Lycia

THE CULT OF DIONYSOS IN ASIA MINOR
IN THE ROMAN IMPERIAL AGE

Making his presence, which can be traced long before the Archaic Age, deeply felt mainly in Hellas, Asia Minor and then in Rome throughout the ancient world, Dionysos, depending on the place and time, appears before us sometimes as a god of grape-wine, sometimes as a god of theatre and acting arts and sometimes as a religious power shaped according to the local needs, however, he has generally been a god of nature representing the fertility and abundance. According to the inscriptions, Dionysos was mentioned with many epithetons in Asia Minor of the Roman Imperial Age, and that he was a god of nature bringing abundance-fertility and his many other features can be observed by these epithetons. Depending on the long stated customs, the cult of Dionysos in Asia Minor survived throughout the Roman Imperial Age (especially in the II-III. Century A.D. with festivals, cult associations and structuring, artists (musicians, players, dancers) that served his cult. According to the written records, festivals such as Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris organized in the name of Dionysos were celebrated. Dance, music and play competitions were made in these festivals maintained by the rich citizens or directors and not commonly known cult rituals were performed. Besides the associations of synodos artists called by different names in different times in the large cities of the west, cult associations broad in scope such as thiasos, speira or cult member groups with large audience in various names were active both in worshipping and these festivals. In order to achieve this, undoubtedly, both artist associations and cult associations had to have a well organized governing structure. Names were given to the cult members according to the task taken. These members also had to pay a membership fee in order to be a member or to continue to be one. Actually, these fees were as important as the epimeletes in the mainta-nance of these associations. In addition, they were supported both mate-rially and spiritually by the Roman emperors or provincial governors. Although the paganic religious activities in the lands of Asia Minor under the control of Rome were left to the free will of the cities, they would not be strong without the respect shown for the cults of the emperors, emperor and the Roman goddess (Dea Roma). The worshipping of Dionysos could only develop with the close relations with the emperors and the Roman Empire. Correspondingly, supporting a paganic cult significant for the people, the Roman Empire gained the sympathy of the people and also kept them loyal to Rome. The deification of the Roman emperors began with General Marcus Antonius, who was wellcomed as “New Dionysos” on his arrival to Ephesos, and continued in the Roman Imperial Age. During this period the associations in Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias and Sardeis characterised Emperor Hadrianus, Commodus and Caracalla by this epitheton. Thus, they deified them by considering them equal with Dionysos. Dionysos also had common worship with imperial or Dea Roma cult besides the common paganic worship of Zeus and Dēmētēr. Like all other paganic religions, the cult of Dionysos broke down with the strengthening Christianity with which it had opposite doctrines and finally with the acceptance of Christianity as the official religion of the state. However, many features of the Dionysos cult continued to exist in Asia Minor both in Christian features and local cultures and traditions. Today it still continues this effect.

