Liberation

This book contains the specific teaching of Pope John Paul II concerning the Indian Church from the time of his election to the apostolic see of St Peter until the publication of this book in 1996 (the Pope died only in 2005). My introductory article, “The Catholic Church in India” is omitted, because my scholarly work with the same title is now available on this site. The first two parts of this book present the discourses of Pope John Paul II to the bishops of the Syro-Malabar and Syro-Malankara bishops, as well as to the bishops of the Latin Church on the occasion of their ad limina visits. The third part is dedicated to the important discourses of the Holy Father during his pastoral visit to India in February 1986. The fourth and fifth sections provide some important letters, constitutions and decrees of the Pope concerning the Indian Church.

At the heart of this study is the idea of constitutionalism; its promise, conception and deployment in South Africa’s post-apartheid constitutional discourse; and ultimately the need for its re-imagination if it is to be part of advancing a truly decolonising liberatory project.  A core premise of this study is that there exists, in post-apartheid South Africa, a stark discursive disjuncture between what has emerged as a hegemonic liberal democratic constitutional discourse and the discourse of liberation that served as the ideological pivot of the anti-colonial struggles.  Animated by this premise, this study asks why it is that liberation as a framing set of ideas has either played no part or exerted so little obvious influence on how post-apartheid South Africa self-comprehends and organises itself in constitutive terms?
Recognising that the formal end of colonial-apartheid as a system in 1994 inaugurated a seismic shift in the country’s constitutional discourse as the notion of constitutionalism took centre stage, this study seeks to problematize this idea by examining its underlying assumptions, connotations and import as deployed in mainstream South African academic and public discourses.  In doing this the study aspires to offer a novel perspective that shifts the fixity of the conceptualisation of constitutionalism by amplifying the point that how one chooses to conceptualise constitutionalism has profound implications for what one understands to be the function, scope, ambition and possibility of a constitution. 
Crucially, the study seeks to advance a historicised, yet non-ideological understanding of the emergence of modern constitutionalism.  This, the study argues, is necessary if the real constitutive work and worth of constitutions of different types and thrusts is to remain open to critical engagement as well as fostering the possibility of constitutional imaginings of new, different forms of society or social ordering.  As the study works towards responding to the core question it poses, it embarks upon a critical historiography of South African constitutionalism from the 1910 Union constitution to the present one.  It does this in an attempt to demonstrate that some of the challenges faced by the current constitution are, profoundly influenced, if not directly produced, by legal, structural, cultural and economic continuities rooted in the past, with race being a central axis around which South African constitutionalism has been imagined, enacted, opposed and resisted.  In so doing, the study seeks to demonstrate that despite the indisputable paradigmatic shift ushered in by the fall of colonial-apartheid, on current evidence that shift has been unable to displace nor disrupt the many continuities that remain stubbornly etched into the South Africa’s constitutive DNA inherited from earlier racially exclusive and exploitative constitutional expressions.
Engaging South African constitutionalism from a critical historical perspective, the study turns its attention to the emergence and eventual ascendance of transformative constitutionalism as arguably the mainstream conception of contemporary South African constitutionalism.  The study argues that transformative constitutionalism, whilst claiming radical far-reaching means and ends, has established limited intellectual and programmatic horizons focused on litigation. From within this discourse, it is argued, there is little or no evidence of other work directed at inculcating institutional or structural power shifts or innovations beyond the courts and lawyering.  Ultimately, the study argues that transformative constitutionalism is an inadequate framework through which we can begin reimagining South African constitutionalism and its attendant political, social and cultural dynamics in a more emancipatory and inclusive ways.
Finally, in light of the discursive disjuncture identified earlier, the study concludes by turning its attention to the notion of liberation.  It does this in an attempt to reveal liberation thought’s constitutive potentialities through its political, social, economic, and cultural dimensions that exist as the epistemic underpinnings of the visions of liberated societies and states as imagined and put forward by the likes of Steve Biko, Amilcar Cabral and Frantz Fanon amongst others.

