Inscription

Abstract
A carpet is a product of arrayed meaningful elements or arranged artistic motifs set together. The practical and spiritual applications of carpet indicate that this Persian art can deliver meanings in different aspects. Carpets have long been used in religious, rituals and funeral ceremonies. Not only are these artistic creations applied for covering various spaces, but also they are dedicated to holy places due to the strong tie they have with lives of Iranian people. Accordingly, this paper studies the carpet dedicated to the Holy Shrine of Imamzadeh Zeid that was woven by the order of Taghi Khan Dorrani, governor of Kerman. This study aims to explore the hidden layers of meaning in the text inscriptions of the carpet and find answers to the followings: What are the implicit meanings that the carpet inscriptions imply? Can we investigate the meaning of the carpet text by using a comparative study? Can we find a significant relationship between the text components and other written texts of the carpet by using an intertextual approach? Here, the research data is obtained from library researches and museum observations and studied in comparative, historical and analytical research methods. Not only does the discovery of implicit and explicit layers of the inscription describe the relation between the writing order and the pictorial order of the carpet, but also it reveals the public wisdom of the public during Zand era.
Keywords
Inscription, Carpet, Endowment, Taghi Khan Dorrani.

Many studies have been accomplished on the subject of Cyrus Cylinder inscription, but mythological role of Mesopotamian Nabu on this cylinder has not been properly studied. The Cylinder is damaged on some parts and Nabu and Marduk are the only remained god-names in the inscription. Nabu was the god of writing, wisdom, and to some extent happiness who protected scribes and was believed to be the Marduk’s minister or son. The authors’ aim, in this article is to understand why Cyrus had Nabu be mentioned beside Marduk in his famous cylinder which was ordered to be carved on his peaceful triumph over Babylonia, and why no other god-name was inscribed there. Therefore, Nabu’s function, temple and origin are initially studied and then his different roles in kings’ inscriptions in different times and places, and also the importance of attendance of Marduk and Nabu beside each other are studied. Finally, Nabu will be analyzed in Cyrus Cylinder and it will be made clear, as the result, that Nabu had probably an important role in the said inscription as Marduk’s son and heir, and the one who empowered and protected kingdom of Cyrus and his successor, Cambyses, relying on wisdom, longevity and happiness.

THE OTTOMAN INSCRIPTIONS OF HYPATA (BADRACIK)

The published epigraphic material derives from the city of Hypata (Ottoman Badracık). The corpus comprises four inscriptions in total, two funerary and two dedicatory. The collection covers the period from the late eighteenth to the early nineteenth century. The material on which they are inscribed is white coarse-grain marble of high quality, meticulously sculpted (nos 1, 3-4) and limestone (no. 2). The decorative patterns of the main side consist of the equitant shallow cartouches, which accommodate embossed inscriptions in a relief technique. The type of script most frequently used is the basīt celī sülüs, which varies from its simplest form (kırma) on the inscription no. 4, to its calligraphic style detected on the inscriptions nos 1 and 3.

This thesis investigates the usages of spatial representations (maps, simulations, 3D representations…) described in the literature as essential to any process of Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM). The aim is to understand how spatial representations contribute to implementing and organising ICZM processes at a local scale.
An ethnographic methodology is implemented in two case studies in France (Brest and Lorient) in order to observe spatial representations in concrete and tangible situations of uses. Circumstances, goals and uses conditions are analysed as well as interactions that they induce with stakeholders, contributing (or not) to move on the process to a next step. We used the actor network’s theory to analysed a corpus made of 15 non-participating observatories, 24 semi-structured interviews with the stakeholders and 300 documents (reports, slides show…) including 115 spatial representations.
The results show that the ICZM’s stakeholders use only a few potentialities offered by the Geographic Information Technologies. Furthermore, spatial representation’s uses are mainly intended to construct and stabilise the actor’s network rather than to organise the territory as generally described in the literature. Finally, the spatial representation’s status (inscriptions, intermediary objects, actants) vary slightly. Indeed, spatial representations are mainly used as intermediary objects, helping stakeholders to collaborate.