Arkaik Çağ’dan çok daha eskilere götürebildiğimiz varlığını, coğrafi olarak başta Hellas, Küçükasya ve sonraları Roma olmak üzere tüm Antik Çağ coğrafyasında etkin bir şekilde hissettiren Dionysos, yer ve zaman farkına bağlı olarak, bazı yerlerde üzüm-şarap tanrısı, bazılarında tiyatro ve sahne sanatlarının tanrısı, bazılarında ise yerel ihtiyaçlar doğrultusunda şekillendirilmiş dinsel bir güç olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Ama genel olarak bereket ve bolluğu temsil eden bir doğa tanrısı kimliğine sahip olmuştur. Yazıtlardan anlaşıldığına göre Roma İmparatorluk Çağı Küçükasyası’ nda birçok epitheton ile anılan Dionysos’un, bolluk-bereket getiren bir doğa tanrısı olduğu ve diğer başka özellikleri gene bu epitheton’larından anlaşılmaktadır. Küçükasya’daki Dionysos kültü Roma İmparatorluk Çağı boyunca (bilhassa M.S. II-III. yüzyılarda), öncesinden gelen bir geleneğe bağlı olarak şenlikleri, kült dernekleri ve yapılanması, kültüne hizmet eden sanatçıları (müzisyenler, oyuncular, dansçılar) ile varlığını sürdürmüştür. Yazılı belgelerden bu dönemde büyük ve zengin kentlerde hâlâ Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris gibi Dionysos adına tertiplenen şenliklerin kutlandığını; masrafları, epimeletes olarak bildiğimiz kentin zengin vatandaşları ya da yöneticileri tarafından karşılanan bu şenliklerde külte ilişkin dans, müzik ve oyun yarışmaların yapıldığını ve herkesçe bilinmeyen kült ritüellerinin uygulandığını öğrenmekteyiz. Bilhassa batı kesimlerdeki büyük kentlerdeki, farklı dönemlerde farklı isimlerle anılan synodos sanatçı derneklerinin yanında thiasos, speira gibi daha geniş kapsamlı kült dernekleri ya da en yaygını mystai olan çeşitli adlar altında toplanan geniş kitleli kült üye grupları hem tapınımda, hem de bu şenliklerde aktif olmuşlardır. Şüphesiz ki bunu gerçekleştirebilmek adına gerek sanatçı dernekleri gerekse kült dernekleri, iyi organize olmuş bir idari yapılanmaya sahip olmak durumundaydı. Bu derneklerde üstlendikleri görevlere göre adlandırılan kült üyelerinin, üye olabilmeleri veya üyeliklerini sürdü-rebilmeleri için ödemek zorunda oldukları aidatlar da vardı. Esasen bu derneklerin finansmanının karşılanmasında bu aidatlar, en az epimeletes’ ler kadar önemliydi. Ayrıca Roma imparatorlarının ya da eyalet yöneticilerinin hem manevi hem de maddi desteğini alıyorlardı. Zira bu dönemde Roma egemenliği altında bulunan Küçükasya topraklarındaki pagan dinsel yaşam her ne kadar kentlerin özgür iradesine bırakılmışsa da, imparatorlara, imparator ve Roma Tanrıçası (Dea Roma) kültüne gösterilen saygı olmaksızın güçlü kalamazdı. Küçükasya Dionysos tapınımı da, tamamıyla imparatorlar ve Roma İmparatorluğu ile kurulan güçlü bağlar sayesinde gelişebilmiştir. Bununla paralel olarak da Roma İmparatorluğu, halk için önemli olan pagan bir kültü destekleyerek, hem halkın sempatisini kazanmakta, hem de böylece onların Roma’ya olan bağlılığını sürdürmek amacını gütmekteydi. General Marcus Antonius’un Ephesos’a gelişinde “Yeni Dionysos” olarak karşılanmasıyla başlayan Romalı devlet adamlarını tanrılaştırma geleneği, Roma İmparatorluk Çağı’nda da sürmüş; bu dönemde özellikle Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias ve Sardeis’teki dernekler, İmparator Hadrianus, Commodus ve Caracalla’yı bu sıfatla nitelendirmişler, böylece onları Dionysos ile bir tutarak tanrılaştırmışlardır. İmparatorluk veya Dea Roma kültü ile ortak tapınımı da görülen Dionysos’un Zeus ve Dēmētēr gibi pagan tanrı-tanrıçalarla da ortak tapınımı söz konusudur. Diğer pagan dinler gibi Dionysos kültünün yıkımı da, öğretilerinin birbirine tamamen ters düştüğü Hıristiyanlık dininin güçlenmesiyle ve nihayetinde M.S. 391’de imparatorluğun resmî dini olmasıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Ancak Dionysos kültünün birçok unsuru, Küçükasya topraklarında, gerek Hıristiyanlık unsurlarında gerekse halk kültür ve geleneklerinde yaşamaya devam etmiştir. Bugün de bu etkisini göstermeye devam etmektedir."

SEG 60-1998. Religion. Dionysos: his cult in Asia Minor, Imperial period:
On the basis of archaeological, numismatic, and (mainly) epigraphic attestations, B.Öztürk,Roma imparatorluk çağı Küçükasaysı’nda Dionysos kültü (Istanbul 2010), studies the cult ofΔιόνυσος in Roman Asia Minor. After general remarks about the god, he presents a geographically arranged catalogue of the relevant inscriptions with brief comments (ph. of some texts). On 196-209, Ö. provides a register with explanations of the most important terms found in the inscriptions, and on 210/211 a list of epithets.

