Hindutva Terrorism

Modi चाहते Govt. Offices में Hindutva पर टकराव, Ministries में होगी RSS शाखा-Shamsul Islam
PM Narendra Modi led NDA government has recently issued Government Order allowing its employees to participate in RSS activities. Shamsul Islam says that it is contrary to Narendra Modi's oath to follow Indian constitution with its secular, democratic and participatory characters. Meanwhile Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu is leading Middle East towards complete chaos with killings of hundreds of thousands being killed in Gaza.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SoYhM-yqt94

उत्तराखंड के मुख्यमंत्री पुष्कर सिंह धामी  ने अधिकारियों को सभी सरकारी कार्यालयों में सोलर प्लांट लगवाने का निर्णय लिया है- DYSUN SOLAR
POST BY DYSUN SOLAR 

प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी द्वारा चलायी गयी योजना प्रधानमंत्री सूर्य घर मुफ़्त बिजली योजना के तहत  एक करोड़ घरो में सोलार प्लांट लगवाने की योजना चलायी गयी है| जिसमे अब उत्तराखंड के मुख्यमंत्री धामी जी ने अधिकारियों के साथ मीटिंग में राज्य सचिवालयों से लेकर सभी सरकारी कार्यालयो में सोलर प्लांट लगवाने का निर्देश दिया गया है| अब उत्तराखंड में सभी कार्यालयो में सोलर प्लांट लगाए जायेंगे जिससे कि हमारी काफी ऊर्जा की बचत होगी तथा हमारे पर्यायवरण शुद्ध होगा | तथा इसके साथ ही हमारे मुख्यमंत्री पुष्कर सिंह धामी जी ने बड़े बड़े ब्यवसायिक भवनों में भी सोलर प्लांट लगवाना भी अनिवार्य कर दिया है|

मुख़्यमंत्री धामी जी ने सभी विकास अधिकारियों को नक्शा पास करते करते समय इस कार्य का सख़्त रूप से पालन करने का निर्देश दिया | मुख्यमंत्री ने इस विषय पर कहा कि अगर हम उत्तराखंड को सोलराइज़ करेंगे तो हम काफी ऊर्जा बचा पाएंगे तथा हम विकशित भारत के सपने में अहम भूमिका निभाएंगे |

प्रधानमंत्री मोदी जी द्वारा चलायी गयी योजना प्रधानमंत्री सूर्य घर मुफ़्त बिजली योजना पर मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा उत्तराखंड के लोगो को इस योजना का फायदा उठाना चाहिए | हमारा सपना है कि उत्तराखंड के हर एक घर में सोलर प्लांट लगना चाहिए इससे न केवल हम ऊर्जा बचा पाएंगे तथा गरीब और मद्धम वर्ग के परिवारों का बिजली का बिल कम होगा तथा ऊर्जा के क्षेत्र में हमारा भारत आत्मनिर्भर बनेगा |

Hkkjrh; yks drka f=d iz fØ;k es a ia Fkfujis {krk dk vuq iz ;ks x ftrs Unz dq ekj 1 1 'kks /k Nk=] jktuhfr foKku foHkkx] bykgkckn fo'ofo|ky;] bykgkckn] m0iz 0 Hkkjr ABSTRACT yks drU= fo'o ds lH; jkT;ks a dh iz 'kklfud O;oLFkk dk lerk ij vk/kkfjr lerk] Lora =rk] leUo;] lnHkko ls vuq iz kf.kr 'kklu iz .kkyh gS A jktrU= ds foijhr] yks drU= tudka {kkvks a dh ifjiw frZ dk vfHkuo n'kZ u gS A ;g tu&bPNk dh oS /k vfHkO;fDr gS A ;g turk dks 'kklu ds fuekZ .k] 'kklu ds foLFkkiu ,oa ;q xhu lUnHkZ ,oa ifjiz s {; es a 'kklu dk vis f{kr la 'kks /ku Hkh gS A bl nf'V ls yks drU= ,d xfr'khy vo/kkj.kk gS vkS j ia Fkfujis {krk yks drU= dh xR;kRed ÅtkZ A viuh Hkkonf'V es a ia Fkfujis {krk ldkjkRed] /kukRed oS pkfjdh dk lw =ikr djrk gS A /keZ nh?kZ dkfyd jktuhfr gS vkS j jktuhfr vYidkfyd /keZ A /keZ dh /kkj.kk vPNkbZ ds ekxZ dk fuekZ .k djrh gS iz R;q r jktuhfr cq jkbZ ls yM+ us dk l'kL= vL= gS A vr,o ia Fkfujis {krk ,oa yks drU= vU;ks U;kfJr vkS j ijLij O;kih gS a A

directives were issued during the reign of Indira Gandhi banning participation of government employees in the activities of RSS and Jamaat-e-Islami. The 1966 directive which set the ball rolling stated that "No Government servant shall be a member of, or be otherwise associated with, any political party or any organisation which takes part in politics, nor shall he take part in, subscribe in aid of, or assist in any other manner, any political movement or activity."

One major takeaways of the concluded 2024-parliamentary election is that the Indian voters on any count or in any form did not like or rejected or even tolerate arrogance (ahankaar). In other Indian languages it sounds alike. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in his recent speech observed and delved deep into the concept. Over and above, Mohan Bhagwat reading of Modi and netas of BJP resonates-Shakthi ke saath sheel sampan bano, means-be strong, but gracious. In addition, an essay in RSS's organ Organizer flays such types of attitude or characteristic such as 'overconfidence' and 'false ego' of many BJP leaders.

