Early Church

The subject is divided into three phases: the alimentary institution created by Nerva and Trajan, which seems to concern all of Italy, the provision of Constantine in CTh 11.27.1, which seems to concern only the annonary diocese and the organization of the aims in local churches by the Roman popes in the 5th-6th century in centralsouthern Italy. The Trajanic institution is discussed in its organization and purpose, but its most plausible interpretation seems to be helping poor families who are unable
to support their children, with a declaredly demographic and at the same time honorary purpose towards Italy. The Constantinian provision which has a partial parallel in a provision concerning Africa in CTh 11.27.2 has an admittedly moral purpose to counter the phenomenon of infanticide, but does not have an organic structure designed to last over time like the Trajanic institution. However, after this Constantinian provision, the state renounced to intervene directly on the phenomenon of poverty and entrusted this task to the church. The Roman pontiffs establish
that a quarter of the income of local churches should be allocated to support the poor and monitor their application against abuse and embezzlement of bishops in central-southern Italy.

Este artículo examina en profundidad los principios fundamentales del movimiento bautista, que incluyen la autoridad de las Escrituras, el bautismo de creyentes por inmersión, la autonomía de la iglesia local, la libertad religiosa y la separación entre la iglesia y el estado. A partir de sus orígenes en el siglo XVII, los bautistas surgieron en un contexto de reforma religiosa, desafiando el bautismo infantil y defendiendo el credobautismo, que requiere una confesión personal de fe antes del bautismo. Líderes como John Smith y Roger Williams fueron fundamentales en el establecimiento de estas doctrinas.
Los bautistas han mantenido la creencia en la autoridad exclusiva de la Biblia, permitiendo que cada congregación sea autónoma y libre de control externo. Este enfoque también ha llevado a un fuerte compromiso con la libertad religiosa y la defensa de la separación entre iglesia y estado. A lo largo de los siglos, estos principios han guiado la vida bautista en contextos culturales y políticos cambiantes.
En la actualidad, los bautistas enfrentan desafíos, como el debate sobre el papel de la mujer en el ministerio y la justicia social, mientras continúan defendiendo sus principios fundamentales de libertad y autonomía.

En raison de son peu d'intérêt pour les systèmes philosophiques et des influences monastiques sur sa pensée, Athanase d'Alexandrie n'a guère été étudié sur les questions des rapports entre la raison et la foi. L'objet de cet article est de montrer son apport à une connaissance analogique de Dieu qui trouve sa raison d'être et son unité dans le mystère du Christ, et cela dans une théologie attentive à l'expérience spirituelle et à la médiation des Écritures.

Статья посвящена анализу текста 11 главы «Послания к филиппийцам» Поликарпа Смирнского, где упоминается о некоем грехе пресвитера Валента, связанном со «сребролюбием». Этот пассаж рассмотрен в контексте как истории христианской общины в Филиппах, основанной еще апостолом Павлом, так и общего развития христианства в первые века. Мы полагаем, что этот «грех» является не растратой общинных средств или отказом от поддержки нуждающихся, а отходом от христианства, причиной которого стал страх возможных проблем и желание сохранить устоявшиеся социальные и экономические связи с языческим окружением. О подобном поведении состоятельных христиан сообщает «Пастырь» Ермы и другие источники, но если Ерма призывал к полному отказу от богатства, то Поликарп более сдержан, говоря о необходимости лишь побороть сребролюбие. Поступок Валента не привел к окончательному разрыву с общиной, Поликарп призывает даровать ему прощение, что указывает на то, что Валент не стал хулить Христа или выдавать христиан римским властям. Автор Послания предписывает филиппийцам воздерживаться от сребролюбия, идолопоклонства и всякого зла.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the text of Chapter 11 of the “Epistle to the Philippians” by Polycarp of Smyrna, which mentions a presbyter Valens’ certain sin, which was connected with avarice. This passage is considered in the context of the history of Christianity in Philippi (the local community was founded by the Apostle Paul), and the general development of the Christian movement in the first two centuries. This “sin” is not a waste of community funds or a refusal to support the poor and widows, but a renouncing from Christianity, which was caused by fear of possible problems and a desire to preserve established social and economic ties with the pagan environment. Such behavior of wealthy Christians is reported by Herma's “Shepherd” and other sources, but if Herma called for a complete renunciation of wealth, Polycarp was more restrained and said about the need to overcome the love of money. Valens' act did not lead to a final break with the community, Polycarp calls for forgiveness, which indicates that Valens did not blaspheme Christ or betray Christians to the Roman authorities. The author of the “Epistle” instructed the Philippians to abstain from avarice, idolatry and all evil.