Lykia Bölgesi, Anadolu'nun, güneybatıda Akdeniz'e uzandığı Teke Yanmadası'nda yer alır. Bölgenin kuzeydoğusunda Pamphylia, kuzeyinde Phrygia ve Pisidia, batısında ise Karia Bölgeleri bulunmaktadır. Lykia doğu-batı yönünde 120; kuzey-güney yönünde 60 km'dir ve böylelikle 5083 km2 alana yayılmıştır. I Dağlık bir bölge olan Lykia'nın en yüksek dağı güneydeki 3086 metrelik Kızlar Sivrisi ile Beydağlan'dır. Lykia'nın iç kısımlannın en karakteristik coğrafik özelliği, kuşbakışıyla, bölgenin büyük bir kısmını kapsayan bir atnalı ile karşılaştınlabilecek büyük dağ sıralandır.2 Bölgenin merkezindeki büyük dağ sıralannın yanında, bunlardan derin vadilerle aynlmış dağlık alanlar vardır. Lykia Bölgesi'nin topoğrafyasında dağlar kadar nehirler de belirleyici bir öneme sahiptir.3 Bunlar, doğudan batıya doğru Alakır Çayı (Gagas?), Limyros (Göksu), Arykandos (Başgöz-Aykırıçay), Myros (Demre Çayı) ve Ksanthos'tur (Eşen Çayı). Bu nehirlerden en önemlisi olan Ksanthos, Antik Dönem'de Lykia kültürünün merkezi konumundaydı. Bölgenin yerleşimi, bu dağlar ve nehirlerin oluşturduğu vadiler ile nehirlerin sahilde oluşturduklan alüvyon ovalarda yoğunluk kazanmaktadır. Sahil yerleşiminde aynca, denizyolu ulaşımının kolaylığı ve deniz aşın ticaret de rol oynamıştır. Lykia'daki doğallimanlar bu yüzden önemlidir.

My PhD thesis given to Department of Classical Archaeology, Ankara University in 2002. The thesis is about coin finds from Arykanda between 1971-2000 and contains 2174 coins. A copy of the thesis is shelved in the British Museum, Coins and Medals Department (see Lycian section). Also other printed copies exist in Ankara University, Dept. of Classical Archaeology, Akurgal library; BIAA (British Inst. of. Arc. in Ankara); AKMED library (Antalya) and at the library of Antalya Museum.

I would be happy to answer all questions regarding the thesis material; do contact me at attek@anadolu.edu.tr

One bit of warning though: as Arykanda was continued to be excavated, this thesis is already out of date with new finds changing several results. Please contact Dr. Hacer Sancaktar who continues studying the material for more recent coin finds from the site.

Teze ihtiyacı olanlar: A.Ü.D.T.C.F. Klasik Arkeoloji Bölümü, Ankara İngiliz Arkeoloji Kütüphanesi, AKMED Kaleiçi Kütüphanesi, Antalya Müzesi Kütüphanesi'nde kopyaları var. İhtiyacınız olan bilgi için bana sormanız da yeterli.

Küçük bir uyarı: aradan geçen yıllarda Arykanda'da kazılar devam ettiği için tezde elde edilmiş pek çok sonuç yeni buluntular ışığında şimdiden değişmiş durumdadır. Yeni sikke buluntularına dair, Arykanda sikke malzemesini çalışmaya devam etmekte olan Dr. Hacer Sancaktar ile temas kurabilirsiniz.

Autonomous civic coinage in Lycia during Hellenistic and Early Roman Imperial Periods. The page numbers in the pdf should be read as 769-787

Note that the coin in pic. 37 is not a coin of Rhodiapolis; I was mistaken about it because of the magistrate name on the coin. It belongs to Southern Italy.

SUMMARY
Lighthouse at Patara. Response to a Critic
The scope of the article covers a criticism for an article published in ZPE 164 (2008) relating to the lighthouse at Patara and Sextus Marcius Priscus, Lycian Governor of Lycian Province. Author deals with the Delikkemer inscription which was previously published by himself and with an inscription of baths at Patara. He criticizes the critics made by the authors of the above mentioned article in ZPE.