The paper-letter deals with different types of intoxication (alcoholic drinks, wet/dry drugs/narcotics etc.) in the “ancient” South-East Asia as practiced by the “Hindus” (?). The perception of contemporary ethnographic Hindutva is suffering from a different kind of non-contradictory contradiction, at a time when the deep state has advanced organized religion as their vote-bank. Here, in this paper-letter, the authors set the tavern/pub as their centre d’ lumière. The authors, as bricoleurs, are again deliberately masking themselves in the course of composing the text following the Brechtian method as well as the Derridean deconstructive militant attack on the given textual corpus. They deploy Linguistic Paleontology and Semantic Theory as their tools to explore the domain of intoxication, keeping in mind the contemporary scenario of Indian politics.

This research paper endeavors to unearth the profound insights of ancient Indian political thought, justice, and jurisprudence as articulated in the writings of Brihaspati. While Kautilya's Arthashastra has dominated discussions of ancient Indian political theory, Brihaspati's contributions have been relatively understudied. This study seeks to rectify this oversight by analyzing Brihaspati's works and exploring their significance in shaping the intellectual landscape of governance and justice in ancient India. Employing a multidisciplinary approach, this research combines textual analysis, historical examination, and philosophical inquiry to unravel the core principles enshrined in Brihaspati's writings. It scrutinizes the philosophical underpinnings of his political thought, emphasizing the interconnectedness of ethics, justice, and statecraft. By delving into the finer nuances of Brihaspati's texts, this paper elucidates his distinctive perspectives on the duties of a ruler, the administration of justice, and the establishment of a harmonious society. Furthermore, this study examines the implications of Brihaspati's ideas for contemporary political discourse and governance. It highlights the enduring relevance of his principles and how they can inform modern political thought, policymaking, and the pursuit of justice. The research also explores the intricate interplay between statecraft, diplomacy, and the maintenance of order, drawing parallels between Brihaspati's prescriptions and their applicability in the current global political arena. In sum, this research contributes to the broader understanding of ancient Indian political thought, justice, and jurisprudence by bringing to the forefront the often-overlooked insights of Brihaspati. By shedding light on his unique perspectives, this paper underscores the lasting significance of his contributions and their potential to enrich contemporary discussions on governance and justice. Brihaspati's legacy, it argues, offers a timeless source of wisdom and guidance for addressing the complexities of modern political and ethical challenges.

The celebrated Hindi poet and one of the ‘Nine Gems’ in the Court of Emperor Mohammad Jalaluddin Akbar: Abdur Rahim Khankhana described apathy of a favour seeking person:

                            “रहिमन वे नर मरि चुके जे कहुं मांगन जाहिं ।
                          उनते पहिले वई मरे जिन मुख निकसत नाहिं ।।”

I too witnessed it repeatedly in my life. The first setback I received in January 1980, when I contested the Parliamentary Election, for the first time, from Shahabad Constituency in U.P. The constituency was composed of three Assembly Segments of Hardoi district: Bawan, Pihani and Shahabad, and two Assembly constituencies of adjoining Lakhimpur-Kheri district: Mohammadi and Haiderabad. The last one included villages immediate to that of mine (Semrai) and Gola Gokarannath Town. I had studied there for seven years (class 6 - 12) during 1951-58. Many small traders and shopkeepers were regular debtors of my father. I also had many close relatives living there including my own real maternal uncle and his family. Even the maternal village (Deokali) of my mother was included in the constituency. So was the case of the maternal villages of my father and both grandmothers. In spite of all such bondages, I could hardly poll 118 votes from the entire town of Gola Gokarannath and 18 surrounding villages. Even the real maternal cousins of my father and others did not vote for me. Although my father trusted his cousin (Pt. Chhotey Lal Shukla - a Freedom Fighter) to the extent that he kept a large drum full of petrol for our vehicles at his house and deposited a considerable sum with his trusted jeweler (Sri Ram Gupta who was known as a staunch Congressman). Alas! no considerations worked in my favour.

        On contrary, I could visit a distantly located Shahabad Town just twice during my election campaign only; but polled 147 votes, where I had no relatives and no any personal contacts. I cannot forget the loving words uttered by an elderly Muslim medical doctor who rushed to me during my electioneering. He confessed to have heard a lot about my knowledge, persona and candidature that he made it a point to visit me. He also claimed to be a “London Returned”. Those days it used to be an additional feather to one’s cap to have made a trip to London or abroad. Presumably, I might have succeeded in getting his blessings. Similar was the solitary instance demonstrated by my ex-teacher: Shri Brij Mohan Sharma, who had taught me English in 12th class at Public Intermediate College, Gola Gokarannath in 1957-58. He openly declared that he had cast his vote in favour of his student, i.e. me.