LES RECHERCHES CANADIENNES DANS LE QUARTIER DE LA "ROTONDE DE L'ODÉON" À CARTHAGE : un ensemble paléochrétien des IV e-V e siècles ou une phase d'occupation et de construction du VIII e siècle ? * BEAUDOIN CARON ET CARL LAVOIE The Canadian site on the "Odeon's Rotonda" at Carthage: a paleochristian complex of the 4 th-5 th centuries or an Islamic construction of 8 th century? This review deals with a new examination of the published data of the excavations west of the rotunda. These were carried out intermittently between 1976 and 2000 by Pierre Senay. He has steadfastly upheld the theory, once cautiously suggested by Alexandre Lézine, of the presence of a Christian basilica west of the rotunda and has identified the lot as a late Christian complex of the 4 th century. The authors review the available data to study again the stratigraphy of the sector and conclude that a systematic filling was early on visible in the stratigraphy but not identified as such. This filling covers the area west of the rotunda all the way up to the cardo maximus and lies partly on top of a datable level, i. e. the geometric mosaic as well as a mysterious triconch-shaped structure, and is sealed by the substructure of a large mosaic, the "mosaïque aux oiseaux". Within this systematic filling, very late Roman and a few Islamic sherds were recovered, as well as a coin dated to 759 A.D. (142 Heg). Senay has argued that the triconch is part of the basilica, but the stratigraphy does not substantiate this theory. The structures built within this filling, the "mosaïque aux oiseaux", a basilica-planned building and a basin, are therefore of Islamic date, and the mosaics associated with them are the first mosaics of Islamic date found in Carthage. This is proof that post-Byzantine Carthage was not merely a ruined city occupied by squatters, but that a civic life of some sort persisted there well into the Abbasid period. This survival of an antique urban way of life has already been noted elsewhere in North Africa.

The goals of this special issue of Gnosis: Journal of Gnostic Studies are (1) to attempt to set the study of Manichaeism with respect to Judaism, Jews, and Jewish sources of late antiquity on firmer ground, given the great changes that scholarship on this topic has seen over the last fifty years; (2) to disentangle the normative perceptions of the continuity between the Nag Hammadi literature, ancient heresiological description of gnostic practices, and ancient Manichaean religion; (3) to further elucidate the historical relationships between Manichaeism and Christian and Gnostic evidence; and (4) to provide a platform for the fresh and exciting research on this topic that is emerging today. The present contribution, authored by the editors of this special issue, seeks to set the stage for the subsequent contributions by taking stock of how the scholarly conversation about Manichaeism’s relationship to Judaism developed, and what tensions may be observed therein. The introduction to the second, forthcoming issue of Gnosis devoted to Manichaeism and Judaism will focus on new trajectories for research opened up by the studies offered in these special issues.

The question of whether the church has a mission or the mission has a church is, in the first place, confusing. In fact, initially, it leads me to the problem of subordination. Then it seems that the question, "Which comes first, the church or the mission?" should be posed and answered first before coming into conclusion. Furthermore, this is what the paper or reflection will try to delve into, by answering and making clear the confusion that it has presented. At first, I think of claiming that the mission comes first because of the missionary mandate that can be found in Mt. 28:19-20, where Jesus commands to make disciples to all nations. "Go, therefore, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Spirit, teaching them to observe all that I have commanded you…" This, for sure, forms the foundation of the missionary efforts of the Church: baptizing, preaching, and evangelizing the whole world. However, if we will read the Scriptures, we can notice that the "Keys of Peter" were given first prior to the missionary mandate. This can be found in Matthew 16:19. "I will give you the keys to the kingdom of heaven…" The keys evidently symbolizes the authority given to Peter to govern the early church. Thus, making clear that the Church was being established before the missionary mandate. Moreover, it becomes more convincing if we will read the prior verse, Mt. 16:18, where we can find Jesus himself mentioning the Church, "And so I say to you, you are Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church…" Now, the questions are, "Does it mean that the church comes first, then the mission follows after?" Or "Is this enough to claim that the Church has a mission, not the other way around?" This would draw to a possibility that the mission and the church were at the same time, simultaneously, emerging because when Jesus gave the authority to Peter, He at the same time