The landscape of Byzantine painting is thus geographically located in the provinces and spans over several centuries. Despite being fragmented, this gallery bears witness of the need, the persistence, and the stylistic flexibility of a style embodied by the Byzantine character: that is to say, of its eagerness to understand, and therefore to believe and hope. Just as many monuments have been destroyed by humans, likewise a small or large portion of what is presented in this book will also disappear: may these pages reassert the presence of a culture which, one hopes, will always find new and sincere lovers.

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The Xanthos stele, a multilingual Lycian dynastic monument of the late 5th century BCE, testifies to the importance of diplomatic interaction between Xanthos’ rulers and Achaemenid Persian administrators in western Anatolia.  Yet the stele’s Persian references are unevenly and selectively distributed between its Lycian and Lycian B inscriptions, and entirely absent from its Greek epigram.  Amorges, a satrap’s son turned rebel, appears briefly in the Lycian and Lycian B texts, but scholars debate whether they present him as friend or foe of Xanthos; in contrast, the final section of the Lycian text celebrates the famous satrap Tissaphernes as an ally of Xanthos, but the Lycian B omits him entirely.  This paper analyzes the stele’s Persian content and proposes that its designers added the material on Tissaphernes in a late stage of composition, trying to exploit his patronage in the context of local dynastic politics.

"Piracy along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphylia and Cilicia Tracheia from 188 BC to 67 BC: Reasons and Consequenses

The purpose of this paper is to discuss why piracy grew along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphylia and Cilicia Tracheia during the second century BC onwards and what kinds of measures were taken by the Romans during the first century BC in order to gain control of the southern Anatolian coast.

After the peace of Apameia in 188 BC, the status of the Hellenistic Kingdoms changed. The Seleucid Kingdom was compelled to give up its claim to the northern range of the Taurus Mountains and its navy was reduced in the Eastern Mediterranean. This was the primary factor for the rise of piracy along the southern coast of Asia Minor.

Another factor was the fact that the Rhodians, who up until the battle of Pydna had taken effective measures to suppress piracy in the Eastern Mediterranean, had their ,economy severely damaged when the Roman senate cut their privileges, making Delos a free port and liberating several cities of the Peraia. After 168 BC, therefore, the Rhodians no longer had the resources to fight against the pirates.

The political chaos that followed as the rival Syrian kings fought each other, combined with the incompetence of the Seleucid rulers, made it easy for pirates to take control over stretches of land along the southern coast of Anatolia, mainly from Rough Cilicia to Phamphylia and Eastern Lycia.

The sea trade route from Syria to the Aegean and the western Mediterranean, which ran along this coast, created plenty of opportunities for piracy. Initially the pirates sailed out in small boats, harassing passing merchant shipping. Eventually they became more numerous and navigated larger ships, and organised themselves under leaders mentioned as 'tyrants' or 'kings', some of whom were notorious and were powerful enough to leave their mark in the historical record. Soon the pirates raided the rich cities of the Syrian and Phoenician coastline, as well as the trade ships going to the Aegean.

During the second half of the second century BC neither the enemies of the Seleucids, principally the Ptolemaic kings of Egypt and Cyprus, nor the Rhodians did much to hinder this development, as they saw it as a means of weakening their respective rivals. Until the end of the second century BC the Romans did not consider themselves responsible for the general security of the region either. Busying themselves with a civil war at this period, they were unable to control these developments in Anatolia.

Consequently, the pirates steadily increased in numbers and made a profit from both piracy and trafficking in slaves, the latter of which proved to be most lucrative. Slave markets like Side, Crete, Rhodes and Delos willingly assisted the pirates in this business. By the end of the 2nd century BC piracy had become so widespread that the Romans finally took action. Marcus Antonius lead a military campaign in ca. 102 BC, and as that proved ineffective, Rome issued a Senatus consultum against piracy around 101-99 BC, declaring the pirates enemies of the people, the friends and allies of Rome. Rome, however, still could not eliminate the pirates in Southern Anatolia and during the three Mithridatic Wars between 90 and 63 BC they continually faced forces of pirates who took the side of Mithridates Eupator.