        Being the only candidate hailing from the two Assembly constituen- cies of Lakhimpur-Kheri district amongst 10, I was very much optimistic to attract voters especially from this region. Anyway, it was the first debacle in my life. Later on, at many occasions I had to taste a bitter toast in my diverse and hectic activities ranging from academics to administration and a bit of political involvement. It may be added that I had again contested a Parliamentary Election second time (and that was the last so far) in 1991 - this time from Lakhimpur-Kheri constituency itself, where my own village was included. Again, it proved to be a setback. Out of 16 contestants, I alone was a Brahmin face, but nothing worked in my favour in spite of having made painstaking and strenuous campaigning.
I always carried an impression that my students love me maximum as I had never exploited them, never accepted anything from them in terms of material gains for my most dedicated service while imparting the knowledge to them. At times, I used to conduct my class even upto extended hours, say 4-5 hours, at A.P.S. University, Rewa (M.P.). In addition to my administrative liability as the Head of the Department and Dean, Faculty of Science, I used to devote completely to fulfill my academic obligations to the maximum extent possibly more than any teacher in the University. The only asset of my hard labour had been to find alumni of that small place right up to a level that one of my students (Dr. Sanjay Pant) is now an Associate Professor at a prestigious College of Delhi University. Two years back when I made an appeal to donate generously for the leftover family of my nephew (late) Mr. Arun Kumar Misra, not even a single student from Rewa came forward to my call. Going out of the way, I questioned a student (Mr. Santosh Kumar Mishra), who was gifted a soft copy of my own text-book on Tensors, published by us only, free. He took an alibi of caring his own ailing father. Neither any contribution came from Avadh University, Ayodhya, where I administered as a VC during 1989-92. Even my own research students: Prof. Paras Nath Pandey, then working as the VC of Nehru Gram Bharti University, Prayagraj, Prof. Chayan Kumar Mishra (appointed by me only at Avadh University), and Dr. Mahendra Pratap Singh (appointed by me at Avadh University and, later, on my recommendation at Mahatma Gandhi Kashi Vidyapith, Varanasi) donated nothing. The people can be so ungrateful that even the incumbents like Prof. Ajay Pratap Singh (appointed during my regime only) at Avadh University and others never thought of even showing their lip sympathy.   

        The indifferent nature of such ungrateful persons discouraged me much and I was reluctant to issue another appeal for similar help for the devastated family of my second nephew (Rajan) who died on 31st December, 2022. Instead, I requested my associates to get any job to the widow of Rajan. A favourable response was exhibited by a retired IAS cadre officer (Shri Dinesh Singh) of Prayagraj who, without my request for any monetary help, remitted Rs. 5,000 to the beneficiary (Mrs. Kanan Bala Mishra). Another retired IAS Officer of Panjab cadre (Engr. Dr. Narinder Wadhavan) encouraged me to issue another appeal to generate some funds for Rajan’s family. Of late, I could muster enough courage to circulate another appeal for donation to the bereaved family of dear Rajan on 15.3.2023, and donated Rs. 2,50,000 from my own sources. On my call, our eldest son (Shri Rakesh Mishra, Advocate, Allahabad High Court) also came forward managing Rs. 500,000 for my mission. The amount was remitted to Kanan Bala’s Bank A/c on 10.4.2023. Some of my trusted friends, colleagues, students also joined me for this pious mission. I was moved by unconditional love that I received from them, notably Prof. S.N. Pandey of Gorakhpur (contributing Rs. 31,000), Shri R.K. Saxena, Director, Amity University, Lucknow (Rs. 10,000), Shri Santosh Awasthi, Lecturer, Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalay, Trivediganj, Dist. Barabanki (Rs. 10,000), Prof. Pramod Kumar Singh, HoD, Mathematics, University of Allahabad (Rs. 7,500), and of late our relative Smt. Poonam Trivedi, Sr. Bank Manager, S.B.I., Mumbai (Rs. 20,000), etc. [Cf. Chapter 6 for full list of donors].

        I wished to raise the amount at least up to Rs. 1,000,000 (Rupees Ten Lakhs) distributing it amongst the three beneficiaries in the Rajan’s family:

(i) Rs. 2,50,000 earmarked for M.B.A. studies of his son (Rohan aka Priyanshu);
(ii) Rs. 2,50,000 earmarked for further studies of his daughter (Ms Arpita); and
(iii) Making a reserve of Rs. 500,000 for his wife (Smt. Kanan Bala) for any emergency.

In addition to Rs. 2,50,000 of mine and Rs. 500,00 of our son a sum of Rs. 1,30,000 only could also be received from others. As such, the planned amount was short of Rs. 1,20,000. I continued requesting for possible supplemental funds to my many associates. This had tremendous impact on an ex-student of mine (Shri Dharmagaj Prasad) who had already contributed Rs. 5,000 earlier. He decided to contribute the entire short amount (Rs. 1,20,000) and provided me much relief. His generosity and magnanimity inspired me to make all this narrative and I decided to pen it down so that it lasts forever.     
     
        What a pity! I got few flashes much earlier. As says the proverb: ‘Coming events cast shadow ahead’ I wrote the following couplet hardly a month before Rajan’s death:

    'रमना' यह संसार है, अपना कोउ न जान । जिनको तू अपना कहे, वे भी नोचै प्रान ॥
      जिनके तू काज सरे, वे सब भए महान । तेरी सुध ना काहु को, किनमें भरमे प्रान ॥
    धीरे - धीरे सब चले कायर, चतुर, महान । ना तू कुछ करि सक्यो, देखत रह्यो सुजान ॥
  जो थोड़े बाकी बचे, उनके भी अटके प्रान । क्या जाने अब कौन चले - क्यों सोंचे नादान ॥

        My reportage consists of Two Parts: the first one devoted to dear Arun while the latter one details relevant saga about dear Rajan. Both parts have altogether seven chapters: three in the first one, and four in the latter. The last chapter includes information of miscellaneous nature concerning Rajan: some of his literary taste, social and professional life exhibited through pictures. He was very particular to fulfill his social commitments. The last one was his participation (along with his son) in the marriage of my own eldest granddaughter (Aparna) on 2nd December, 2022 solemnized at Prayagraj - the auspicious occasion boycotted by me on certain issues. In our last meeting he commented that I should have attended her marriage. My response was that you are not privileged to say so; instead if I abstain from your own son’s marriage you would have it so to complain. Alas! now if such hypothetical lapse on my part actually happen Rajan would not be there to complain. The saga ends with a list of few of my previous literature whose contents could be reproduced here. 