Zulüm Hristiyanlık tarihi boyunca Hristiyanlığın değişmez bir gerçeği olmuştur. 2023 yılında Pakistan’da Hristiyanların evleri ve kiliseler yakılıp yıkıldı, Nijerya’da hala daha bazı gruplar kiliselere saldırıp Hristiyanları öldürüyor. Liste uzar gider.
Constantinus’un Hristiyanlığa hoşgörü göstermesinden sonra Erken Kilise’de zulmün bittiği söylenemez. Hristiyanlar kendi aralarında anlaşamamazlığa düşüp ayrı düşünenlere sert davranmaya hatta bazen yok etmeye kadar gittiler. Roma İmparatorluğu’ndan başka yerlerde özellikle doğuda Pers krallarının aralıklı zulmüne uğradılar.
850’li yıllarda İspanya’da Cordova’da Müslüman kadıların önünde elli Hristiyan uzun bir tutuklama ve duruşma süreci içinde şehit edildiler.
Şehitlik kilisenin ilk dönemlerinde çok önemli bir olaydı. Hristiyanlar kamusal eğlencelere malzeme ediliyorlardı. Özellikle Gladyatör oyunlarında; sabah vahşi hayvan dövüşleri yapılır, öğleden sonra ise gladyatörler dövüşürdü. Öğlen arasında seyircilerin ilgisi dağılmasın diye Hristiyanlar arenaya çıkartılır ya vahşi hayvanlarca ya da gladyatörler tarafından öldürülürdü.
Bu kitapta anlatacağım zulüm tarihinin, kilisenin ilk dönemde önce Yahudilerden daha sonra da Roma İmparatorluğunda gördükleri baskı ve zulmü tarihsel bir bakış açısıyla okuyucuya bir fikir edinmesini sağlamasını umuyorum.

Nikaia Konsili ülkemiz toprakları içinde gerçekleşmiş üç büyük olguyu; Doğu Roma,
Hristiyanlık ve Akdeniz Bölgesi’ni etkilemiş büyük bir olay olarak tarihte yerini almaktadır.
Bu bağlamda öncelikle bu çalışmada Erken Doğu Roma ve Nikaia Konsili arasındaki ilişkiye
kısa bir bakış attıktan sonra bu dönemin imparatoru Constantinus’un İmparator oluşuna kadar
olan zaman incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Constantinus’un Roma’nın iç savaşı sırasındaki zaferini
bir görüme bağlaması konusu ele alındıktan sonra Constantinus’un Hristiyanlığının samimi mi
yoksa bir siyasi güç için mi kullandığı sorularına farklı bakış açılarıyla cevaplar aramaya
çalışılır. Hristiyanlığın Roma İmparatorluğu’ndaki varlığı yayılışı ve etkisi açıklanıp Roma
İmparatorluğu’nun Hristiyanlığa tepkisi açısından yapılan baskılara ve bunların sonuçları
incelenir. Akdeniz Bölgesindeki kiliselerin varlığı ve iki Akdeniz kilisesi olan Aleksandreia ve
Antiokheia kiliselerindeki teolojik tartışmalar ve tartışmaların sonucu olan Nikaia Konsilin’de
kilisenin ve imparatorluğun birbirlerini etkilediği görülmektedir. Daha sonra İmparator’un
Hristiyan Kilise üzerindeki söz konusu yetki mirasının Doğu Roma İmparatorlarını da nasıl
etkilediği hususuna kısaca değinilip Kilisenin bu dönemde nasıl güçlendiği konusuna
odaklanılır. Bu çalışmada Nikaia Konsili’nin olayları kapsamında İmparator ve Kilise ilişkisi
incelenmeye ve bu iki olgunun birbirlerini nasıl etkilediğine ilişkin veriler tartışılmaya
çalışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda Erken Doğu Roma döneminin önemli olaylarından biri olan Nikaia
Konsili’nin İmparator’a kilise üzerinde yetki verip vermediği ve ayrıca bu yetkinin tüm
Akdeniz Bölgesini nasıl etkilediği soruları bu çalışmanın ana konusunu oluşturmuştur.