Publius Servilius Vatia, proconsul of Cilicia, carried out several campaigns against the pirates in the years 78-74 BC. Through his campaigns Servilius ended up controlling the strategically important regions of Lycia, Pamphylia and parts of Cilicia Tracheia. Still, the menace of the pirates worsened; high-ranking Romans were victims of piracy, islands and cities were either abandoned from fear of the pirates, or had been taken over by them. Numerous cities and islands, such as Cnidus, Colophon, Samos and Delos, had been sacked. The power of the pirates was felt all over the Mediterranean. It was impossible to sail anywhere - trade came to a standistill.

The tribune Aulus Gabinius, therefore, proposed a law in 67 BC to clear the seas of piracy. Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus was appointed commander for three years with supreme command over all of the Mediterranean as well as all its coastlines to a distance of 80 km inland, in order to suppress piracy in the Mediterranean once and for all. This he managed to do in an impressively short period of time, due to great military skill and tactics. A large part of his success stemmed from the fact that pirates who surrendered were offered land to begin a new life as farmers and thus had no incentive to return to the sea."

The first part of the paper (§§1-3) discusses phonetic reading of
Hieroglyphic Luwian word for ‘place/plot of land’ found in the form LOCUS- la/i-t- (vel sim.). It is argued that the spellings of the word are incompatible with the reading *pidant- traditionally assumed on the basis of Hittite evidence (peda- < PIE *pédo-). Instead, it is suggested that the Luwian word has to be read as alad-, representing probably a suffixal extension of root ala- (āla-), of which HLuw. alawa- may represent a further derivative. This suggestion allows one to re-address the thorny problem of precise meaning of Lycian terms alaha- and aladehali (§4), which can now be interpreted as ‘to let somebody (into) a place’ > ‘concede’ (= Greek συγχωρῆσαι) and ‘concession/transferral’ respectively. §5 addresses the problem of formal interpretation of aladehxxãne and argues for identification of a Lycian nominal suffix -(a)xa- likely connected with PIE *-eh2. The last part of the paper (§6) revisits the interpretation of term miñti- suggesting that it refers to ‘all adult (male) population of a polis’ and thus closely corresponds to Greek
δῆμος.

Perikle is a Lycian Prince. In order to clarify the political movements of his time, important individuals such as Trbbenimi, Arttum̃para, Mithrapata and Aruwãtijesi who are his contemporaries also examined. In this context, the status of the Treasure of Podalia is examined and the historic victory and its parties against Arttum̃para and his allies, leading to the Lycian kingdom and Perikle elucidated by taking the Tebursseli Tomb inscription in Limyra into consideration and the war is dated 370/365 BC. Accordingly, it is suggested that before the war, Perikle’s borders covered Limyra and its immediate vicinity. With the war, Telmessos was captured and Mithrapata and Aruwãtijesi, which could be the allies of Arttum̃para, were eliminated and the obstacles before Perikle removed and firstly Milyas region was captured. Additionally, after the withdrawal of Mithrapata ve Aruwãtijesi’s hegemony in Upper Olympos and its vicinity which can be a dynastic period settlement in terms of Mithrapata ve Aruwãtijesi (Mount Musa?) Treasury, the obstacle eliminated and therefore Perikle may have laid siege to Phaselis.

Through an analysis of the textual and archaeological material, this article presents a new, up-to-date overview of the history and mechanisms of Iron Age Anatolian overland interaction, a much-neglected subject. Among other points, the overview demonstrates the importance of Phrygia in this context, and that Lydia did not take over its international contacts completely. A case study of the transmission of the alphabet in light of the insights gained concludes the article. A new theory is proposed, according to which the Phrygian and Greek alphabets had a common origin in Cilicia, in the late ninth century BC.