        Needless to add the author shall ever remain indebted to the kind hearted thoughtful donors who richly deserve our gratitude. On behalf of our grief stricken daughter-in-law and her children, I offer my humble thanks to them for their humane considerations. God shall always shower His divine blessings upon these noble brethren. My thanks are also due to my own eldest grandson (Mr. Rahul Mishra) to remind me forgotten wor...

प्रिय राजन की इच्छानुसार - कि उस पर कोई पुस्तक न रची जाय, का सम्मान करते हुए इस श्रद्धांजलि-पुष्प में प्रमुखत: चित्र ही संकलित किये गये हैं । लेखक के पूर्व में सृजित विविध साहित्य में राजन से सम्बंधित कतिपय वाक्यांशों को ही यहाँ पर उद्धृत किया गया है । लब्ध-प्रतिष्ठ हिंदी कवि अब्दुर्रहीम खानखाना का निम्न दोहा ही अभीष्ट एवं पर्याप्त प्रतीत होता है । अन्य कुछ भी लिखना निरर्थक है -             

    या रहीम गति दीप की, कुल कपूत गति सोय । बारे उजियारो लगै, बढ़त अंधेरो होय ॥

सेमरई : 20.02.2023 / सोमवती अमावस्या, फाल्गुन, वि.सं. 2079
लखनऊ : 24.03.2023 / Appendix added / Further updated on 11.06.2023.   

अथाह वेदना -
                    “तुझे खो दिया हमने – जाने के बाद तेरी (बहुत) याद आई ।”
                  “रस्ता वही औ’ मुसाफ़िर वही, एक तारा न जाने कहाँ छुप गया |
              दुनिया वही दुनियावाले वही, कोई क्या जाने किसका जहां लुट गया ?”
              “याद आती रही दिल दुखाती रही, किंतु तुझको भुलाना न आया हमें |
              तू न आए तो क्या भूल जाए तो क्या, प्यार करके भुलाना न आया हमें ||”
‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌

After the mandate of recent Lok sabha elections (2024), the parliament has become a real ground where the voice of opposition also has a space. In the debate following the President's Address, Rahul Gandhi, the Leader of opposition responded by outlining the various problems facing the country. One part of his speech, which probably has been expunged from the proceedings related to the nature of Hinduism. As per him Hinduism is based on truth and non violence. "India is a country of non-violence, and not of fear. All our great men have spoken about nonviolence and overcoming fear." Gesturing towards the benches of BJP MPs, Gandhi added: "Those who call themselves Hindus speak all day about violence, hate and untruth."

It is highly encouraged to invest sustainably in the research studies on the ideologies that influence the current political mainline parties. We cannot just make observations and sweeping statements and forget about them altogether. Our attempt is to investigate and study the root causes and development of these ideologies that perpetuate an environment of fear and discord and thereby bring about a societal decline. It is amidst this background, I strongly advocate the establishment of Research Centres to study about Hindutva, Sangh-Parivar, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the historical development of Hindutva ideology, and the contributive factors of this emerging ideology and its presence in politics, bureaucracy, journalism, and constitutional intuitions.

The optics of a pocketbook Constitution in anyone's hands do not imply they have read it or are interested in wading through this lengthy text. Yet, the optics have given the Constitution an unprecedented tangible form and popularised the ideas of Constitutionalism.

On 4 June 2024, India emerged from the Modi miasma into which its corporate leaders had cast it. Bankrolling by ‘India, Inc.’ had created a mystique of invincibility around the Prime Minister. This was further inflated by India’s godi [lapdog] media, which parroted claims that Modi was the most popular leader in the world.1 Beloved of billionaires and Bollywood stars, yet pure and
pious, never forgetting his modest origins, bringing happiness to the humblest homes, he had unleashed the animal spirits of the Indian economy, now set to overtake China’s as a world powerhouse, a hightech and service-centre hub, while showering cooking-gas cylinders and
flushable toilets upon the grateful poor. It could not last. The economic policy demanded—and received—by India, Inc. required imposing economic pain of a scale and severity that could not be electorally costless. The money- and media-driven inflation of the Modi cult could not
defer payment forever and in 2024, votes finally dispelled the vapours money generated.

The campus of Nalnda was inaugurated formally by Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi on 19 th June (2024) in presence of Ambassadors of many countries like Myanmar, Srilanka, Vietnam, Japan, Korea among others. Most of these countries are the ones where Buddhism was spread by the preachers sent by Emperor Ashok. Initially the idea of reviving Nalanda as a premier global University was floated by the then President A.P.J Abul Kalam in 2006 and later ratified by Bihar Assembly and UPA Government. On the occasion; Modi stated that this University was burnt by foreign invaders in 12 th Century. He was just parroting the popular perception that Bakhtiyar Khilji, the courtier of Mahmud Ghori had burnt it.

The celebrated Hindi poet and one of the ‘Nine Gems’ in the Court of Emperor Mohammad Jalaluddin Akbar: Abdur Rahim Khankhana described apathy of a favour seeking person:
                                  “रहिमन वे नर मरि चुके जे कहुं मांगन जाहिं ।
                                उनते पहिले वई मरे जिन मुख निकसत नाहिं ।।”

I too witnessed it repeatedly in my life. The first setback I received in January 1980, when I contested the Parliamentary Election, for the first time, from Shahabad Constituency in U.P. The constituency was composed of three Assembly Segments of Hardoi district: Bawan, Pihani and Shahabad, and two Assembly constituencies of adjoining Lakhimpur-Kheri district: Mohammadi and Haiderabad. The last one included villages immediate to that of mine (Semrai) and Gola Gokarannath Town. I had studied there for seven years (class 6 - 12) during 1951-58. Many small traders and shopkeepers were regular debtors of my father. I also had many close relatives living there including my own real maternal uncle and his family. Even the maternal village (Deokali) of my mother was included in the constituency. So was the case of the maternal villages of my father and both grandmothers. In spite of all such bondages, I could hardly poll 118 votes from the entire town of Gola Gokarannath and 18 surrounding villages. Even the real maternal cousins of my father and others did not vote for me. Although my father trusted his cousin (Pt. Chhotey Lal Shukla - a Freedom Fighter) to the extent that he kept a large drum full of petrol for our vehicles at his house and deposited a considerable sum with his trusted jeweler (Sri Ram Gupta who was known as a staunch Congressman). Alas! no considerations worked in my favour.

