Epistemic Community

The study of politics in Southeast Asia emerged out of significant junctures in historical state-making and nation-building in the region. Given the “neglect” of Southeast Asia in “mainstream” Western political science, efforts have been made by scholars within and outside Southeast Asia to form “epistemic communities” like the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA) to promote studies about Asia. The Philippines is an interesting case in this regard because it mirrored significant periods in its political history – from colonialism to nationalism, modernization, authoritarianism, and democratization. Notwithstanding the strong influence of American political scientists in the early teaching and writing on Filipino politics, the discipline has generally avoided the quantitative methodologies privileged by its American counterpart. Moreover, a vibrant and pluralist approach has been evident in the scholarly output of the Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ). Despite initial setbacks in its organization, the Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA) has been successful in fostering a national “epistemic community” of academics, scholars, and practitioners.

ENGLISH

After the anti-Christian, anti-imperial and anti-foreign Boxer Rebellion took place in the summer of 1900, the so-called Conference of Peking had to settle the post-war situation in China.  Inspired by the renewed attention for diplomats as actors of international relations and the criticism on the extensive focus on king Leopold II of Belgium as prime actor in Belgian imperialism, this master’s thesis focusses on the agency, contribution and role of Belgian diplomat Maurice Joostens during the Conference of Peking (1900-1901). On the one hand this thesis uses a Bourdieusian mindset to consider his relations with the Belgian minister of foreign affairs and on the other hand Peter Haas’ theory of epistemic community is applied to the diplomatic corps at the Conference of Peking.

Firstly this thesis offers a contextualization of Joostens’ career, the Conference of Peking and western imperialism in China at the turn of the nineteenth century.  The research proves that Joostens could become the Belgian envoy in Peking thanks to both facilitating aspects in his environment,  ancestry, wealth, education and his professional performance in his earlier career.  Subsequently is showed in the second chapter, which focusses on the influence of local factors, that Joostens could not profit from the benefits of a tight diplomatic corps since the diplomats in Peking were not unified. Furthermore the small-state status of Belgium in the European diplomatic theatre was transferred to China and this also limited Joostens’ agency. Nevertheless Belgian minister of foreign affairs Paul de Favereau was very dependent of Joostens’ intelligence and insights since Joostens was the minister’s prime source on Chinese information. Whereas Joostens did have a conciliatory and moderate orientalist world view, this did not affect his diplomacy and the Belgian diplomat performed in a typical imperialist way.

The third chapter analyses the metropolitan dynamics and focusses on the relationship between Joostens and de Favereau more thoroughly. Since the Belgian paradigms of political neutrality and economic growth where very flexible, Joostens interpreted these rules in his own way and applied them to the local macro- and micro-political context. The analysis on the influence of king Leopold II of Belgium on Joostens subsequently shows that the monarch did not have a direct influence but proves that Joostens and Leopold II shared the same implicit imperialistic mindset and toolbox.

The fourth and last chapter doesn’t analyse Joostens diplomacy but offers a view on the reception and perception of the diplomat. Firstly is proved that thanks to his presence during the spectacular Siege of the Legations, Joostens could become a Belgian hero of empire. The press nevertheless only focussed on the siege and did not give many attention to Joostens diplomatic achievements. Whereas Joostens was aware of the possibilities of the developments of mass media, he used the attention for his stay in Peking to highlight and promote the prospects of Belgian migration to China and Belgian investments in the Belgian companies in the country. In this way Joostens is a good example of the shift towards a more extensive use of mass media by diplomats.


NEDERLANDS

In 1900 ontstond in China een antichristelijke en anti-imperiale rebellie die de geschiedenisboeken is ingegaan als de Bokseropstand. Na afloop vond de zogenaamde Conferentie van Peking plaats waarin alle aanwezige imperiale machten de naoorlogse orde bepaalden.

Geïnspireerd door de hernieuwde aandacht voor de diplomaat als actor in de internationale relaties en de literatuur die de allesomvattende rol van Leopold II in het Belgisch imperialisme nuanceert, onderzoekt deze masterproef welke inbreng Belgisch gezant Maurice Joostens had in de vorming van de Belgische positie tijdens de conferentie.

Ten eerste komt een overzicht aan bod van de context waarbinnen Joostens’ deelname aan de conferentie kaderde. Zo wordt aangetoond dat deze diplomaat alles in huis had om een succesvolle carrière uit te bouwen en dat hij dankzij zijn optredens in eerdere posten werd benoemd tot gezant in China. Vervolgens schetst deze verhandeling de ontwikkeling van de Bokseropstand, de evolutie van het Belgisch imperialisme in China, het diplomatieke schaakbord aan de vooravond van de onderhandelingen en het verloop van de conferentie.

Vervolgens wordt geargumenteerd dat Joostens niet kon profiteren van de kracht die de gezanten van een eensgezind collectief diplomatiek korps normaal gesproken ten aanzien van hun ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken genieten en dat de Belgische small state-positie hier toe bijdroeg. Daarnaast wordt aangetoond dat de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken afhankelijk was van Joostens’ input en dat de communicatiewijze en de leefomstandigheden slechts van beperkte invloed waren. Ten slotte wordt gesteld dat Joostens’ verzoeningsgezinde en gematigd oriëntalistische visie op de Chinezen zich niet uitte in zijn diplomatie.