Auf der lykischen Halbinsel im Südwesten der heutigen Türkei präsidierte in der Zeit des 1. bis 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. jährlich ein Bundespriester des Kaiserkultes, der Archiereus, dem lykischen Bund, einem festen Zusammenschluss lykischer Städte. Er war auch der wichtigste Ansprechpartner der römischen Statthalter und kaiserlichen Procuratoren in der Provinz. Nach seiner Amtszeit blieb das hohe Ansehen des Bundespriesters bestehen. Die ehemaligen Archiereis, ihre Familien, Heimatstädte und andere lykische Gemeinden machten das gewonnene Prestige für repräsentative Zwecke nutzbar. Diesem Umstand ist es auch zu verdanken, dass die meisten verfügbaren Informationen zu den Bundespriestern inschriftlich überliefert sind. Bisherige Untersuchungen haben diese Wandlungsprozesse von der hellenistischen Zeit bis in das 3. Jahhrundert n. Chr. nicht berücksichtigt. Sie beschränken sich fast ausschließlich auf eine Analyse von Einzelfragen, etwa nach dem Verhältnis der kaiserzeitlichen Titel Archiereus und Lykiarch zueinander oder nach den Beziehungen einzelner Bundespriesterfamilien. Die vorliegende Studie geht daher diachron der inschriflichen Repräsentation des obersten Bundesamtes nach. Sie untersucht jedoch nicht nur seine historische Entwicklung, sondern setzt auch die Überlieferung in Beziehung zu den relevanten Akteuren der Kaiserzeit, d.h. Familie, Stadt, Statthalter und Kaiser. Der systematische Teil wird ergänzt durch einen Abschnitt zu den unterschiedlichen Kompetenzen des amtierenden Bundespriesters, aber auch seines weiblichen Pendants, der Archiereia. Darüber hinaus werden weitere Funktionen der Archiereis und ihre Bedeutung im Repräsentationsverhalten untersucht. Erstmals liegt damit ein systematischer Katalog der lykischen Bundespriester vor. Die Ergebnisse der Arbeit liefern ein umfangreiches Bild der hellenistisch-kaiserzeitlichen Elite Lykiens, der gesellschaftlichen und politischen Eigenarten gegenüber anderen Regionen des römischen Reiches, aber auch der Integrationsfähigkeit der lykischen in die kaiserzeitliche Gesellschaft. Die Studie trägt damit zu einem besseren Verständnis der griechisch-römischen Sozialgeschichte bei.

While the  Iliad, by ‘Homer’ is not an account of history, but  a work of epic poetry, analogous to modern ‘historical fiction’, nonetheless the history – the real events influencing it – has intrigued humanity since it was created close to 3000 years ago. If we look at the Iliad from the point of view of a poet, it soon becomes clear that Homer wanted to create a very big war, so he chose the most strategic and largest city that the Achaeans could attack, which he thought was the city at the entrance to the Dardanelles, a strategic location commanding seatrade between the Aegean and Black Seas. A fortified city there has been excavated by archeologists but it does not exactly agree with what was expected, based on the details in the Iliad. Let’s be realistic. If Homer learned about there having been a major fortified city called Troy centuries before his time, he will have only experienced its ruins, and maybe learned of an invasion centuries earlier. This would inspire a tale, but what Homer would lack would be details. He had to obtain details from elsewhere in his experiences. This paper proposes that Homer had been a military official in an invasion in his time of a location, also with a citadel, further south on the coast, at what is now southwest Turkey, which was ancient Lycia. Proof of this lies within the Iliad itself, in the author’s many references to Lycia, and in particular to using an alternative name for Scamander – Xanthos – which is the river in Lycia around which the original Lycian civilization developed.  This paper studies the details given in the Iliad with geographical information about the location of ancient Lycia to prove this case.