"Can an object be defined as votive solely based upon the presence of an inscription? Does relying upon such a definition restrict a more multivalent analyses of objects thus identified as votive? In this thesis, I examine the most prevalent practice used by scholars to identify votive offerings in the Middle Byzantine period – relying upon an object’s accompanying inscription. This study focuses on those objects inscribed with a particular invocation – one that uses the word boethei. I demonstrate that we cannot rely on this inscription alone to identify an object as votive. It is rather the combination of many elements, including medium, iconography, patron and function that contribute to this identification and which enable us to more clearly understand the multivalent messages conveyed by these objects.

In Chapter One, I turn to the context with which votive is most often associated – sacred. With each object I consider whether it is or is not votive and how the inscription contributes to that identification. In Chapter Two I examine objects inscribed with boethei that were intended for use or display in a secular context. While the objects discussed in Chapter One can be identified as votive, those discussed in this chapter cannot be so labeled. What then does the inscription mean in a secular context? In Chapter Three I present one object as a case study. I examine aspects of its production including inscriptions, patronage, iconography and function to argue that identifying a votive object requires a multivalent analysis of all its components. I show that, in this case, the patrons created a unified program of text, iconography and relics to convey their hope for salvation through perpetual prayer. I demonstrate that when all of these components are considered, we find a more precise message than what is explicitly stated in the inscription itself."

Seals are one of the most important archaeological findings that provide reliable information about geographical names and job positions of the past. During Sasanian period seals were used by individual government officials. The use of seals expanded with the growth of Sasanian economy. In the archives of the Bu'ali Museum of Hamadan, 23 Sassanid seals from the Asadabad area are kept. Eleven of these seals have motifs of human, six have animal motifs, one has hand motif and two others hybrid mythological. The present research deals with the ten seals. Among these ten seals, five have human image (four a man's image and one a woman image), four seals have animal designs (three bull and one ram) and one is a monogram seal. The purpose of this research is to document, read inscriptions and examine the roles of these seals.

The origin and the nature of the Philistines is an enigma for the contemporary historical studies. They appear to have first settled the Aegean area and then, as a Sea People, around 1200 B.C. to have invaded and settled the south part of present Israel. The recent Harvard Leon Levy Expedition excavations in the area of the port of the ancient Philistine Ashkelon recovered 18 jar handles and one inscribed ostracon made from local clay. The ostracon, classified as RN 9794, hosts the inscription 4.5 that is particularly illuminating about the origin and nature of the Philistines. The analysis of all the possible 27 spellings of the inscription reveals one of them which, compared with the present surviving Slavic languages, appears to have the specific meaning of: People come in, we see, or in loose translation: Come and see. The inscription and the considerations developed in this article indicate that the Philistines of the ancient Ashkelon, or the Philistines in general, was a Proto-Slavic tribe or people which spoke a non-survived Proto-Slavic language, which settled in the south part of present Israel in the Iron Age, i.e. well before the VII century A.D. generally accepted period of the Slavs arrival in Eastern Europe.

2012. In the Journal of Field Archaeology, 37/2: 145-151.
This paper describes new developments and deliberations at the 35th Session of the World Heritage
Committee in Paris in June 2011. One of the most striking aspects of this year’s meetings was the vocal
challenge to the expert status and authority of the Advisory Bodies (ICOMOS and IUCN) by the Committee
in making recommendations for site inscription. By the end of the meetings they had overturned 22 of the
Advisory Body recommendations previously presented in the Draft Decision. Many of those challenges
reflect a broader desire to inscribe properties within nations that have been historically underrepresented
on the World Heritage List. I also suggest, however, that long-standing political allegiances and new
socioeconomic alliances were key factors in voting trends, while heritage sites themselves and their
specific requirements received less substantive discussion. The ramifications of these developments for
States Parties and communities in terms of site conservation and management can only be assessed in
years to come.

IS PAPER EXAMINES ALL INGARDEN'S ARGUMENTS (BOTH THE FULLY EXPLICIT AND THE MERELY SUGGESTED) FOR REFUSING CATEGORICALLY TO CONSIDER THE VISUALLY INSCRIBED ASPECT OF THE TEXT AS POTENTIALLY PART OF THE LITERARY WORK. ALL THESE ARGUMENTS ARE SHOWN TO BE INCONCLUSIVE AND SOME AT ODDS WITH INGARDEN'S OWN GENERAL ONTOLOGICAL AND AESTHETIC CATEGORIES. A POSITIVE CASE IS ALSO MADE FOR THE AESTHETIC RELEVANCE OF TEXTUAL VISUALITY.

