Intellectual History of Turkey

Initially published on 20th January 2008 in Buzzle, AfroArticles, and American Chronicle
Republished on 21st January 2008 here:
http://turkishdigest.blogspot.com/

Excerpt:
This shows that, although admiring Western technological advance, Kemal Ataturk was not naïve enough to believe the Manichaean Western European separation of the world into two parts, the West and the East. This theoretical fabrication of the Colonial Classicists and Orientalists serves colonial interests that targeted in the past the existence of the Ottoman Empire, and nowadays target Turkey’s integrity.

In fact, Islam and Christianity, East and West, all are One World, and within this world the West introduced novelties that changed the world's face in its entirety. There is no resistance to the Western civilization from other parts of the world, and there is no theoretical background dynamics available for this purpose.

Abstract
After National Struggle a nation state was trying to formed that based on national sovereignty and secularism. This new formation determines to a new nation. The education system was the key for the nation building.
Turkish Republic educated its first own generation during The Ataturk era. Turkey inherited human source from The Ottaman Empire. Therefore the first generation of Turkish Republic lived those older generation for a period.Time is needed to transfer Republican ideals to the further generation. A considerable spurt of educational investments was witnessed during The Ataturk era. Following his death, these improvements had become weakened. II. War Of The World brought many problems. These problems affected the education system. After World War, the multipolitical party system started. This progress is completed when the government changes in the selection of 1950. These periods remain traces in terms of education. If education is described as the building of identity and human, we can easily follow Turkish education system if its aims reach its goal or not from educational practice in the countryside. The countryside feels educational problems deeply. To understand this, it is necessary to look at the practice of the countryside education system. We can also follow social and political separation from it. Between the years of 1933-1953, we see that there are serious breaking points. In this article, we try to read this period from the registration of the Erbeyli Primary School.During this period, we see rate of students who dropped out the school are so high and girls are getting married with boys at young ages, the curriculum is changed. Finally, the aims of education in the light of the countryside are not actualized. . As a method in our study, we made a literature review. Then, we examined Erbeyli Primary School Student
Registries. we made statistics about it. We studied oral history with some people who were students in the related years. We tried to reinforce the data through newspaper scans. A similar study as ours has not been done yet. Therefore, our study will provide important contributions in name of Turkish education and history of education.

Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi Cilt: X / Temmuz 1994 / Sayı: 29 - Cilt:X - Tarih:Temmuz 1994
http://www.atam.gov.tr/atam-dergisi/ataturk-arastirma-merkezi-dergisi-cilt-x-temmuz-1994-sayi-29
The text (in French) can be accessed here:
http://www.atam.gov.tr/dergi/sayi-29/la-grece-entre-leurope-et-le-tiers-monde
Also:
https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/aamd/issue/55433/759535

Tanzimat üzerine bugüne değin biriken yazın tarihçiliğin  toplumsal bilim olarak ne denli güncel bir uğraş olduğunun somut kanıtı. Türkiye'de toplumsal düşün yelpazesi Tanzimat'ı bir türlü eskitemiyor. Sürekli gündeminde tutuyor. Kimi kez Mustafa Reşit Paşa, Büyük Reşit Paşa oluyor; kimi kez "Tanzimat kafası" diye bilinen olumsuzlukların mimarı olarak görülüyor.

Cumhuriyet’le birlikte “görücülük”ten “görüşücülük”e geçerken evlilik kadın için bir kader sorunu olmaktan çıkıyordu. En azından kent ortamında kimi çevrelerde erkeğin ve kadının ebeveynlerinden bağımsız olarak eşlerini seçmesi gündemdeydi. Ancak geçmişte kadere boyun eğen erkek de şimdi seçim yapmak durumundaydı. Hangi kadın kendisini mesut edebilirdi? Cumhuriyet erkeğinin sorunlarından biri buydu.
Cihan Harbi bir dönüm noktasıydı. Mütareke’yle birlikte özel alana özgü değer normları sorgulanır olmuştu. Artık kadınlar meslek sahibiydi. Daha bir özgürdü. Müstakbel damat, hanım hanımcık yuvasının kadınından farklı meslek sahibi kadınlara kadar geniş bir yelpazeyle karşı karşıyaydı. Ancak kültür kodlarının en zor dönüşüme uğradığı alanlardan biri aileydi. Kadının özgürlüğünden yana olan çağdaş erkek, eş almaya gelince nasıl bir tercihte bulunacaktı? İşte Haftalık Mecmua’nın anketi buna cevap arıyordu.
Ama ne de olsa aile, erkeğin mahremiydi. Okurların pek çoğu salon dedikodularından uzak, sakin aile kızlarını tercih ediyorlardı. Mediha Hanım işte bu ideal tipi temsil ediyordu. Yeniköy’deki yalısında münzevi bir hayat yaşayan Mediha Hanım, öyle sinema, tiyatro, konser, balo gibi zamane kızlarının gittiği mekânlara ayak basmazdı. Kalbinde o güne kadar hiçbir çarpıntı duymamıştı. Eline erkek eli değmemişti. Cumhuriyet erkeğinin tercihi Mediha Hanım olacaktı.