Η παρούσα εργασία διερευνά τη σχέση της ουτοπικής αρχιτεκτονικής με την ηθική και επιχειρεί να αναδείξει την ηθική διάσταση που ενυπάρχει σε αυτό το ριζοσπαστικό πεδίο της αρχιτεκτονικής. Η απαρχή της ουτοπικής σκέψης συνιστά μια προσπάθεια να υπερβεί ο άνθρωπος το δεδομένο παρόν και να διαμορφώσει τις προϋποθέσεις για ένα καλύτερο μέλλον, αποτελώντας η ίδια μια ηθική πρόθεση. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, εξετάζεται η σύζευξη ουτοπικής αρχιτεκτονικής και ηθικής και επιχειρείται η περαιτέρω εμβάθυνση στους τρόπους με τους οποίους η ηθική εμφανίζεται σε ουτοπικές προτάσεις.
Η εργασία αναλύει την «Ηλεκτρονική Πολεοδομία» του Τάκη Ζενέτου, μια πολυετή και ανεφάρμοστη πρόταση για την πόλη του μέλλοντος. Αν και η εργασία αποφεύγει να προχωρήσει σε ένα σαφή ορισμό της ηθικής,  επιχειρεί να ερμηνεύσει την ηθική διάσταση του έργου μέσω ενός τρίπτυχου εννοιών, συγκεκριμένα της ηθικής της προστασίας, της εξοικονόμησης και της αυτονομίας.
Μεθοδολογικά, η ηθική ερμηνεία του έργου προκύπτει από τη μελέτη των απόψεων του ίδιου του αρχιτέκτονα, της σχετικής βιβλιογραφίας γύρω από την πρόταση καθώς και του υλικού από πρωτότυπες συνεντεύξεις με έναν από τους συνεργάτες του στο εγχείρημα της «Ηλεκτρονικής Πολεοδομίας».
Κοινή βάση των τριών εκφράσεων της ηθικής όπως ορίζονται από το τρίπτυχο είναι το έθος, νοούμενο τόσο με την έννοια της συνήθειας από την οποία πηγάζει κάθε φορά η εσωτερικευμένη ηθική, όσο και με αυτή της δημιουργίας νέων συνηθειών. Η τελευταία, μάλιστα, συμπυκνώνει το σκοπό της ουτοπικής αρχιτεκτονικής, με ανώτερη αξίωση την απελευθέρωση του ανθρώπου. Τελικά, δεδομένης της φύσης της ουτοπίας ως αδύνατης να πραγματοποιηθεί, προτείνεται η λειτουργία της ουτοπικής αρχιτεκτονικής ως μεθόδου για αλλαγή και βελτίωση του δεδομένου τρόπου ζωής. Η μελέτη προσκαλεί σε μια αναθεώρηση της ίδιας της έννοιας της ουτοπικής αρχιτεκτονικής, την οποία αναγνωρίζει ως μια ηθική πρόθεση για αλλαγή και ως μια πρακτική που μόνο γόνιμη μπορεί να αποδειχθεί για τον άνθρωπο.


This research examines the relationship between utopian architecture and ethics and attempts to highlight the ethical dimension which is inherent in this radical field of architecture. The origin of every utopian thought lies in the human desire to overcome the existing worldview and set the conditions for a better future; an intention which is inherently ethical. In this context, the study analyzes the connections between utopian architecture and ethics and elaborates the ways in which ethics become apparent in utopian proposals.
The research uses as a case study Takis Zenetos’ “Electronic Urbanism”, a long-lasting design project for a future city that was never realized. Although the research avoids to offer a clear-cut definition of ethics, it analyses the ethical dimension of the project through a tripartite model based on the notions of protection, of frugality and of autonomy.
Methodologically, the ethical interpretation of the project emerges from the study of the architect’s writing, other’s writting and through original interviews that were conducted with one of Zenetos’ partners in the project of “Electronic Urbanism”.
The three different manifestations of ethics in this project draw their existence from the concept of “ethos” which is articulated both in the sense of existing habits, that is related with an internalized notion of ethics, and in the creation of new habits. The latter embodies the purpose of utopian architecture which eventually aims as high as human liberation and emantipation. Finally, given the intrinsic unattainable nature of utopia, this research suggests that the utopian architecture can be used as a way for changing and improving life in its given sense. For this, it calls for a reconceptualization of the notion of utopian architecture, as having an ethical intention towards change and as a practice which is inevitable fertile for humanity.

According to Ramanuja, the alternate ways of liberation is (Moksha Bhakti (devotion) and Prapatti (wholehearted self-surrender to God). In generally Bhakti means loving devotion towards God. The word Bhakti derived from the root bhaj, which means to share, partake, to enjoy etc., calls for a mutual relationship between the deity and the devotee. For Ramanuja Bhakti involves training one’s mind and intellect towards love of God and it is not a mere emotional pursuit. Bhakti implies an unperturbed total concentration on God, and another word we can say that non-stop constant contemplation to God is the very essence of Bhakti. In the case of Bhakti, Ramanuja compares it to the continuous flow of oil poured from one vessel to another. But in another way, if we see, Prapatti is easier than Bhakti, which can be adopted by without any distinctions of caste, one and all, creed or sex, also at any time and place. Hence, all are eligible for Prapatti.

Throughout its history, the renowned Kaṭha Upaniṣad has often been described as being both incoherent and contradictory. The aim of this paper is to show to what purpose the text was created. To this end, it discusses the connection of the three paths to salvation depicted in the text, viz. the Agnicayana (a powerful Vedic fire-ritual), the Upaniṣadic method of self-knowledge, and yoga. The first part retraces how in the Upaniṣads, the Agnicayana was transformed into a non-material or mental ritual and linked with self-knowledge. The second part analyses how the various salvation goals (heaven, the World of Brahman, liberation from rebirth) could be related to each other. First, the authors redefined the Agnicayana's salvation goal, heaven, to make it identical with liberation. Secondly, they introduced self-knowledge and yoga as alternative and equally powerful means to the same end. In practice, however, the new and world-negating methods were implied to be superior to the costly ritual from which they had drawn their authority. Thus, the authors of the Upaniṣad were more concerned with showing continuity between different religious approaches than upholding consistency of content.