The Acts of the Apostles tells us that Syrian Antioch is the first place at which members of the early Jesus movement were called "Christians." The Christians of ancient Antioch constitute a significant socio-cultural group with a massive legacy within world history.

In Gal 2:10, Paul tells us that at the apostles’ meeting in Jerusalem it was agreed that he would take up a collection in his churches for “the poor” in Jerusalem. He continued to take up the collection even after the incident at Antioch (Gal 2:11-21). It became an important project for him that he pursued for years (cf. 1 Cor 16:1-4; 2 Cor 8–9; Rom 15:25-28, 30-31). However, when Paul wanted to take up the collection in Jerusalem, James and the elders of the Jerusalem church turned it into an act of loyalty to the Jerusalem temple (Acts 21:17-26). Paul’s intention with the collection was not achieved: to set a diaconal example for the equal ecclesial community and solidarity of all believers in Christ.

Antony Perrot, ss dir. Redécouvrir la sagesse biblique, Charols et Vaux-sur-Seine, Edifac, Juin 2024, pp.277-287

(Actes du colloque 2023 de la FLTE sur le thème "Une sagesse biblique perdue?" - L'article est une conclusion et une ouverture du thème)

The article examines St. Basil the Great’s work “On Faith” (Περὶ Πίστεως; PG 31, 676–692; CPG 2886). The author classifies it as one of the early works of the saint, suggesting that it was written around 365 AD. It is argued that “On Faith” is connected with another work by St. Basil, namely “Against Eunomus” (Κατὰ Εὐνομίου; PG 29, 497–768; CPG 2837). The author demonstrates that there is a deliberate dialogue between the two works, with “On Faith” clarifying some points made in “Against Eunomius.” The precise motive for writing “On Faith” was dissatisfaction with the unclear language used by St. Basil in “Against Eunomius,” as expressed by a hierarchically superior authority. In this context, the article presents and supports the hypothesis that “On Faith” is addressed to a specific individual, namely Eusebius of Caesarea.
A new translation of the work is also proposed.

El objetivo del presente artículo se centra en trazar una línea correlativa referente al origen del término “sinagoga”, así como la evolución funcional de dicho término atendiendo desde un necesario ayuntamiento religioso para desarrollar el culto judío, hasta la construcción de un espacio donde materializar dicha intención devota. Además, se atiende a otras cuestiones de carácter histórico, que hicieron proliferar la propagación de los edificios sinagogales, así como otros aspectos de identidad hacia el pueblo judío desde el punto de vista artístico.

The article briefly reviews some aspects of the literary structure and source-critical questions of the Didache, comments on its genre, and discusses in detail the two selected topics of fasting and prayer in Did. 8.1–3, with a view to what the Didache might contribute to the issue of the so-called “Parting of the Ways”. It is argued that the Didache, directed at a Christ-believing group composed of both Jews and gentiles, attempts to establish boundaries vis-à-vis a specific group of Jews polemically called “hypocrites” which bears some relation with pre-70 CE Pharisees, and that this conversely shows that “the ways” between the Didache group “and Judaism” have not fully parted.

This paper explores whether the New Testament represents a deconstruction of the Old Testament, focusing on the transformative roles of Jesus and Paul in their reinterpretation of the Law, prophecy, and covenantal traditions. By employing a deconstructionist approach based on the philosophy of Jacques Derrida, the analysis examines how Jesus, particularly in the Sermon on the Mount, and Paul, through his letters to the Romans and Galatians, challenge traditional Jewish interpretations while simultaneously fulfilling and transcending the Old Testament's ethical and theological frameworks. The paper argues that both figures deconstruct the Old Testament's legalism and exclusivism, revealing deeper spiritual truths centered on grace, faith, and inclusivity.

교회가 무엇인가 하는 질문이 많이 쏟아지지만 그 누구도 제대로 된 답변을 주기 힘든 시대에 우리는 살고 있습니다. 교회론은 기독교의 수많은 교리들이 함께 엮여서 나타나는 최종 결과물입니다. 그렇기에 기독교의 본질에 대한 이해가 흔들리는 시대에 교회론이 갈피를 잡지 못하는 것은 어쩌면 당연한 일일지도 모릅니다. 후켄다이크(J. C. Hoekendijk)는 “역사 속에서 교회론에 대한 예리한 관심은 거의 예외 없이 영적인 퇴폐의 징조였다.”라고 말한 적이 있습니다. 교회론에 대한 오늘날 기독교의 높아진 관심은 우리 시대의 어두운 영적 자화상을 도리어 보여주고 있다고 생각됩니다.
참된 교회는 성경과 위대한 전통을 바탕으로 하여 시대의 질문에 응답하고 과제를 풀어가면서 사명을 완수하는 교회입니다. 이 책은 개혁주의 신학에 근거한 교회론을 제시함으로써 교회의 본질과 사명을 다시금 성경적으로 찾아보고자 한 시도입니다.