        On contrary, I could visit a distantly located Shahabad Town just twice during my election campaign only; but polled 147 votes, where I had no relatives and no any personal contacts. I cannot forget the loving words uttered by an elderly Muslim medical doctor who rushed to me during my electioneering. He confessed to have heard a lot about my knowledge, persona and candidature that he made it a point to visit me. He also claimed to be a “London Returned”. Those days it used to be an additional feather to one’s cap to have made a trip to London or abroad. Presumably, I might have succeeded in getting his blessings. Similar was the solitary instance demonstrated by my ex-teacher: Shri Brij Mohan Sharma, who had taught me English in 12th class at Public Intermediate College, Gola Gokarannath in 1957-58. He openly declared that he had cast his vote in favour of his student, i.e. me.

      Being the only candidate hailing from the two Assembly constituencies of Lakhimpur-Kheri district amongst 10, I was very much optimistic to attract voters especially from this region. Anyway, it was the first debacle in my life. Later on, at many occasions I had to taste a bitter toast in my diverse and hectic activities ranging from academics to administration and a bit of political involvement. It may be added that I had again contested a Parliamentary Election second time (and that was the last so far) in 1991 - this time from Lakhimpur-Kheri constituency itself, where my own village was included. Again, it proved to be a setback. Out of 16 contestants, I alone was a Brahmin face, but nothing worked in my favour in spite of having made painstaking and strenuous campaigning.
I always carried an impression that my students love me maximum as I had never exploited them, never accepted anything from them in terms of material gains for my most dedicated service while imparting the knowledge to them. At times, I used to conduct my class even upto extended hours, say 4-5 hours, at A.P.S. University, Rewa (M.P.). In addition to my administrative liability as the Head of the Department and Dean, Faculty of Science, I used to devote completely to fulfill my academic obligations to the maximum extent possibly more than any teacher in the University. The only asset of my hard labour had been to find alumni of that small place right upto a level that one of my students (Dr. Sanjay Pant) is now an Associate Professor at a prestigious College of Delhi University. Two years back when I made an appeal to donate generously for the leftover family of my nephew (late) Mr. Arun Kumar Misra, not even a single student from Rewa came forward to my call. Going out of the way, I questioned a student (Mr. Santosh Kumar Mishra), who was gifted a soft copy of my own text-book on Tensors, published by us only, free. He took an alibi of caring his own ailing father. Neither any contribution came from Avadh University, Ayodhya, where I administered as a VC during 1989-92. Even my own research students: Prof. Paras Nath Pandey, then working as the VC of Nehru Gram Bharti University, Prayagraj, Prof. Chayan Kumar Mishra (appointed by me only at Avadh University), and Dr. Mahendra Pratap Singh (appointed by me at Avadh University and, later, on my recommendation at Mahatma Gandhi Kashi Vidyapith, Varanasi) donated nothing. The people can be so ungrateful that even the incumbents like Prof. Ajay Pratap Singh (appointed during my regime only) at Avadh University and others never thought of even showing their lip sympathy.   

          The indifferent nature of such ungrateful persons discouraged me much and I was reluctant to issue another appeal for similar help for the devastated family of my second nephew (Rajan) who died on 31st December, 2022. Instead, I requested my associates to get any job to the widow of Rajan. A favourable response was exhibited by a retired IAS cadre officer (Shri Dinesh Singh) of Prayagraj who, without my request for any monetary help, remitted Rs. 5,000 to the beneficiary (Mrs. Kanan Bala Mishra). Another retired IAS Officer of Panjab cadre (Engr. Dr. Narinder Wadhavan) encouraged me to issue another appeal to generate some funds for Rajan’s family. Of late, I could muster enough courage to circulate another appeal for donation to the bereaved family of dear Rajan on 15.3.2023, and donated Rs. 2,50,000 from my own sources. On my call, our eldest son (Shri Rakesh Mishra, Advocate, Allahabad High Court) also came forward managing Rs. 500,000 for my mission. The amount was remitted to Kanan Bala’s Bank A/c on 10.4.2023. Some of my trusted friends, colleagues, students also joined me for this pious mission. I was moved by unconditional love that I received from them, notably Prof. S.N. Pandey of Gorakhpur (contributing Rs. 31,000), Shri R.K. Saxena, Director, Amity University, Lucknow (Rs. 10,000), Shri Santosh Awasthi, Lecturer, Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalay, Trivediganj, Dist. Barabanki (Rs. 10,000), Prof. Pramod Kumar Singh, HoD, Mathematics, University of Allahabad (Rs. 7,500), and of late our relative Smt. Poonam Trivedi, Sr. Bank Manager, S.B.I., Mumbai (Rs. 20,000), etc. [Cf. Chapter 6 for full list of donors].

        I wished to raise the amount at least up to Rs. 1,000,000 (Rupees Ten Lakhs) distributing it amongst the three beneficiaries in the Rajan’s family:

(i) Rs. 2,50,000 earmarked for M.B.A. studies of his son (Rohan aka
        Priyanshu);
(ii) Rs. 2,50,000 earmarked for further studies of his daughter (Ms
        Arpita); and
(iii) Making a reserve of Rs. 500,000 for his wife (Smt. Kanan Bala) for any
        emergency.