本文嘗試聚焦到較少人深入探究的「山水銘文」，希望使山水如何參與文學的版圖更完整地被呈現出來，主要針對唐前警戒性山水銘文中的〈劍閣銘〉進行探討。將〈劍閣銘〉放回警戒性銘文的傳統──尤其是「物─事」關係的議題──會發現，〈劍閣銘〉既承襲又突破以往的「物─事」關係，由建構連結轉向了解構。然而〈劍閣銘〉中的「險─固」和「德─固」論述，並未超越前人，也重疊映現了以史為鑒的觀念，依然相信亮出一面慣用的史鏡足以輝耀禦過，不變的天命將有效地導正進德之路。〈劍閣銘〉的刊刻，一方面倚靠山石不朽之信念，一方面使其易於接近看見，發揮時時提醒的警戒效果。而從〈劍閣銘〉未刻到刊刻之間的距離，或許可以開鑿新的討論空間，呈現〈劍閣銘〉的警戒對象之游移軌跡，以及與箴文發展的互動，得以一窺〈劍閣銘〉所在的歷史語境與文體環境。

Cheikh Zouède est un village localisé sur la côte ouest du Sinaï, entre Rafah (19 km au sud) et El' Arîche et quelques dizaines de kilomètres de Gaza (54 km au S.-O. de Gaza et 144 km de Jérusalem). Il est identifié avec Bitulion, une ville épiscopale au VIe siècle dont l'histoire remonte à l'époque sémitique avec quelques fondations. A l'époque ptolémaïque existe un bourg, Bytyl, témoigné par la céramique rhodienne (amphores estampillées).
La fouille de 1913 n'était qu'un dégagement rapide des vestiges archéologiques sans méthode au sens actuel du terme. La mosaïque figurative (4,75 x 3 m), très bien conservée, occupe la partie Est d'une grande pièce rectangulaire (7,25 x 6,60 m). A l'ouest de cette mosaïque est juxtaposé un panneau géométrique (1, 72 x 1,65 m). Ces deux mosaïques polychromes contrastent avec le sol monochrome en tesselles blanche.
Le visiteur se trouvait d'abord en face d'une longue inscription, le panneau central déroulé en deux registres figurait un thiase dionysiaque, enfin le dernier illustrait le mythe de Phèdre et d'Hippolyte accompagné au-dessus d'une inscription et couronné d'une autre.
L’auteur analyse trois inscriptions et trois images figurées du point de vue du vocabulaire utilises, de  l’iconographie ainsi que de l’iconologie en suivant leurs apparitions depuis la tragédie grecque jusqu’ à l’époque tardive.
Nous nous demandons si l'inscription contre le Mauvais Œil et l'Envie est placée intentionnellement près du mythe de Phèdre et d'Hippolyte. Il fait allusion aux conséquences destructrices d'un regard maléfique, malheur à celui qui tenterait d'entrer avec de semblables intentions. l'hypothèse nous semble défendable. Nous connaissons toute une série d'inscriptions exprimant l'idée : « Que l'on souhaite du bien ou du mal, il sera rendu au double ».
Dionysos et Héraclès sont associés dans les écrits théologiques de Julien. Le premier veille que la vie ait un sens et le deuxième est un dieu <<gardien>> et <<protecteur>> du monde. Ces caractéristiques attribuées à Dionysos et à Héraclès expliquent leur présence sur cette mosaïque.
Il serait tout à fait justifié de comparer le programme de la mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède avec celui de la villa gauloise de Vinon en Narbonnaise interprétée d'une façon excellente par Henri Lavagne. Nous voyons aussi quelques parallèles avec des inscriptions saluant le visiteur (HAIREI) et l’avertissant (KAISU) en même temps. C'est le cas de la maison de Dionysos à Néa Paphos qui a fait l’objet d’une très bonne étude de Ch. Kondelon. Les mosaïques du vestibule de la maison du Mauvais Œil ont également le pouvoir protecteur comme Doro Levi l’a justement expliqué.
Ce pavement du Sinaï d'une vaste propriété nous laisse penser que ses habitants devaient être hellénisées et profondément païens. Ils se servent de la mythologie pour décorer leur demeure et se protègent contre l'intrusion des forces maléfiques. Le propriétaire est un homme cultivé et le filokalos. Le choix des sujets mythologiques pour représenter des idées qui sont exprimées sur d'autres mosaïques d'une façon beaucoup moins sophistiquée témoigne de son goût raffiné. La date de l'exécution de la mosaïque reste discutable, malgré quelques analogies iconographiques et stylistiques suggérant plutôt la période entre les premières moitiés du IVe et du Ve siècles ( sur la datation et le style de la mosaïque cf. M. T. Olszewski, La mosaïque de style naïf de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï , Archeologia (Warsaw) 53, 2002, pp. 45–61, pls III+VI).