L’assenza di fonti letterarie e archeologiche riguardanti il territorio di Tropea ha sempre costituito un ostacolo per una ricostruzione scientifica delle origini dell’abitato, finché gli scavi occasionali della fine del XVIII secolo, seguiti da ricognizioni sistematiche condotte dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica della Calabria, non hanno disvelato una vasta necropoli paleocristiana ricca di corredi funerari e documentazione epigrafica in lingua latina. Le “pietre” di Tropea raccontano una storia di persecuzioni religiose, di migrazioni, di profughi cristiani che in pieno V secolo d.C., partendo dalle coste dell’Africa settentrionale, raggiunsero la Calabria, all’epoca spopolata e quasi deserta, per dare vita ad una nuova comunità. Essa, nonostante un avvio incerto e difficoltoso, in virtù della mitezza del clima e alla feracità della terra, sviluppò un saldo sistema economico su base agro-pastorale che l’accrebbe nel corso del tempo sino alla nascita della civitas nel VII sec. d.C., nuova sede episcopale.

On the heels of the last apostle’s death, Ignatius of Antioch journeys across Asia Minor toward his own death in the Roman colosseum. On his way he writes seven letters to the Asiatic churches that are of extraordinary interest because of what they reveal about the development of the monoepiscopacy and the origins of unorthodox Christian sects. Both of these points – ecclesial unity in the threat of schism and orthodoxy in the face of heresy – cause Ignatius to reflect on the eucharist. This thesis analyzes Ignatius’ eucharistic theology in light of recent developments with respect to sacramental realism in the letters. While Ignatius’ eucharistic confession in his letter to the Smyrnaeans can no longer be understood as referring sacramentally to the food of the meal, I argue that Romans 7 remains as a plausible candidate for the theology of sacramental realism.
In chapter 1, I provide an introduction to Ignatius and the letters, frame the scholarly discussion up until the present with respect to sacramental realism, and then present the contribution that I intend to make. My approach focuses on the rhetorical and literary structure of the Ignatian epistles, and how this informs readings of the relevant eucharistic texts in Romans and Ephesians.

Chapter 2 contextualizes Ignatius within ancient views on the eucharistic presence from 50–200CE. It is argued that although sacramental realism is not explicitly found in either Paul or John, it has a terminus ad quem of 150CE in the writings of Justin Martyr and appears to be a popular view in orthodox Christian circles on through Irenaeus and Tertullian. Its diverse, though largely western provenance, and the way it is presupposed in theological disputes suggest that the origins of sacramental realism begin much earlier in the second century.

Chapter 3 turns to Ephesians and analyzes two texts: Eph. 5.2 and Eph. 20.2. It argues that both passages bear the marks of Johannine influence, and it further frames Ignatius’ medicinal language within the context of early Christian eucharistic theology which linked immortality with participation in the agape meal.

In chapter 4, I consider Ignatius’ letter to the Romans. The eucharistic passage in Rom. 7.3 is analyzed in concentric circles of context, reconsidering Rom. 7.3 within its chapter, Rom. 7 within the letter, Romans within the Ignatian corpus, and finally the corpus in view of its probable Johannine background. It is argued that in Rom. 7.3 the elements of the eucharist are equated with the flesh and blood of Christ mystically and realistically.

Chapter 5 draws the final concentric circle and summarizes Ignatius’ place within the development of early Christian eucharistic views. I argue that Ignatius is history’s first witness to the idea that the eucharistic elements are truly Jesus’ flesh and blood, and I frame Ignatius’ realism within the more salient features of his theology.