        In addition to Rs. 2,50,000 of mine and Rs. 500,00 of our son a sum of Rs. 1,30,000 only could also be received from others. As such, the planned amount was short of Rs. 1,20,000. I continued requesting for possible supplemental funds to my many associates. This had tremendous impact on an ex-student of mine (Shri Dharmagaj Prasad) who had already contributed Rs. 5,000 earlier. He decided to contribute the entire short amount (Rs. 1,20,000) and provided me much relief. His generosity and magnanimity inspired me to make all this narrative and I decided to pen it down so that it lasts forever.     
     
          What a pity! I got few flashes much earlier. As says the proverb: ‘Coming events cast shadow ahead’ I wrote the following couplet hardly a month before Rajan’s death:

'रमना' यह संसार है, अपना कोउ न जान । जिनको तू अपना कहे, वे भी नोचै प्रान ॥
जिनके तू काज सरे, वे सब भए महान । तेरी सुध ना काहु को, किनमें भरमे प्रान ॥
धीरे - धीरे सब चले कायर, चतुर, महान । ना तू कुछ करि सक्यो, देखत रह्यो सुजान ॥
जो थोड़े बाकी बचे, उनके भी अटके प्रान । क्या जाने अब कौन चले - क्यों सोंचे नादान ॥

        My reportage consists of Two Parts: the first one devoted to dear Arun while the latter one details relevant saga about dear Rajan. Both parts have altogether seven chapters: three in the first one, and four in the latter. The last chapter includes information of miscellaneous nature concerning Rajan: some of his literary taste, social and professional life exhibited through pictures. He was very particular to fulfill his social commitments. The last one was his participation (along with his son) in the marriage of my own eldest granddaughter (Aparna) on 2nd December, 2022 solemnized at Prayagraj - the auspicious occasion boycotted by me on certain issues. In our last meeting he commented that I should have attended her marriage. My response was that you are not privileged to say so; instead if I abstain from your own son’s marriage you would have it so to complain. Alas! now if such hypothetical lapse on my part actually happen Rajan would not be there to complain. The saga ends with a list of few of my previous literature whose contents could be reproduced here. 

        Needless to add the author shall ever remain indebted to the kind hearted thoughtful donors who richly deserve our gratitude. On behalf of our grief stricken daughter-in-law and her children, I offer my humble thanks to them for their humane considerations. God shall always shower His divine blessings upon these noble brethren. My thanks are also due to my own eldest grandson (Mr. Rahul Mis...

This paper is an analysis and critique of postwar American political science, for the reason, that this scientific outlook has been instrumental in establishing and reinforcing global American hegemony in the post-world war period and to this very day remains the dominant discursive formation for formulating policy, especially in the US and Europe. By this analysis, we, as Aryans, seek to cast liberal science in a critical perspective, as the cause of illusion, disenchantment, persecution and epistemic violence, to say the least, and to redeem the alternative, namely Aryan, spiritual National-Socialism, which holds the absolute truth of creation and the very existence of man. In the paper we especially criticize behaviouralism and game theory, for being reductionist theories, while we seek to establish a new Aryan theology and science, for the redemption and salvation of all good people. We criticize American political science for being atheist and materialist and conceive of all science as political epistemology. It is a Third World War of faith and epistemics, so we describe Aryan epistemology as a strategy for victory in this regard. We hope the introductory paper will clarify our philosophy and solve some myths, as to the true nature of Aryan spirituality, philosophy and geopolitics. Thank you and good luck.

The BJP is still coming to power, but with vastly reduced numbers. Their "breakthrough" in new states like Tamilnadu are more than overthrown by their losses in key BJP states like Uttar Pradesh.

Who pulled them down from the heights: Hindus who were so fed up of their treacheries that they did not bother to go and vote for them, or voted for others? Or Hindus who kept exposing their treacheries in the social media?

Or was it the pro-BJP Hindus who egged them on in their backstabbing activities?

In the generic description of Indian society, the question of memory is about passive recollection of past. But in the caste-system based Indian experience, memory is also an active source of transforming one's condition in the present and reshaping the understanding of past. Based on the fieldwork conducted on the sites of important Dalit monuments in Uttar Pradesh with a focus on the process of memory consolidation in individual and collective entities, the role of memory in mobilization of political narratives and inter-group inequality is examined. The core argument is that Dalits are unequally placed as an entity in the caste-based memory structure of collective memory; this unequal placement of Dalits is carefully constructed and mobilized by the dominant castes. In the anti-caste struggle of Dalits, collective memory consolidation has played a vital role in ideologically creating counter-memories to challenge the Hindutva meta-narratives. Yet, there continues shaping of collective memory of Dalits by dominant castes by appropriating Dalit icons. Thus, the collective memory of creating an integrated Hindu identity as the only source of identifying with the past recently has led to the marginalization of Dalits' collective memory. Overall, this article highlights the role of collective memory for a meaningful understanding of the caste politics.

Historian Lawrence Britt hints at fourteen elements that were prevalent during the fascist regimes of Hitler, Mussolini, Franco, Suharto, and Pinochet. According to a human rights activist Cedric Prakash, these fourteen common characteristics of the fascist regime that are a reality in Modi’s regime in India are: “a) Powerful and continuing nationalism, b) Disdain for the recognition of human rights, c) Identification of enemies/ scapegoats as a unifying cause, d) Supremacy of the military, e) Rampant sexism, f) Controlled mass media, g) Obsession with national security, h) Religion and government are intertwined, i) Protection of corporate power, j) Suppression of labour power, k) Disdain for the intellectuals and the arts, l) Obsession with crime and punishment, m) Rampant cronyism and corruption, and n) Fraudulent elections.” The situation among the followers of different faiths and fascist and totalitarian ideologies in India due to the emergence of religious nationalism that is deeply in connivance with its incumbent political outfit in India is deeply disturbing as well as alarming.