Meşrutiyet yıllarında Osmanlı topraklarında gündeme gelen feminist hareket kadının siyasal haklarını kapsamıyordu. Bu en azından Mütareke yıllarına kadar böyleydi. “Müsâvat-ı tamme” ya da tam eşitlik, kadının toplumsal alanda erkekle eşit bir konumda olması anlamına geliyordu. Bu alanda hatırı sayılır gelişmeler de olmuştu. Hukuk-ı Aile Nizamnamesi bu tür bir gelişmenin sonucuydu. Kadının siyasal hak talebi Mütareke yıllarında Büyük Mecmua’da, Sabiha Zekeriya’nın (Sertel) yazılarıyla gündeme geldi. Kadının özellikle Cihan Harbi yıllarında görünür olması, savaş yükünü omuzlaması Türkiye’de de kadın algısını değiştirdi.

Résumé : Ahmed Arvasi (1932-1988), enseignant originaire du sud-est de la Turquie, a été chroniqueur du quotidien nationaliste Türkiye et a publié de nombreux ouvrages, constamment réédités, qui diffusent l’idéologie de la synthèse turco-islamique, vision nationaliste des rapports entre la Turquie et l’islam, dans leur dimension historique, culturelle, politique et géopolitique. Ses idées sont ici présentées à titre d’exemple d’un discours nationaliste, xénophobe voire raciste, très opposé à toutes formes de nationalisme kurde  ; il se nourrit du récit historique forgé par le nationaliste turc et revêt volontiers des formes anti-ampérialistes. L’islam y est présenté comme une valeur indéfectible de la nation turque. Les idées propagées forment un ensemble de lieux communs prêts à l’emploi dans le discours politique nationaliste-religieux.
Abstract  : Ahmed Arvasi (1932-1988), a native of South-East Turkey, originally was a teacher who wrote as a columnist in the rightist newspaper Türkiye  ; he published a set of books spreading an ideology known as the Turkish-Islamic synthesis, a nationalist vision of the relations between Turkey and Islam, in their historical, cultural, political and geopolitical dimensions. This paper presents Arvasi’s statements as a case exemplifying a nationalist, xenophobic and even racist discourse, strongly opposed to every Kurdish feeling  ; it is influenced by the historical narrative as it was moulded by Turkish nationalism, and is often anti-imperialist. Islam is seen there as an unseparable part of Turkish nation’s values. As they are widespread, these statements are part of a set of stereotypes, ready for use by the nationalist-muslim political discourse.

Among the worst cases of villainous distortion and hateful misinformation as regards Turkey’s secular identity and secularized Islam is the paranoid and pathetic composition of the Indian, masqueraded American, Fareed Zakaria. Dangerous more than Ossama bin Laden, the purported Muslim emigrant from Bombay pursues an unprecedented and sophisticated policy of subversion that should bring forth disastrous results and far reaching ramifications.
The disguised as moderate Muslim, Indian-born, American represents one of the most serious threats against the United States’ role in the world, against Western Democracy, and against the possibility of de-barbarizing and humanizing today’s deviate, erratic and terrorist Islam. He does so because he got this sort of lectures from his illustrious professor: Samuel Huntington. Fareed Zakaria knows his professor’s plan and acts accordingly.
Published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle, and AfroArticles on 25th May 2007
Republished in Aram Nahrin on the same day

Reference to my narrations about my connections with the Turkish secular-military establishment in the mid 90s, to my rejection of all Greek analysts and 'specialists' on Turkey and the Middle East, and to my interpretations of the Turkish sociopolitical life and elite
https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2017/04/05/%CF%8C%CF%84%CE%B1%CE%BD-%CE%BF-%CE%BA%CE%B9%CE%BB%CE%B9%CF%84%CF%83%CE%BD%CF%84%CE%AC%CF%81%CE%BF%CE%B3%CE%BB%CE%BF%CF%85-%CE%B4%CE%B9%CE%BA%CE%B1%CE%B9%CF%8E%CE%BD%CE%B5%CE%B9-%CF%84%CE%BF%CE%BD/

House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats

TURKEY AFTER THE JULY COUP ATTEMPT

September 14, 2016

Ahmet S Yayla, Ph.D.

Deputy Director
International Center for the Study of Violent Extremism (ICSVE)

https://foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearing/subcommittee-hearing-turkey-july-coup-attempt/

http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA14/20160914/105312/HHRG-114-FA14-Wstate-YaylaA-20160914.pdf

Turkey’s July Coup Attempt: “A Gift from God” to a new Authoritarianism
The July 15, 2016 unsuccessful “coup” attempt in Turkey happened in the midst of exceptionally stressful times when Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan was going through both domestic and international crises which are essential to understand and better analyze how the so-called coup came about. In fact, as Erdogan himself addressed his supporters at the Ataturk airport just a few hours after the coup attempt, he called the coup “a gift from God” and later it became clear—that it provided the rationale for solving his many troubles and most importantly, the perfect opportunity to completely wipe out his growing opposition as he quickly grabbed authoritarian rule at a level he would never be able to attain through democratic means.

