influence on Dzogchen (the eighth and early ninth centuries), but I think this is not the only problem. I do think the question ‘was Dzogchen influenced by Chan?’ is a bad one, for this reason: it entails an ahistorical reification of the entities ‘Dzogchen’ and ‘Chan’.

This is a philological approach to the manuscript versions of the famous Platform Sūtra  of the Sixth Patriarch 六祖壇經. The paper consists of three parts, the first part consisting of an overview on previous scholarship on the text; the second part deals with the textual features of the various manuscripts; the third part tries to contextualize the scripture within popular "Platform congregations" for administering the precepts. As one of the main results, I argue for a radical reinterpretation of the long title of the Dunhuang version of the Platform sutra, showing that "jing 經 (sūtra)" in the title originally referred to the Diamond sutra (central in the text itself and in the context of congregations during which the precepts were conferred), and not to the scripture itself. As such, the "Platform sutra" probably was a sermon delivered during one of these congregations; only in the course of time the reference of "sūtra" gradually shifted from external reference (to the Diamond sūtra) to "internal" reference of the scripture itself.

Dunhuang Manuscript Culture explores the world of Chinese manuscripts from ninth-tenth century Dunhuang, an oasis city along the network of medieval routes known today collectively as the Silk Roads. The manuscripts have been discovered in 1900 in a sealed-off side-chamber of a Buddhist cave temple, where they had lain undisturbed for almost nine hundred years. Their number is in the tens of thousands, and they are written in over twenty different languages and scripts, including Chinese, Tibetan, Old Uighur, Khotanese, Sogdian and Sanskrit. This study centres around four groups of manuscripts from the mid-ninth to the late tenth centuries, when the region existed as an independent kingdom ruled by local families. The central argument is that the manuscripts attest to the unique cultural meakeup of the region during this period, exhibiting—alongside obvious Chinese elements—a heavy influence of Central Asian cultures. As a result, it was much less ‘Chinese’ than commonly imagined in modern scholarship. The book makes contributions to the study of cultural and linguistic interaction along the Silk Roads.

This article examines Song-to-Ming printed illustrations celebrating the power of the Diamond Sutra, one of the most widely copied Buddhist scriptures in East Asia. An integral part of printed copies of the Diamond Sutra, these illustrations reflect a strong popular taste appealing to common folks, connecting modern readers to a wider realm of vernacular Buddhism and popular Buddhist visual culture in traditional Chinese society, where indigenous beliefs, popular images, and various religious practices are freely borrowed, converged, and re-packaged. The first part of the study, “Buddhist Records of Magical Efficacy,” identifies the round-trip of protagonists to the underworld, and the efficacy of prolonging life in Tang-to-Northern Song miracle tales of the Diamond Sutra as two recurring features carried on in the Southern Song-Ming illustrated versions. The second part, “Illustrations of Miracle Tales,” examines illustrated miracle stories of the Diamond Sutra highlighting the underworld court, messengers from the underground, miraculous fungi, and magical writing. The third part, “Women in Vernacular Buddhist and Folklore Visual Cultures,” turns to good and evil stereotypes of women pictured in selected miracle tales. The author then also explores the half-animal, half-woman demons subjugated by Buddhist guardians, whose images are juxtaposed with the illustrated miracle stories in the Ming versions. Finally, the fourth part, “Publishers and Donors,” shifts to the social and religious context of the illustrated books of the Diamond Sutra. The extant Southern Song-Yuan woodcuts were likely printed by Hangzhou’s commercial publishers. A donor’s colophon and a hybrid Esoteric Buddhist pantheon in an early fifteenth-century version points to a multicultural community in early Ming Beijing.
《通俗佛教版畫所見的金剛經靈驗力》 【中文提要】
金剛經乃東亞文化圈中流傳最廣的佛經之一。本文旨在探討南宋至明初金剛經版畫所描繪的金剛經靈驗故事。這些插圖反映了吸引大眾的民間品味，使吾人一窺傳統中國社會中，在吸納了本土信仰、通俗圖像、以及多元宗教習俗後所融匯而成的通俗佛教及視覺文化。全文共分為四大部分。第一部分「佛教靈驗記」指出，往返冥府、續命延壽的故事主題，乃源自唐宋金剛經靈驗記書寫，並流傳到南宋至明木刻插圖版金剛經靈驗記的二大主題。第二部分「靈驗記插圖」，探討金剛經靈驗記版畫中的冥府、冥使來訪，以及與書經功德有關的芝草等靈驗表現。第三部分「通俗佛教及民俗視覺文化中的女性」，關注靈驗記版畫所見的女性善、惡面，以及明代金剛經版畫中，與靈驗記插圖併列的金剛圖像所添加的半人半獸女性鬼怪形象。第四部分「出版者與施主」，將重點轉移到金剛經木刻插圖出版的社會、宗教網絡。現存南宋、元版木刻版畫，可能都產自當時杭州的坊間印書店。一套帶有漢、梵合名之施主題記，以及混雜了密教與道教神群像的明初金剛經木刻版畫，則指向宣德年間北京城中的多元文化社群。