आरएसएस से स्वतंत्र भाजपा: क्या आप मजाक कर रहे हैं श्रीमान नड्डा?
बीजेपी अध्यक्ष ने पत्रकारों लिज़ मैथ्यू और पी वैद्यनाथन अय्यर (द इंडियन एक्सप्रेस, दिल्ली, 18 मई, 2024) से बातचीत में दावा किया कि
“आरएसएस एक सांस्कृतिक संगठन है और हम एक राजनीतिक संगठन हैं...आरएसएस एक वैचारिक मोर्चा है। आरएसएस और भाजपा के काम करने के अपने-अपने क्षेत्र बहुत स्पष्ट रूप से स्थापित हैं।”

यह पहली बार नहीं था कि आरएसएस और बीजेपी के रिश्ते को लेकर यह झूठ बोला गया हो. आरएसएस के अंग्रेजी मुखपत्र ऑर्गेनाइजर ने 6 फरवरी 2000 के अपने संपादकीय में इस झूठ का सहारा लेते हुए लिखा:
“आरएसएस कोई राजनीतिक दल नहीं है। यह चुनाव में भाग नहीं लेता है और न ही इसके पदाधिकारियों को किसी राजनीतिक दल का पदाधिकारी बनना है। आरएसएस के पास कोई चुनाव चिह्न नहीं है और न ही इसके नेतृत्व या सदस्यों ने कभी राजनीतिक पद पाने का प्रयास किया है। यह एक सामाजिक-सांस्कृतिक संगठन है जो सभी राष्ट्रीय गतिविधियों को प्रेरित करने का प्रयास कर रहा है।”
आरएसएस लगातार यह प्रचार करता रहता है कि वह एक सामाजिक-सांस्कृतिक संगठन है और उसका राजनिति से कुछ लेना देना नहीं है। इसी तरह भारतीय जनता पार्टी के श्रेष्ठ नेता जो ज्यादातर संघ के प्रचारक हैं यह कहते नहीं थकते कि भाजपा एक स्वतंत्र राजनैतिक संगठन है। यह एक ऐसा झूठ है (और ऐसे झूठ सिर्फ़ आरएसएस से जुड़े लोग ही बोल सकते हैं) जिसे पूरा देश जानता है। स्वयं आरएसएस के दस्तावेज़ों में मौजूद निम्नलिखित सच्चाइयों से भी यह बात पूरी तरह स्पष्ट हो जाती है कि यह देश की राजनीति को आरएसएस अपने शिकंजे में लेना चाहता है।
आरएसएस के सब से बड़े दार्शनिक गोलवलकर ने राजनीति को संचालित करने की अपनी योजना की व्याख्या करते हुए उन्होंने 5 मार्च 1960 को इन्दौर में आरएसएस के विभागीय व उच्च स्तरीय कार्यकर्ताओं के एक अखिल भारतीय सम्मेलन में बताया किः
“हमें यह भी मालूम है, कि अपने कुछ स्वयं सेवक राजनीति में काम करते हैं। वहां उन्हें उस कार्य की आवश्यकताओं के अनुरूप जलसे, जुलूस आदि करने पड़ते हैं, नारे लगाने होते हैं। इन सब बातों का हमारे काम में कोई स्थान नहीं है। परन्तु नाटक के पात्र के समान जो भूमिका ली उसका योग्यता से निर्वाह तो करना ही चाहिए। पर इस नट की भूमिका से आगे बढ़कर काम करते-करते कभी-कभी लोगों के मन में उसका अभिनिवेश उत्पन्न हो जाता है। यहां तक कि फिर इस कार्य में आने के लिए वे अपात्र सिद्ध हो जाते हैं। यह तो ठीक नहीं है। अतः हमें अपने संयमपूर्ण कार्य की दृढ़ता का भलीभांति ध्यान रखना होगा। आवश्यकता हुई तो हम आकाश तक भी उछल-कूद कर सकते हैं, परन्तु दक्ष दिया तो दक्ष में ही खड़े होंगे।”

The president of BJP in conversation with journalists, Liz Mathew and P Vaidyanathan Iyer (The Indian Express, Delhi, May 18, 2024) claimed that
“RSS is a cultural organisation and we are a political organisation…It’s (RSS is) an ideological front. The RSS and the BJP have their own areas of working very clearly established”. [https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/j-p-nadda-interview-bjp-modi-9337032/]
We must compare this claim of the RSS with the following two statements of Golwalkar, who headed the RSS after the death of KB Hedgewar, and is considered the greatest ideologue of the organization till date. The first statement tells us about the kind of personnel who are sent to manipulate politics and what is expected of them by the RSS. While delivering a speech on March 16, 1954, in Sindi, Wardha, he said,
“If we say that we are part of the organization and accept its discipline then selectiveness has no place in life. Do what is told. If told to play kabaddi, play kabaddi; told to hold meeting then meeting….For instance some of our friends were told to go and work for politics that does not mean that they have great interest or inspiration for it. They don’t die for politics like fish without water. If they are told to withdraw from politics then also there is no objection. Their discretion is just not required.”
[Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruju Samgr Darshan (collected works of Golalkar in Hindi), Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur (RSS publication house), vol. III,  n. d., p. 32.]
The second statement is also very significant and clearly highlights the high level of political ambitions of the RSS. While addressing the leading RSS cadres at Indore on March 5, 1960 he said:
“We know this also that some of our Swayamsevaks work in politics. There they have to organize according to the needs of work public meetings, processions etc., have to raise slogans. All these things have no place in our work. However, like the character in a play whatever role has been assigned should be portrayed with best of capability. But sometimes Swayamsevaks go beyond the role assigned to a performer (nat) as they develop over-zealousness in their hearts, to the extent that they become useless for this work. This is not good.” [Ibid, vol. IV, pp. 4-5.]