There are issues related to:

a) confused identity of (Top Priority for Turkey and Europe: Clarify Identity and Limit Confusion!),

b) undermined cultural aspects of (Urgent Task for Turkey and Europe: Reveal True European History to Europeans),

c) erroneously assessed nature of (First Objective for Turkey and Europe: Assess the Origin and the Confines of Europe),

d) partial viewpoint over (Turkey And Europe Must Go Beyond Obsolete Colonial History), and

e) disregarded – if not intentionally non-evoked – origins of (Middle Eastern Civilizations' Expansion Brought Civilization To Europe) the European History.

In the present article, we intend to analyze that, due to the still prevailing Greco-Romano-centrism, Europeans learn a false History of Ancient Greece and Rome, which at the same time is tremendously prejudicial to the real needs of today's Europe.

Divided Greece or Unified Empire: Model Persons, States, Principles, Theories, and Basic Historical Sources.
First published in Buzzle on 31st October 2005
Re-published in AfroArticles on 15th April 2007

Siyaset Psikolojisi, siyasal olguları psikolojik bir bakışla inceleyen bir disiplin olarak ortaya çıkarken, milliyetçilik konusunda da farklı kavram ve kuramlar üretmiştir. Siyaset Psikolojisinde milliyetçilik konusu, genellikle Sosyal Psikolojinin alanına dâhil olan toplumsal kimlik kuramlarıyla incelenmiştir. Bununla birlikte çalışmada ele alınacak olan Türk milliyetçiliğine dair Gökalp’in tasavvurlarında, yine çalışmada değerlendirilecek olan ve kalıpyargılar gibi işlev gören imgeler de göze çarpmaktadır. Bu, Türk milliyetçiliğinin de Siyaset Psikolojisi perspektifiyle incelenebileceğini göstermektedir. Aynı zamanda milliyetçilik literatüründe de, milliyetçiliğin açıklanması etrafında tartışmalar, farklı yaklaşımlar bulunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, çalışmanın amacı etno- sembolist yaklaşım çerçevesinde, Türk milliyetçiliğini Siyaset Psikolojisi kuramlarıyla değerlendirmektir. Bu bağlamda toplumsal kimlik ve imge kuramlarıyla, milliyetçilik literatüründeki farklı yaklaşımların birbirleriyle nasıl eklemlenebileceği de çalışmanın kapsamında yer almaktadır. Bu amaçla, grup oluşumuna ilişkin kuramlar ve imge kuramları birincil ve ikincil kaynaklar ile aktarılmış, Türk siyasal düşüncesinde milliyetçilik konusunda temel bir yer teşkil eden Ziya Gökalp’in fikirleri, etno-sembolist yaklaşımdan yola çıkılarak, toplumsal kimlik ve imge kuramlarıyla değerlendirilmiştir. Bu değerlendirmede, Türk siyasal düşüncesinde milliyetçiliğin fikir babalarından biri sayılan Gökalp’in milliyetçilik tasavvurunun öne çıktığı iki çalışması olarak Türkleşmek, İslamlaşmak, Muasırlaşmak ve Türkçülüğün Esasları adlı eserleri bir söylem analizi metoduyla takip edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonunda, Gökalp’in Türk milliyetçiliği anlayışının Siyaset Psikolojisi bakışıyla, etnik bir zeminde toplumsal kimlik ifade ettiği, iç-grup kaynaşması ve dış-grup ayrımcılığı yüksek, tutum olarak milliyetçi ve dış- gruplara karşı örnek, haydut ve dışlanmış imgeler geliştiren bir iç-gruba tekabül ettiği görülmüştür.

Political Psychology emerged as a discipline that examines political phenomena from a psychological perspective and produced various concepts and theories about nationalism. Thus, it shows that Turkish nationalism can be examined from the perspective of Political Psychology. At the same time, there are debates and different approaches around explaining the nationalism in the literature of nationalism. In this context, the purpose of this study is to evaluate Turkish nationalism through theories of Political Psychology within the frame of an ethno-symbolist approach. To that end, theories about the group formation and images have been cited from primary and secondary sources. Thoughts of Ziya Gokalp, who took an important place in Turkish political thought in terms of nationalism have been evaluated with social identity and image theories from an ethno-symbolist approach. In this evaluation two of the works, Turkification, Islamisation, Modernisation (Turklesmek, Islamlasmak, Muasirlasmak) and the Principles of Turkism (Turkculugun Esaslari) in which the notion of nationalism came to the fore have been assessed by using a discourse analysis method. At the end of the work it will show that from a Political Psychology perspective, Gokalp’s conceptualisation of Turkish nationalism indicates a social identity on an ethnical basis and corresponds to an inner-group which has a high in-group solidarity and out-group discrimination, which is nationalistic in attitude and develops exemplary (ornek), rogue and excluded (dislanmis) images against the outer-groups. "https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/siyasal"

It is my distinct honor to present you Mr. M. Orhan Tarhan and publish here his – otherwise unpublished – article ‘The Holy Cow Democracy”. Few have Mr. Tarhan’s knowledge, life experience, perspicacity, and clarity; I believe all will see the current developments in Turkey better through the lines of this excellent paper.