Bilim, kısaca deney ve araştırma yoluyla mevcut bilginin artması, öğreti yoluyla da yayılması olgusudur. Talep ve amacı, tartışarak, eleştirerek doğru ve gerçek, yani ispatlanabilir bilgiyi elde etmektir. Bilimin "tartışılabilir" ve "eleştirilebilir" olması onu denetlenebilir ve düzeltilebilir kılar. Bu kurallar üzerine temellendirilerek üretilen bilimsel çalışmaları tartışmaya açmak, eleştirmek ve düzeltmek, bilimsel objektiflikten ve özgür düşünceden taviz vermemek koşuluyla, elbette ki bilim insanının rutin uğraşlarından biridir. Bilim insanı bu tür eleştirilere açıktır ve sonuçlarının bilimin yararına olduğunun farkındadır; çünkü o bu tür bir eylemi akademik bilimin ilerleme mekanizması olarak kabul eder. Bilimsel kritik esas itibariyla kişiyi değil, onun beyanını hedef alır. Kişiye odaklanmış bir eleştiri nesnel olamaz. Fakat bu her zaman kolayca uygulanabilen bir yöntem değildir, çünkü antibilim, parabilim, pseudobilim gibi öznel ağırlıklı türlerinde nesnel eleştiriyi sürdürmek her zaman mümkün olmamaktadır Gerçek bilim insanı bunun da farkındadır. Bu bağlamda iddia ettiği olgunun gerçek ve doğru olduğuna, aksi eleştirel yöntemlerle ispatlanıncaya kadar, içtenlikle inanır ve onu savunur. Bu evrensel mekanizma içinde gerçekleştirilen bilimsel çalışmalar yanı sıra, bir de motivasyonunu dürtüsel eğilimlerden, dinden, politikadan, ekonomiden ve benzeri sahalardan alıp, onların tesir ya da siparişiyle büyük oranda akademik bilim ortamında onun yöntemlerini çarpık-çurpuk kullanarak bilimsellik savıyla üretilen ama aslında pseudobilim kapsamına girmesi gereken yazılı ya da sözlü yayınlar vardır ki, bunların da evrensel bilim kapsamında değerlendirilmesi ve eleştirilmesi üretim ortamları nedeniyle zorunludur. Ülkemizde her sahanın gerçek temsilcileri olduğu gibi pseudo temsilcileri de vardır. İkinciler toplumun genel eğilimlerine göre strateji uyguladıkları için, gündemde hemen sadece onlar vardır. Bu durum sanatta, edebiyatta, politikada, dinde ve ekonomide ne kadar yaygınsa, bilimde de o kadar yaygındır. Ve toplum "anlamlı" olanı "anlamsız" olandan, gerçek olan bilimi sözde bilimden ayırt etmekte genellikle çaresiz kalmaktadır; çünkü bu amaçla hazırlanmış bir reçete keşfedilmiş değildir. Bu nedenle yukarıdaki başlık altında burada ve gelecekte bu sütunlarda mercek altına alacağım yayın ya da söylemlerin hangi kategoriye girmesi gerektiğini okuyucunun takdirine bırakıyorum.

A very important inscription dated to the IInd century A.D. was found in Arycanda, recording the Athena Temple and the cult. From this inscription, it is evident that one of the temples dated to the Imperial period in the city may belong to Athena. These temples were excavated; the Sebasteion, the Theater Temple, the Traianeum, the Podium Temple and the Great Basilica. It is known that two of these temples were dedicated to the emperors from the inscriptions, the Traianeum and Sebasteion. The Theater Temple, the Podium Temple, and the Great Basilica have not as yet been identified as to which emperor and/or god they were dedicated. For this reason, some suggestions are offered concerning the identification of the Temple of Athena at Arycanda, taking into account the architecture of the temples and the inscriptions.

This paper examines a number of Lycian coins dated to the second half of the fifth century BC which were either previously unknown, or inadequately published. Some attributions are discussed and in some cases new solutions are proposed. A stater from Patara attributed to Wekhssere II was actually struck by Ukhssepddimi, a previously unknown dynast of the late fifth century BC. Links with the issues of Wakhssepddimi are discussed and coins previously attributed to Wekhssere I are shown to have been actually struck by Wakhssepddimi. Further new coins are discussed and attributed to a previously unknown dynast named Wakhssebllimi,
minting c. 440–430 BC.

A treasure consisting of 68 silver coins belonging to Mithrapata and Aruwãtijesi were stated to have been found in Mount Musa, Cıngırık Hill. In addition, Mithrapata coins, which constitute the main part of the treasure, were divided into 5 groups. This treasure found in Southeast Lycia offers important information and suggests that the Upper Olympos Settlement, which is thought to be connected, may be a dynastic period settlement and it allows suggesting that it can be dated earlier than already suggested date of IV century BC. In addition to the general history of the coins of Mithrapata and Aruwãtijesi, the stated area where the treasure was found, the architectural features of its surroundings and the status of the kylixes in which the treasure is stated to be located were taken into consideration while determining the date of the treasure. In light of these criteria, Mithrapata and Aruwãtijesi (Mo-unt Musa?) Treasure can be dated to 390-370/360 BC.