Parmi les membres d’un collège religieux révélé par une inscription latine monumentale récemment mise au jour dans la médina de Sousse (Hadrumetum, en Afrique proconsulaire), on distingue un membre ayant la charge de MOCTOR. Il s’agit là en fait d’une fonction inédite parmi le clergé des temples des cités romano-africaines. Il paraît s’être forgé à partir du squelette consonantique sémitique KTR ou QTR, que nous trouvons dans les mots KTRT (= encens) et QTRT (= parfum). Ainsi, il est tout à fait possible que moctor soit une forme nominale sémitique de la racine KTR/ QTR à préfixe M pour désigner dans l’étymologie phénico-punique le « proposé à l’encens ».

An introduction to the Special Issue on "Approaching the Early Medieval Iberian Economy from the ground up" whose overall aim is to demonstrate how ordinary people lived through and helped transform the late-Roman into the early medieval economy in Iberia. The introduction first outlines the historical framework of early medieval Iberia (focused on actors, spaces, and chronology) and a set of analytical tools that are intended to contextualise the individual contributions. The next sections explore: 2) “Background” 3) “How did the tributary state work?” 4)“Iberian economies turned up-side down” and 5) "Variations on a theme."

The paper presents a new approach towards the study of production of ancient mosaics. Application procedures and recurring inlay-patterns are applied as the main tool for understanding the organization of the ancient mosaic workshop. Three criteria will be presented as designating an application procedure: order of production, design and inlay patterns. The paper focuses on the first criterium, the order of production, and presents two applications of this criterium: illusion of overlapping and internal division. It further illustrates the application of the method on three case studies: the church of Lot and Procopius in Jordan, the synagogue at Beth Alpha in Israel and the Worchester Hunt mosaic from Daphne, Antioch. The paper shows how the method can be applied in order to artistically identify the hands that participated in the production. These identifications shed a new light upon understanding the organisation of the ancient mosaic workshop. Keywords: ancient mosaics, application procedures, production order, inlay patterns, workshop, organization of labour.

Explore the linguistic roots of early Christianity with Al Garza's new book, "The Search for the Language of the New Testament." Based on over ten years of detailed research, this insightful work examines the roles of Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek during the times of Jesus and the apostles, shedding new light on the original texts of the New Testament. "The Search for the Language of the New Testament" delves into the linguistic foundation of the New Testament texts, highlighting the pivotal role played by Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek. Recent scholarship and historical analysis suggest that Hebrew was likely the mother tongue of Jesus and the apostles, complementing the previously recognized use of Aramaic and Greek. This linguistic diversity is reflected in the early Christian texts and translations examined throughout the discussions, such as those by Jerome and Augustine, who worked with these languages to articulate the doctrines and narratives central to Christianity. The exploration reveals how the Hebrew language, alongside Greek and Aramaic, significantly influenced the formulation and dissemination of the New Testament, leading to a multilingual body of scripture that encompassed the theological and cultural nuances of early Christian communities. This complex linguistic backdrop underscores the depth and breadth of early Christian texts and shapes our understanding of their development and transmission.

Archaeological insights into Biblical events have proved to be of great significance in our understanding of the Bible. This paper confronts the challenges associated with the miracle of the swine as recorded in the Bible as it tries to identify the particular site of the miracle. Methodologically, it is an archaeological report. The data used are from direct archaeological field works of the researcher. The paper posits that the three sites mentioned in the Bible are highly improbable. Archaeologists, therefore, are pointing to a new site, Hippos-Sussita. The paper concludes that archaeology offers refreshing data on difficult Biblical stories and events. It is recommended that a multidisciplinary approach be added to unravel Biblical stories and events that are contentious.

Discussions of John’s relationship to the Synoptics Gospels have often focused on parallel wording and parallel traditions, to the neglect of the basic conceptual agreement between the evangelists’ projects. While any case for John’s familiarity with the Synoptics has to include the minutiae, the most striking agreements are at the macro-level. John’s Gospel parallels Mark's in story, structure, Christology and fundamental literary conceit. Both write a Passion narrative with an extended introduction that features a hidden Messiah who is only retrospectively understood by those he called. This is not a question of individual parallel traditions but of overall parallel literary concepts. The idea that John independently hit on the exactly the same project as Mark assumes that Mark’s Gospel is somehow normative, and its way of telling Jesus’ story inevitable. John is more plausibly understood as a creative re-imagination of Mark, inspired by his project, but critically reinterpreting it. This essay explores the significance of the agreements between John and Mark, from words, to sentences, to pericopae, to structure, to literary conceit.