Mr. M. Orhan Tarhan was born in Istanbul, Turkey, where he made his high school education in Turkey’s elite boarding school “Galatasaray”. He won a competitive examination that sent him to his chemical engineering education in Germany between 1937 and 1943. All his professional life he worked for steel industries, as operating engineer in a coke plant in Turkey and after 1953 as research engineer in charge of coke plants in the United States. He published several technical articles, 16 U.S. and foreign patents, and a book titled “Catalytic Reactor Design”. At Bethlehem Steel Corporation, where he worked for a quarter of a century, research engineers were trained continuously in technical report writing. After retiring in 1982, he did several years of consulting and he taught one semester of Catalytic Reactor Design at Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA.

He learned French at 9, German at 16, and English at 24.

During his retirement he wrote articles in Turkish-American magazines on Turkey, on Turkish-Americans , and on the United States. At 2002, “The Turkish Times” stopped publication. At the urging of several of his readers, he started a newsletter that he is distributing by e-mail. He likes to hear comments on his articles.

Mr. Tarhan’s father was a class-mate of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk at the previous turn of the century at the General Staff School. They worried about the crumbling of the Ottoman Empire and tried to find out why Europe was flourishing.

They studied European history of the last three centuries and the French writers of the Enlightenment. They concluded, that to become survivable in the modern world, Turkey has to do everything Europe did during the last three centuries. They found also that Islam was part of the problem. After the Republic of Turkey was founded, Ataturk abolished the Caliphate, outlawed the Sharia part of the Koran, emancipated the women and changed the identity of Turkey to a Western nation. Mr. Tarhan lived during the wonderful years of Ataturk’s presidency and saw with his eyes how a backward, ignorant, Islamic nation was converted to a progressive, educated, laic, democratic nation.

Mr. Tarhan is the author of a newsletter titled “The Orhan Tarhan Letter” that is issued twice a month and is distributed by e-mail, The article called “The Holy Cow Democracy” is taken from the letter No.106.

First published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle and AfroArticles on 12th December 2010
......................
Eliminate Fethullah Gulen Now!

A second Islamist party will rise soon in Turkey; it will get full support from both, the US and the EU. It will come to clash with AKP, Erdogan’s party, and it is this project that the Freemasonic and Zionist masters of the Euro-parliamentarian puppets are concerned with. Offering a few dozens of seats at Ankara’s Grand National Assembly to the ignorant, fanatic followers of the vicious yet smiley gangster Fethullah Gulen is tantamount to final dissolution of Turkey. Particularly, when a Kurdish separatist party will also be given a few seats, due to EU illegal money channeling…. 

This is the way the fallacious Freemasonic – Zionist propaganda tool Wikipedia presents the treacherous, uneducated and uncultured pseudo-Muslim – who is not a Sufi –: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fethullah_G%C3%BClen

You must be either a Freemason or one of their slaves or puppets to get such support and exposure in the Wikipedia!

Initiated in anti-Islamic, Freemasonic rites, involved in incredible sexual ritualistic orgies, engaged to totally destroy Turkey from distance, and supported by the Luciferian branch of the Apostate Freemasonic Lodge and the Rothschild banking dynasty, Fethullah Gulen is the point where the effort to guarantee Turkey’s future starts.

And the Turkish military must know that this effort must start now; when two abnormal parties, a Kurdish separatist group and an Islamist extremist movement, will emerge because of the ongoing European interference and thanks to EU / US money, Turkey’s political debate will be further radicalized and polarized around two genuinely anti-Turkish discourses. When clashes begin between the two emerging groups that have been under fabrication for decades, it will be too late for the Turkish military to react.

The Turkish Military Comeback

By now, the return in force is not an easy affair for the Turkish military; but it is the only means left to them, if they really want to preserve Turkey’s national integrity, historical identity, and political sovereignty.
........................

https://deutsch.rt.com/international/53291-ex-antiterrorchef-packt-aus-wie/

Ex-Anti-Terrorchef packs out: IHH and intelligence service MIT as a link to IS and Al-Nusra (part II)

The Erdoğan government is proud to have neutralized the parallel structures in the state apparatus in Turkey. In fact, however, it is apparent that a new parallel structure is beginning to march through the institutions - the radical Islamists.

By Reinhard Werner

Ahmet Yayla also does not shy away from naming concrete names. Hakan Fidan, the secret service chief, is to be one of the most important heads of the radical Islamic deep structures in the Turkish state. Fidan, as a former army officer, ran TIKA from 2003 to 2007 before Erdoğan was appointed Secretary of State in 2007. Since 2010 Fidan heads the National Intelligence Organization (MIT).