The inscription 6858 was discovered on a grave slab at the beginning of 1965, 1 km far from the village of Kjolmen (Preslav district—Bulgaria). After having considered previous decipherings, we propose a deciphering based on similarities between the inscription characters and characters in the Greek alphabets and on similarities of its words with words in present, surviving Slavic languages. The inscription meaning is: this is the tomb of Ebavo son of Zesasha and in the grave is too Ilasi wife of Leteda and daughter to me, which indicates that, originally, the slab was inscribed in a non-survived Proto-Slavic language. This indicates that the inscription originated from a Proto-Slavic culture which settled in the southern part of the Balkan area during the 6 th-5 th cen. BC, i.e. well before the 7 th cen. AD the generally accepted period of the Slavs arrival in Eastern Europe, and represents an invitation to make efforts for exploring the presence and development of Proto-Slavic cultures in the Balkan area, Europe and Middle-East in the antiquity.

Listing Political Functions on Roman Inscriptions from the City of Nemausus.
There are three different ways to cite a local ruler’s career on an inscription in the Roman city of Nemausus, regardless of whether this ruler is an eques. They are 1) to cite all duties one by one, 2) to mention only the most important functions, or 3) to use the general expression omnibus honoribus functus. The second variant is the most frequent. Which of the variants is chosen depends on criteria that are difficult to grasp today. Engraving costs, the more impressive effect of a more succinct engraving on the reader, as well as the prestige of the family can all contribute to preference of one variant over the other. The greatest level of prestige appears to be represented by the omission of details when the person’s name  or his family name is illustrious. The assumed prestige symbolized by erecting a funeral monument or a statue foreshadows and feeds into the prestige the ruler desired to achieve.
Il existe trois façons de présenter une carrière sur une inscription parmi les magistrats de rang supérieur issus de la cité de Nîmes, qu’ils soient de rang équestre ou non : l’énumération de toutes les fonctions revêtues, la mention de la ou les plus importantes uniquement ou l’utilisation de la formule récapitulative omnibus honoribus functus. La deuxième formule est la plus populaire. Le choix dépend de considérations n’étant pas toujours à notre portée : le prix de la gravure, l’efficacité face au lecteur et l’ancienneté de la famille. Le plus grand prestige semble résider dans l’omission, lorsque le nom seul de la personne et surtout celui de sa famille suffisent : le prestige assumé nourrit le prestige recherché par l’érection d’un monument funéraire ou d’une statue au notable.

Abstract:

In this article, three carved works in stone (Figs. 1-3) found in a variety of areas in Eskişehir (Fig. 4) (within the territory of Dorylaion) and preserved in the archaeological museum of Eskişehir are introduced. These three objects are votive worked stones dedicated to a goddess termed Meter Tetraprosopos (Μητὴρ Τετραπρόσωπος). One of these is a very small altar which has an ancient Greek dedicatory inscription and between the acroteria there is the quadruple figure of the goddess recorded in relief. The second monument (Figs 2 a-d) is a carving of quadruple figurine, the lower part of which is lost. The third object (Figs. 3 a-d) is a small dedication comprising a relief carving consisting of only the four heads of the goddess. There are no inscriptions on the second and third objects. It is observed that this goddess is depicted having a determined iconography. The goddess is described through four women standing side by side, all wearing chitons and having a stephane crown upon their heads. The figures on the altar carry girlands in their hands. The figures on the second, broken figurine would also have carried girlands in their hands. There is a goddess termed "Meter Tetraprosopos" (the four-faced Meter) known from inscriptions from the regions of Galatia and Phrygia. There are however, no depictions of the goddess recorded with these inscriptions. However, some uninscribed votive stones carrying this iconography of the goddess with four faces and four bodies are also known from Phrygia. I think the four-headed goddess mentioned in these inscriptions is to be identified with the goddess depicted in this manner. In my article on two works preserved in Afyon Museum and which, in my opinion also portrays Meter Tetraprosopos, published previously, and the documents concerning this cult have also been compiled, see: N.E. Akyürek Şahin, Meter Tetraprosopos İçin Phrygia'dan İki Yazıtsız Belge, Arkeoloji ve Sanat 133, 2010, 27-38.