Het derde hoofdstuk beschouwt de Brusselse dynamieken en meer bepaald de verhouding met de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken grondiger. Ten eerste wordt geargumenteerd dat zowel de algemene instructies als de paradigma’s van neutraliteit en economische groei slechts in beperkte mate Joostens’ autonomie bepaalden. Joostens sprong immers op een creatieve manier om met deze relatieve vrijheid en had een sterke agency in tal van dossiers. Daarnaast wordt aangetoond dat Leopold II en Joostens dezelfde imperialistische denkkaders deelden en op die manier de impliciete invloed van de vorst op Joostens groot was.

Ten slotte richt de analyse zich op de aandacht voor Joostens in de publieke sfeer naar aanleiding van het beleg van de legaties en wordt aangetoond dat rond de figuur Joostens het Belgische imperialisme in China tastbaar en publiek werd. Joostens besefte dit en gebruikte zijn status om zowel het grote publiek als de elite warm te maken voor een Chinees avontuur.

In the matter of the compliance in the regime, sometimes regime cannot fully control and implemented the norms and the principles created within the regime. Thus, there is a special group, Created by particular power or institution in order to help restoring the control and also solving the problem. The community, resembled as a group, consists of experts in a particular issue area that is intentionally gathered in creation of alternatives in particular problem.

CHAPTER 3- Associate Prof. Dr. Sezai Ozcelik
INSTITUTIONAL APPROACHES TO INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE
LEARNING OUTCOMES:
After completing this chapter, you will be able to:
1. Describe liberal institutionalism.
2. Identify international regimes.
3. Examine multilateralism and internet governance.
4. Investigate the role of epistemic communities in managing global commons.
CHAPTER OUTLINE
Introduction
Liberal Institutionalism
International Regimes
Multilateralism and Internet Governance
Epistemic Communities and Global Commons
KEY TERMS
Liberal institutionalism, international regimes, epistemic community, multilateralism, internet governance, international institutions, global commons, information governance, environmental regimes.

un mediators work more and more closely with academics and expertise-based non-governmental organizations, in particular through the Mediation Support Unit. The Organization appears to genuinely rely on them to conduct mediation and to strengthen its capacity in the area, to the point where it is sometimes difficult to operate a clear distinction between the two types of actors. This article analyzes why the practice of mediation today creates a demand for such expertise-focused cooperation. Beyond the need for flexibility and additional resources, the explanation lies in the prevailing feeling of uncertainty caused by today’s internal conflicts, for which the traditional state-centric lens is becoming irrelevant. In this context, the un relies on knowledge produced by an epistemic community of peace and conflict scholars, and is embedded in a network of nongovernmental mediators with which it exchanges know-how, following the logic of communities of practice.

The notion of epistemic community is crucial for the characterization of observability, a cornerstone for Bas van Fraassen’s constructive empiricism. As a matter of fact, observable is, to him, a short for observable-by-us. In this work, it will be shown that the alleged rigidity of the author of The Scientific Image, apparently not very keen to admitting changes in the epistemic community (constituted – according to him – by the human race), is actually an assumption of modesty and good judgment; it means recognizing that scientific enterprise is just a human activity, among many others.

In international relations, “there are no permanent friends, just permanent interests”; and there are also epistemic communities which play an integral role in the pursuits of these interests. These interests are rallied to the government, and wherein the latter reconsiders in the formulation of its state policies. Having said these, it is thus asserted that epistemic communities are greatly influential; perhaps the driving force of the changes in the society and the world stage; but do they really help? And if they do, is it really for the common good?

The political theory focus of this paper is the relevance of corporatism to meet the nationalist backlash against the increasing global interdependence that elites encouraged through neoliberal strategies. The paper analyzes the Trump administration’s resistance to international cooperation to counteract the negative externalities creating vulnerability to global crises. It thereby explicates the political assumptions and prescriptions underlying national strategic models of development. Great power competition for power and influence intensifies in an international political system in which the sources of power and influence increasingly depend upon sustainable development. It explores how reactionary populism emerges from perceived threat to core cultural group traditional supremacy within the national polity. This group heretofore set the institutionalized, stereotyped norm standards of individual and constituency behavior and relations. It highlights the foundational path dependency of the American state being reflected in contemporary American white populist status grievances. They utilize the language of conservative evangelical Christian identity to mobilize their social movement political resources. American foundational colonial ideologies in early modern capitalist plantation-based slavery and legacies of de facto casteism are a symbol set. Postwar emerging transnational normative authority centers reflected in international law progressively challenge the utilitarian relevance of these traditional, stereotyped norms and ethics.

The political theory focus of this paper is the relevance of corporatism to meet the nationalist backlash against the increasing global interdependence that elites encouraged through neoliberal strategies. The paper analyzes the Trump administration’s resistance to international cooperation to counteract the negative externalities creating vulnerability to global crises. It thereby explicates the political assumptions and prescriptions underlying national strategic models of development. Great power competition for power and influence intensifies in an international political system in which the sources of power and influence increasingly depend upon sustainable development. It explores how reactionary populism emerges from perceived threat to core cultural group traditional supremacy within the national polity. This group heretofore set the institutionalized, stereotyped norm standards of individual and constituency behavior and relations. It highlights the foundational path dependency of the American state being reflected in contemporary American white populist status grievances. They utilize the language of conservative evangelical Christian identity to mobilize their social movement political resources. American foundational colonial ideologies in early modern capitalist plantation-based slavery and legacies of de facto casteism are a symbol set. Postwar emerging transnational normative authority centers reflected in international law progressively challenge the utilitarian relevance of these traditional, stereotyped norms and ethics.