Hakan Fidan - the Hezbollah veteran at the Intelligence Service


Fidan, whose role in the first secret talks with the PKK was supposed to have inflicted the Gülen supporters in the state apparatus against him - a prosecution of the prosecutor's office in 2012 marked the beginning of the alienation process between Gülen and the AKP - is to gain early experience with terrorism to have. And that as a participant.

Yayla explained that during the 1990s, Fidan had been among the main suspects in a series of terrorist acts in leftist circles. Intellectuals from the Cumhuriyet area should also have heard about the car bombshells as well as the journalist Ugur Mumcu and the women's rights activist Bahriye Ucok. The deeds were harassed during the Ergenekon trial of a nationalist conspirator group.

Manchester'in ünlü Mepland otelinde verilen ziyafete Ermeni tüccarlar yanı sıra yine aynı kentte ticari faaliyetlerini sürdüren Selânikli müslüman ticaret erbabı da katılmış, ayrıca Liverpool başşehbenderi (ticaret ateşesi) Enver Bey de davetli olarak yemekte hazır bulunmuştu.

    Salon Osmanlı ve İngiliz bayraklarıyla donatılmış, bayrakların üzerine Türkçe "hürriyet, adalet, musâvât" yazılmıştı. Özel olarak çağrılan bir orkestraya Hamidiye Marşı çaldırılmıştı.

Istanbul, 27 avril 1988, dans le vieux quartier historique de la ville, à Fatih, une salle de spectacle. À l'extérieur, des centaines de personnes attroupées. Autant dans la salle. Sous les acclamations de la foule, un sexagénaire monte sur scène. C'est l'ancien premier ministre, Süleyman Demirel. Il prend le microphone, et commence à parler. Son discours est régulièrement coupé par des slogans « Süleyman le magnifique », et des applaudissements. À chaque interruption, Demirel attend que la salle redevienne calme pour reprendre la parole. Il parle de la situation économique du pays, de la pauvreté, critique le gouvernement et analyse les résultats des dernières élections législatives d'un ton humoristique. Les rires s'élèvent, bientôt suivis par des applaudissements. Demirel poursuit ses critiques : Regardez la situation des universités. Il y a un silence dans les universités. Ils ont tué les universités. Les universités sont devenues des écoles professionnelles, elles existent en apparence, mais elles ne sont pas indépendantes. Qu'est-ce qu'on peut attendre de ces universités ? Rien ne pourra en sortir. Si vous voulez les fruits d'un arbre, grimpez sur l'arbre pour les cueillir. Alors, l'arbre donnera des fruits l'année d'après. Mais si au lieu de cueillir les fruits, vous choisissez la facilité et coupez l'arbre pour cueillir les fruits ensuite, l'année d'après vous n'aurez rien. Voilà ce qu'ils ont fait aux universités… 1

These misconceptions make the Europeans ignore following basic historical truths:
1. Islam, Turkey, and the Ottoman Civilization are inherent part of the European Culture and History.
2. The European Identity was mainly formed on today’s Turkish territory.
3. Europe was civilized because of the expansion of the Ancient Oriental cultures.
4. Modern European preconceived theories and approaches (Greco-Romano-centrism) were composed in times of limited knowledge and scarce sources, and were politically motivated (as form of anti-clericalism).
5. The aforementioned erroneous approaches were not rejected (as they should) after the discoveries of the Orientalists, which were also based on erratic, preconceived, colonial approaches and attitudes.
6. Not only Oriental civilizations’ traits and global impact have been kept unknown to average people but the Classical Greek and Roman civilizations have been presented gravely deformed and viciously distorted.
7. Through the above mentioned historical forgery, nefarious patterns, models and prototypes are selected by the ruling classes and academia of Europe, and projected among the average Europeans with disastrous results.

In the present article, we will complete our brief analysis of the catastrophic patterns, models and prototypes chosen from the ill-perceived, and largely imaginative Classical World of the modern, racist, European Greco-Romano-centric academia and politicians.
First published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle, AfroArticles on 14th January 2008

As Turkey represents the main problem, circles related to an apostate Freemasonic lodge joined forces in an unprecedented support to Islamist extremist premier Erdogan, as they attempt to instrumentalize him against the military, judicial, academic, economic, intellectual and political establishment of Secular Turkey, and help him pull Turkey to the Islamist camp, who would thus – without knowing it – help them trigger the planned disastrous developments.

When Mr. Gul becomes ‘urbane’!
First published in the American Chronicle, AfroArticles, and Buzzle on 28th May 2007
Republished on 31st May 2007 in the blog:
http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com/2007/05/1721-media-scanner-31-may-2007.html

House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats
TURKEY AFTER THE JULY COUP ATTEMPT

September 14, 2016

Ahmet S Yayla, Ph.D.
Deputy Director
International Center for the Study of Violent Extremism (ICSVE)

https://foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearing/subcommittee-hearing-turkey-july-coup-attempt/
http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA14/20160914/105312/HHRG-114-FA14-Wstate-YaylaA-20160914.pdf

Turkey’s July Coup Attempt: “A Gift from God” to a new Authoritarianism
The July 15, 2016 unsuccessful “coup” attempt in Turkey happened in the midst of exceptionally stressful times when Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan was going through both domestic and international crises which are essential to understand and better analyze how the so-called coup came about. In fact, as Erdogan himself addressed his supporters at the Ataturk airport just a few hours after the coup attempt, he called the coup “a gift from God” and later it became clear—that it provided the rationale for solving his many troubles and most importantly, the perfect opportunity to completely wipe out his growing opposition as he quickly grabbed authoritarian rule at a level he would never be able to attain through democratic means.