BJP has a strong electoral machine, well backed up by its parent organization, RSS. The core module of RSS-BJP is based on demonization of Muslims through distortions of the medieval period of history in particular and glorification of the past where caste and gender hierarchy prevailed. When it comes to elections, RSS progeny has resorted to various themes from time to time. The first major theme was destruction of Hindu temples by Muslim kings which was the hidden message of the Ram Temple campaign. In due course security (Pakistan as the enemy) was also brought in. Prior to the demolition of Babri, they used to talk of Indianization of Muslims among other anti Muslim themes.

संवैधानिक आरक्षण पर आरएसएस की धोकाधड़ी 
        दुनिया में हिंदुओं का सबसे बड़ा संगठन होने का दावा करने वाला आरएसएस वास्तव में एक ऐसा अनूठा संगठन है जो अपने कार्यकर्ताओं को शुद्ध गोएबेलियन परंपरा में झूठ बोलने और उसे फैलाने का प्रशिक्षण देता है। यह एक गुरुकुल (हिंदू उच्च जातियों के लिए शिक्षण संस्थान) के रूप में भी कार्य करता है; जहां छात्र जॉर्ज ऑरवेल द्वारा 'डबलस्पीक' अर्थात दोग़लेपन का प्रशिक्षण पाकर इस कला के माहिर बनआये जाते हैं।  इसी लिये आरएसएस को एक "संगठन जो राजनीतिक डबलस्पीक पर पनपता है" के रूप में पहचाना जाता है। [Editorial, ‘Sangh’s triple-speak’, The Times of India, 26 August 2002.]. इस प्रकार घड़े गए झूठ के पुलंदों के माध्यम से बहुजन जातियों, अल्पसंख्यकों और उन सभी लोगों के खिलाफ ज़हर फैलाया जाता है जो जनतंत्र, समानता और धर्म-निरपेक्षता के पक्ष में खड़े होते हैं।

RSS which claims to be the biggest organization of Hindus in the world is, in fact, a unique organization which trains its cadres in manufacturing and spreading lies in the pure Goebbelian tradition. It functions as a gurukul; a high Caste learning institution for Hindu high Castes where students also graduate in practising what George Orwell termed 'doublespeak' and thus RSS has rightly been described as an "organization that thrives on political doublespeak". [Edit, 'Sangh's triple-speak', The Times of India, 26 August 2002.]. It is through lies that poison is spread against lower Castes, minorities and all those who stand for multi-culturalism.

एका आंदोलन के सूत्रधार मदारी पासी का जिनका जन्म हरदोई जिले के मोहनखेड़ा गांव में हुआ था । उन्होंने अवध में शोषित पीड़ित किसान को संगठित कर जमींदारों के शोषण के विरूद्ध एकाआंदोलन चलाया ,जिसका विस्तार हरदोई, सीतापुर , बाराबंकी , लखनऊ, शाहजहांपुर सहित कई जिलों तक हुआ । औपनिवेशिक दमन से त्रस्त भारतीयों किसानों के प्रतिरोध और ऐसे आंदोलनों के व्यापक प्रभाव को लंदन के अखबार तक कवर कर रहें थे  किंतु भारतीय अखबार इस विषय पर चुप्पी साधे हुए थे । स्वाधीनता आंदोलन के समानांतर चलने वाले इस बड़े किसान आंदोलन को इतिहास की पुस्तकों में विशेष स्थान नहीं मिला हैं । शायद यही वजह है कि इस आंदोलन के जननायक मदारी पासी को वो सम्मान और श्रेय नहीं दिया गया जिसके वे असली हकदार थे ।

Brāhmāno'sya múkhāmasidbahu rajanyah kritah uru tadasya yadvaishyah padbbyam Sudro ajayata" This is the first definite indication of the four-tier hierarchical inequality developing among the Vedic Aryans, though without use of the term 'varna' is found in the famous 'purushasuktam' of the tenth 'mandala' of the Rig Veda, which represents that the Brahmanas as the mouth, the rajanya or Kshtriyas as the arms, the Vaishya as the thighs and the Sudras as emanating from the feet of the divine pùrùsha. But in our detailed studies we found that it is not so easy to trace the origin of Shudra Varna in ancient India. Scholars like Vivekanda Jha, R S Sharma, Sharad Patil , C L Sonkar, etc. thoroughly analyzed the primary sources of Varna or caste system in ancient Indian society and based on this we have created a short review on the debate of origin of the Shudras in ancient India. We primarily tried to locate here the origin of the term Sudra for a particular section of people and later their social conditions.

Does the BJP represent Hindu interests?

Was the Hindu stream of Indian political thought lagging behind in patriotism during the freedom movement?

Is the BJP closer to Savarkar or to Gandhi?

Three questions sought to be answered in this article.

The essay argues –based on a close study of the past century --for doses of rationality and soul-searching in the ongoing battle for minority rights and dignity. It urges India's Muslim communities to make their own contribution to invest in secularising India, and underlines that minority communalism is no antidote to majoirtarianism.