Keywords:
Meter Tetraprosopos, Phrygia, Dorylaion, Eskişehir Museum, Dedication


Özet:
Eskişehir Müzesi'nin yeni yazıtları üzerinde sürdürdüğüm epigrafik çalışmalarım sürecektir ve kaydettiğimiz eserlerin bazıları yayıma hazırlanmaktadır.

Bu makalede ise Eskişehir'de (Dorylaion teritoryumu) çeşitli yerlerde bulunmuş (Figür 4) ve bugün Eskişehir Müzesi'nde korunmakta olan üç eser (Figür 1-3) tanıtılmaktadır. Her üç eser de adak taşı olup Meter Tetraprosopos (Μητὴρ Τετραπρόσωπος) isimli bir tanrıçaya sunulmuştur. Eserlerden birisi çok küçük bir altardır (Figür 1 a-b) ve üzerinde Eski Yunanca adak yazıtı vardır. Eserin akroterleri arasına ise tanrıçanın dörtlü figürü kabartma olarak işlenmiştir. İkinci eser (Figür 2 a-d) alt kısmı kırılmış dörtlü bir heykelcik-tir. Üçüncü eser (Figür 3 a-d) ise, üzerinde tanrıçanın sadece dört başından oluşan bir kabartma bulunan küçük bir adak levhasıdır. 2. ve 3. eserlerin yazıtı yoktur. Eserde tanrıçanın belirli bir ikonografide betim-lendiği görülmektedir. Tanrıça yan yana bitişik duran ve khiton giymiş dört kadın biçiminde betimlenmiş olup hepsinin de başında stephane tacı bulunmaktadır. Altar üzerindeki figürler ellerinde girland taşımak-tadır. Kırık olan ikinci heykelcikte de figürler ellerinde girland taşıyor olmalıdır. Phrygia ve Galatia böl-gelerinde yazıtlar aracılığı ile tanınan "Meter Tetraprosopos" (Dört yüzlü Meter) isimli bir tanrıça vardır. Söz konusu yazıtların üzerinde herhangi bir betim yoktur. Ancak, yine Phrygia Bölgesi'nde dört vücutlu ve dört yüzlü bir tanrıça ikonografisinde olan bazı yazıtsız adaklar da ele geçmiştir. Kanaatimce, yazıtlar-da adı geçen "Dört Yüzlü" tanrıça ile bu şekilde betimlenen figürlerde aynı tanrıça kastedilmektedir. Af-yon Müzesi'nde korunan ve yine Meter Tetraprosopos'u betimlediğini düşündüğüm iki eser hakkındaki makalemde bu konuya değinilmiş ve kültle ilgili bilinen tüm belgeler toplanmıştır, bkz. N.E. Akyürek Şahin, Meter Tetraprosopos İçin Phrygia'dan İki Yazıtsız Belge, Arkeoloji ve Sanat 133, 2010, 27-38.

Anahtar sözcükler:
Meter Tetraprosopos, Phrygia, Dorylaion, Eskişehir Müzesi, Adak yazıtı

A rock inscribed with ancient, strange characters in the locality of Parvomai on the peak Elez, in the area of the villages of Bukovo and Voden near Mount Dragoyna, Northeastern Rodopi region (Bulgaria) was brought to the attention of the archaeologists by Paun Tashev. The inscription attracted our attention and pushed us to exercise our skills for providing its deciphering. The similarities between the name or the words in the inscription with a Slavic god name or surviving words still present in modern Slavic languages indicate, in both the cases, that tribes or peoples speaking Slavic languages were present in Northeastern Rodopi region in the Bronze Age, i.e. well before the VII century A.D. generally accepted period of the arrival of the Slavs in Eastern Europe.