Due to Colonial times perceptions and historiography, today’s European academia, statesmen, legislators and journalists still view the world through obsolete viewpoints. As we announced at the end of an earlier article in Buzzle (Turkey and Europe Must Go Beyond Obsolete Colonial History), it is essential to re-appraise European civilization’s dependence on Ancient Middle East civilizations, and to enumerate issues that must be taken into account before any European politician tries to say what is and what is not Europe.

Within the frame of a brief article, one cannot analyze issues that took volumes to the leading Orientalist, Prof. Dr. Martin Bernal, to discuss; and he did so mostly for the 3rd and the 2nd millennia BCE limiting himself in the Oriental – Greek relations, whereas the phenomenon intensified mostly in the 1st millennium BCE and in the first half of the 1st millennium CE. We intend therefore to be brief in all the points we present.

Minoan Crete: a point of Semitic, Anatolian and Hamitic convergence
First published in Buzzle on 18th October 2005
Republished in AfroArticles on 15 April 2007

Erzurum’a demiryolu ancak 1939’da ulaşmış ve ancak o tarihten itibaren ulaşım sorunu görece çözüm bulmuştu. Demiryolunun Doğu’ya geç ulaşması yörenin iktisadi gelişimini de olumsuz etkilemiş, Erzurum yaylası uzun yıllar Anadolu’nun dışında addedilmişti. Nitekim Millî Mücadele yıllarına kadar Anadolu kavramı doğuda Erzurum yaylası ve Cezire-i Ulya, yani Diyarbakır yaylasına gelmiş dayanmış, bu yöre dağlık yapısı ve kapalı havzası nedeniyle okul ders kitaplarında ayrı bir coğrafî alan görülmüştü. Kara yoluyla Batı’ya ulaşım hemen hemen olanaksız addedilmiş, Erzurum, Trabzon üzerinden, Diyarbakır, Samsun üzerinden dış dünyaya bağlanmıştı.

II. Meşrutiyet’in uluslaşma süreci ve Balkan yenilgisinin neden olduğu Türk unsuru milliyetçiliği kısa sürede “millî edebiyat”ı gündeme getirir. Osmanlı yazarı, Şarlok Holmes, Nat Pinkerton, Bil Karter, Lö Kok, Harri gibi Batı kahramanları karşısına rakip Türkleri çoıkarmakta gecikmez.

20. yüzyılın ilk yarısında Türkiye’de kadın sorunsalı toplumsal dönüşümün ana eksenini oluşturuyordu. Özgürlükten eşitliğe, uluslaşmadan laikliğe, gündemdeki tüm temel dönüşümler kadına odaklıydı. Kadın “yeni hayat”ın nirengi noktasıydı. Türkiye’de çağdaşlık ya da modernite kadının konumuyla; toplumsallaşması ve görünürlüğüyle yakından ilgiliydi. Kadın özgürlüğü toplumsal dönüşümün gizil etmeniydi.

This Seminar Project's topic is establishment and development process of Capital Markets Board of Turkey's . In this context, this paper examines economic change in 70's and this change's effects on Turkey's economic administration based on capital markets.

This article describes the literary and academic interest in Thomas More’s Utopia in Turkish literature and its translations into Turkish. More’s text as a historically and literarily significant work appeals to academia and the general reader through its widespread reception in Turkey. This article also presents a brief survey of utopianism and a critical approach to some selected translations in terms of paratextual elements, language, and translators’ domestication or foreignization preferences in these translations. It renders a brief list of some exemplary Turkish utopias and dystopias and touches on the repercussions of the utopian impulse in Turkish representations of alternative social orders. The article therefore aims to inform international scholars about the existence of constant interest in utopia in Turkey through an analytical interpretation of a selection of translations of More’s Utopia and to thus contribute to a broader understanding of More’s influence.

We have repeatedly supported an Asiatic - Middle Eastern Vision for Turkey, as a means of extensive democratization and secularization of a vast region spanning between China and the Red Sea, which is inhabited by Muslims, predominantly but not exclusively. If we advocate Turkey's political, economic, academic and intellectual mobilization in Asia, it is because we believe that from and through this position Turkey can better contribute to Peace in the World.

This does not however mean that Turkey does not have a European vocation, identity, and past; on the contrary! As heir of the Ottoman and the Eastern Roman Empires (an unsurpassed continuity of almost 1700 years!), and as premier advocate of the Enlightenment among Muslims in Europe (due to Kemal Ataturk's groundbreaking changes), Turkey is more European than many other countries currently member states of the European Union.

Either Turkey decides to finally adhere to the European Union or not, the European Heritage and Culture have irreversibly got a distinct Turkish, Ottoman, and Islamic stamp. Erasing this is sheer Intellectual Terrorism. European Union policy makers must understand that True European History matters much more than Brussels' Butter Price Decision Making.
First published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle and AfroArticles on 11th January 2008
Republished in the Politics Forum on 24th January 2008

The reason for the Western biases against the modern, western, and democratic part of the Turkish establishment is to be found in the strengths of Turkey, a vast country with great periphery (from the Balkans to Central Asia and from the Middle East to Africa) and even greater potentialities.
Originally published in AfroArticles, American Chronicle, and Buzzle on 23rd May 2007
http://www.buzzle.com/articles/western-biases-against-non-extremist-muslims-and-the-west-sinister-end.html

Republished in:
http://womensapparelhub.blogspot.com/2007/08/western-biases-against-non-extremist.html

Reference to my narrations about my connections with the Turkish secular-military establishment in the mid 90s and to my interpretations of the Turkish sociopolitical life.
https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2017/03/23/%CE%B7-%CF%84%CE%BF%CF%85%CF%81%CE%BA%CE%AF%CE%B1-%CE%B4%CE%B5%CE%BD-%CE%BA%CF%85%CE%B2%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%BD%CE%AC%CF%84%CE%B1%CE%B9-%CE%B1%CF%80%CF%8C-%CF%84%CE%BF%CE%BD-%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%BD%CF%84%CE%BF/

İnsan-mekân ilişki tarihçinin yeterince üzerine eğilmediği sorunsallardan biri. Tarihin nesnesi insan; alanı ise mekân. Böyle olmasına karşın "olay" ağırlıklı tarih, insan ve mekânı çoğu kez geri plana itiyor. İnsan-mekân ilişkisinin  izini sürebilmek tarih yanı sıra coğrafya ve nüfusbilimi gerekli kılıyor. Coğrafya doğayı, nüfusbilim ise sayıyı gündeme getiriyor. Tarih, coğrafya ve nüfusbilim bileşkesi ise toplumsal topografyayla özümleniyor. Türkiye'de tarihçiliğin yumuşak noktalarından biri mekan bilgisinin yetersizliği. Mekân çoğu kez veri olarak alınıyor. Oysa mekânla insan arasında karşılıklı bir etkileşim var. Mekân mutlak konumda değil. Bilim ve teknoloji insana mekânı da biçimleme olanağı veriyor. Osmanlı'nın derinliklerinden günümüze toplumsal topografya çalışmaları sayısal verilerle donatıldığı oranda kalıcı olabiliyor.

Aşağıdaki rapor, Sosyalizm ve Toplumsal Mücadeleler Ansiklopedisi’nin 2. fasikülünün ekinde yayınlanan Wilhelm Weitling’e ait, 146 yıl önce kaleme alınmış “Komünizm Nedir?” başlıklı yazı nedeniyle İstanbul Devlet Güvenlik Mahkemesi'nde 1988/339 esas sayı ile TCK 142. maddenin ihlali iddiası ile açılan davada, yazarın kimliği, düşünceleri, siyasi mücadele tarihi içindeki yeri mahiyetinde yapılacak savunmaya ışık tutmak üzere savunma avukatı Haluk İnanıcı’nın başvurusu üzerine Prof. Dr. Zafer Toprak tarafından özel bilirkişi raporu olarak tanzim edilmiştir.

Dava beraatla sonuçlanmıştır.

“Türkleştirme politikaları” Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi’ni geriye doğru “okuma”nın bir sonucudur. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti, homojen bir yapıyı gündeme getiren bir ulus-devlettir. Cumhuriyet’i hazırlayan fikir hareketinin tabanını Meşrutiyet’te bulmak doğaldır. Ancak, tüm bu tarihsel perspektifin göz ardı ettiği bir gerçek vardır. O tarihlerde yeşeren “Türk milliyetçiliği” düşüncesinin, İttihat ve Terakki’nin benimsediği bir politika, ve dolayısıyla devletin izlediği bir politika olarak görülmesi mantık yürütmenin sonucudur. İttihat ve Terakki Türkçü bir örgüt değildir; “millî” bir siyasal yapılanmadır. Osmanlı Devleti ise 1922’ye kadar “Osmanlı”dır.

If finally the Turks decide to adhere to the European Union, Turkey will become a member state of the real and existent European Union. The 27-member super-state consists in a real challenge of our times, and represents the latest phase of a real historical Europe. This true Europe is contradicted by the German Minister Markus Söder’s fictitious Europe.