Kotalipada mud rampart is a colossal archaeological remain could have been built in the late early historic period to early medieval period (c. 5th-6th century AD) which is still now visible and local people are being used it as their settlement purposes. Development of human settlement in this area is deeply integrated with the expansion of human colonization in the south Bengal along with the development of new land due to sea-level changes of the Bay of Bengal. The aim of this paper is to explore the pattern of early human settlement based on the extensive field survey, locating the archaeological site and documenting the current settlement. It has been postulated that the mud rampart was used as the purpose of settlement rather than defence and that was linear of its type. In addition, as the area was waterlogged and unsuitable for commencing agriculture and settlement so that people build such gigantic architecture. Additionally, we proposed some areas from where the early inhabitant came into Kotalipada.

Many existing defenses of group rights seem to rely on the notion of group freedom. To date, however, no adequate analysis of this notion has been offered. Group freedom is best understood in terms of processes of social categorization that are embedded in social mechanisms. Such processes often give rise to group-specific constraints and enablements. On the proposed social mechanism account, group rights are demands for group freedom. Even so, group rights often serve to eradicate individual unfreedom. Furthermore, generic measures sometimes provide the most appropriate solution to a problem of group unfreedom.

This paper presents 10 new funerary inscriptions from the Tokat Museum. Some of the stelai are from Gaziura (no. 1), Zela (nos. 2 and 10) and Comana Pontica (no. 4). The places of discovery of the other stelai remain unknown. The oldest stele (no. 1) is from the late Classical or early Hellenistic Period. It was set up for a Rhodian who may have lived in Gaziura as a trader. The latest monument (no. 10) is a stele of a chartuiarius from the the end of the 5th or from the 6th century AD. The stele no. 3, which indicates the year 182 (pontus Poleminiacus era), may have been set up in 245/ 46 AD. Of the names mentioned in the inscriptions, 11 are Greek and 7 Latin; the origin of "Sapos" in the stele no. 5 remains uncertain. The inscriptions suggest a high degree of Hellenization and Romanization in Pontus Polemoniacus.

Surviving Byzantine silk textiles produced between the eighth and eleventh centuries are among the highest achievements in weaving history. In middle Byzantium, silk was an imperial prerogative important in ceremonial, diplomatic and economic spheres. Imperial textiles were woven in a state silk workshop under the control of the palatine fiscal administration. The state’s interest in maintaining the value of silk was exercised by controlling private production. To link historical scholarship with textiles studies, the focus of this work is the middle Byzantine imperial silk workshop. The goal is to bring textile remains together with the circumstances of use, incorporating all available primary evidence.

To place the imperial silk workshop into the appropriate historical context, the development of silk is traced through the early and middle periods. The official roles of silk are identified to understand the purpose of imperial textiles. Because a study of the imperial silk workshop has not been published, relevant information is assembled from diverse sources. Workshop characteristics include: geographic location, administrative framework, worker identity and types of goods produced. Four inscribed silks are assessed from a technical point of view to define a common set of characteristics comprising a “workshop signature.” Weave structure, pattern convention and drawloom technology provide the analytical basis for this study. When consistently defined, these characteristics can be used to assign textile remains to production centers, complementary to information drawn from other fields.

Publication of 2 South-Arabian inscriptions : the first text is a royal inscription; the second is an inscription of qayls (&quot;princes&quot;) of the Madhī tribe who supervised the construction of the mountain road. These texts are interesting in many respects. First, in terms of the geographical situation, they are the most southwestern of all the Qatabānian inscriptions known thus far. Moreover, the second text sheds new light on the political and social organization of the South Arabian highlands since its authors use the title of qayl (&quot;prince&quot;) at that early period. It proves the existence of the qiyāla system in the southern part of the highlands as early as the reign of one of the first mukarribs of Qatabān.

During surveys over the southern part of the Kuh-e Hossein range and east of Naqš-e Rostam, a group of three pairs of rock-cut niches (two unfinished) was found at the foot of high cliffs rising above the foothills in 2012. Next to the niches nine engraved inscriptions were discovered. A year later an epigraphic study was carried out in order to decipher the Middle Persian texts. These rock-cut niches are in line with previously documented inscribed funerary remains in the surroundings of the historical city of Estaḫr: the inscriptions depict them as daḫmag. Less than 1 m in size, they should most probably be interpreted as ossuaries or cavities cut in the rock to shelter mobile ossuaries. The style of script suggests dating these funerary remains back to a period no earlier than the 7th century AD, most probably during the early decades of Islamic domination. These new tombs enhance our knowledge of the rich funerary landscape along the southern Kuh-e Hossein foothills, where we ar...