This historically inexistent and irrelevant ‘Europe’ of Mr. Söder is the result of the widely diffused in Europe false History – an academic fabrication compiled originally by the colonial Anglo-French academia. Their interests in this regard involved the promotion of a great number of misconceptions and aberrations that would be necessary to keep average Europeans unaware of Europe’s true History and Identity; this nefarious situation is a prerequisite for the most efficient implementation of the targets of the Apostate Free Masonic Lodge that controls almost totally the Classicist and Orientalist academia of France and England, and the ruling Anglo-French elite.
First published in the American Chronicle, AfroArticles and Buzzle on 15th January 2008
Republished on 29th January 2010 in:
http://illyria.proboards.com/thread/29049/turkey-fictitious-europe

Harun Yahya is the nom-de-plume of Ankara-born, and Istanbul-based, Adnan Oktar, a college drop-out, and a private student of Islam in its version propagated by the Nurcu movement. Oktar reached top levels of the worldwide fame in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Using a mythologized history of freemasonry, anti-evolutionist rhetoric, deep-state insiders, and generous funding for his organization, the Foundation of Scientific Research (BAV), Harun Yahya has stunned the public in Turkey, then the Muslim world in general, and also the Western mainstream media with his publicity crusade against what he called “Darwinism.” His idea has not been limited to a creationist critique of the theory of evolution. “Darwinism” he had fought and, according to him, had won against, was a full-fledged conspiracy of freemasons, Templars, Western crusaders, Zionists, and all modern foes of Islam, aimed against the wisdom and timeless message of Al-quran. Behind the harunyahya.com, however, there was a deeper layer of this campaign: the awaitedmahdi.com – a very personal dream of the Author who wished to become known in the Muslim world as Mahdi – their promised eschatological leader in the coming End Battle against the Deceiver and his forces. Despite temporal imprisonment and the destruction of BAV in 2009, he continues his activities, constituting thus a unique object of research on modern Turkey and its slow-paced transformation into something far removed from the 20th-century project of the “Father of Turks”, Mustafa Khemal.

A conventional genealogy of “innovation” begins from Schumpeter, runs through neoclassical economics (among others, Solow 1957; Krugman 1979), and emerges, shiny and polished, in the 21st century’s irrational exuberance over startups, unicorns and other mythical beasts.  Seen from the Global South, however, innovation has a parallel genealogy, which begins from global structural inequality.

Underdevelopment emerges in the work of Prebisch, Frank, Sunkel and others as a constituent outcome of the technological superiority of the Global North.  The idea of innovation as lack, produced through metaphors of impediment and mimicry as technological limits, now becomes a boundary condition.  Innovation separates North from South; in its commonsense version, the need to overcome this limit is elevated to the obvious and necessary as the contemporary “measure of man” (Adas, 1990).  How and when local innovation becomes the rallying cry for Southern states is a story of national incorporation into dominant global narratives of achievement and progress (not resistance to it). 

The other side of that incorporation might be called, following Ackbar Abbas, a form of “poor theory”: the invisibility of local innovations, humble yet effective, socially responsive and indigenously developed, which may yet open up meanings of “the technological society” when given their due.  This paper will explore these assertions through eclectic and disjointed discussions of Indonesia and Turkey. 

(This conference paper was written for the workshop, “Interrogating Innovation,” held at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, 15-16 August, 2019.)

As late as the Early Middle Ages, the present Turkish territory was culturally 'Europe' and the present Scandinavian, Central European, British, Iberian and Russian territory was culturally 'Asia'.
First published in the American Chronicle, AfroArticles, and Buzzle on 12th January 2008

Quatrième de couverture :

« On se lancera dans la lecture de l’ouvrage de Nicolas Monceau pour y trouver une explication originale de deux histoires imbriquées mais très difficiles : celle des intellectuels et de la politique ; celle de la Turquie et de l’Europe. Le livre refermé, on en saura plus sur ce qui lie enseignants, étudiants, artistes d’un côté ; et chefs de partis, bureaucrates ou militaires, de l’autre. On aura une idée plus claire de ce qui associe ou dissocie les valeurs réformatrices locales et les valeurs unificatrices européennes. On comprendra mieux les ressorts de l’engagement; les conditions dans lesquelles se pose le problème de la démocratie; et les – attitudes envers l’Europe. Et, bien sûr, on en saura beaucoup plus sur la Turquie elle-même ! (…)

L’innovation réside dans la découverte de ces générations politiques successives, chacune façonnée par l’un des coups d’État militaires qui se sont succédé depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale.(…) Ces ruptures ont profondément influencé les trajectoires éducatives, professionnelles ou militantes. (…) À l’avenir, on se rappellera que cette recherche fut la première d’une série que l’on souhaite longue. En dépit de la modestie de l’auteur, elle marque ainsi le lancement d’un nouveau débat sur la meilleure façon d’analyser la Turquie contemporaine. (…)

On sera doublement reconnaissant à Nicolas Monceau : d’avoir réussi à nous fournir des preuves multiples de rigueur scientifique sur lesquelles son raisonnement s’appuie ; mais aussi d’avoir mis à notre disposition dans une langue claire et élégante des éléments de connaissance et de compréhension de nos interlocuteurs, sinon de nos partenaires, de l’Europe de demain. Si la longueur du processus de négociation entre Bruxelles et Ankara donnait la mesure du temps au cours duquel ce livre restera d’actualité, on le lira encore dans vingt ans ! »

Yves Schemeil