Vivekacudamani is a standard text by Adi Shankara as a practical study book for the tradition of Advaita Vedanta. It covers the complete time-line of starting as a student in search of truth. Truth and reality are essentially the same. In religious terms this search is the same as the search for God's reality. A teacher is indispensable. Internet is just not enough.

Two papers on the Jungian psychology of Asian religions from M.A. coursework at the University of Hawaii. "Equations of Freedom with Enlightenment" analyzes Chinese Buddhism, Taoism, and Zen as to the meaning of liberation. Then "This World as a Symbolic Body of the Buddha" analyzes the Shingon Buddhist cosmology of Kukai and its Tantric predecessors in India, culminating in the notion of Buddhahood in this body.

Which conceptions of solidarity will help subjugated, oppressed groups pose liberatory challenges to the regimes under which they suffer? Activists and scholars concerned with liberation err by constraining solidarity to the parameters outlined in conventional moral and political theory and, therefore, by imagining solidarity as dependent on models of identity and shared interests. Organized movements may aim for expanded access to institutional claims and for cultural representation, and yet liberatory movements also have more specific objectives: to challenge the legitimacy of oppressive political and moral regimes, and to put those regimes in the obediential service of the vulnerable and oppressed. I critique notions of solidarity conceived in political philosophy as shared interests, and as a functions of identity in discourses about anti-racist, feminist, and pro-indigenous movements for social justice and cultural inclusion. Using the works of Enrique Dussel, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Elaine Scarry, I argue that a notion of solidarity developed as a relational concept, primarily as a reference to the laborious activities of relating, can serve as a resource for liberatory projects once we describe the three main ideas as a coherent proposition: liberatory solidarity as relational. The concept refers to when individuals and groups continue to relate, to make one another, for the purposes of liberation despite countervailing exploitative power relations, incentives, and disincentives. Those seeking emancipatory change either labor to relate for the sake of liberation, or preserve the bigger-picture status quo in which disparate and episodic enclave movements rise and fall on the terms set by identity politics and fictive individualistic autonomy.

This article, shows the connection between the Haitian Revolution  and the first proposals and republican’s postures arisen

in our environment in terms of abolition the slavere; This connection we calle “ The ghost of the Haitian Revolution”. In a second moment, we review the freedom problem of the enslaves, expressed  in the  Cartagena’s Constitution  and  the  Pablo Morillo’s proclaim and the slaves cetitude during that period since Cartagena’s Independence until Spanish Reconquest

["You Will Know the Truth and the Truth Will Set You Free." The Johannine Concepts of Truth and Freedom as Reflected in John 8:31-36]

The Johannine phrase "you will know the truth and the truth will set you free" (Jn 8:32) is one of the best known epigrams to be mined from the biblical text. Regrettably, its frequent use in a multitude of sermons, talks and printed media demonstrates that the usual, everyday application of this saying in fact has no basis in the Johannine context within which it was originally written. Instead, its common use today is rooted in a modern, essentially philosophical, perception of the two key concepts: truth and freedom. This inquiry into the Johannine context of the quote demonstrates that (1) the truth denotes the revelation of God, whose fullness is expressed in the incarnation of the Son, Jesus Christ, the “Truth”; and (2) freedom can be understood both negatively (freedom from) and positively (freedom to). According to the first meaning, it is liberation from the diabolic bondage of sin (meant as unbelief) and death, while the latter sense refers to entering into mystical communion with the triune God, finding its ultimate expression in the notion of eternal life. Jesus, presenting himself as a bestower of freedom (8:32.36), sets himself in the place of God, a Liberator par excellence, and attributes to himself the prerogatives of the Torah. In fact, for Jesus’ contemporaries, exemplified in his dialogue with the figure of the Jews (8:31), the offspring of Abraham (8:33), the pre-existing Torah was believed to have the effect of setting man free."

Yoga is a spiritual discipline that is found in every school of Indian Philosophy. Yoga Darśan also known as Yoga system was founded by Patañjali and is one of the most orthodox schools of Philosophy. According to the Yoga Darśan, meaning of the word “Yoga” is to unite with level of mind that is free from five Vṛittis. This state of mind is called ChittoVṛitti Nirodha and is achieved through meditation and following eight paths those are mentioned as Aṣṭāṅga Yoga.

According to Yoga Sutra, the term Yoga is stated as the process of re-uniting the mind with a state where there is calmness without any fluctuations. There are five Vṛittis: Pramana, Viparyaya, Vikalpa, Nidrā and Smṛti.

In Yoga, God is considered as the highest self and is thought to be distinct from other human selves. The purpose of Yoga is to realize the reality of the transcendental self which is free from different mental states like desire, greed, hatred, attachment and anger. Yoga advocates control over the body, mind and sense organs. In Yoga Darśan Puruṣa is considered as eternally pure and conscious self. One can be united with Puruṣa by virtue of Yoga.

The main objective of this article is to focus on the importance of Yoga from the perspective of Yoga Darśan. In following sections, I will try to elaborate on the below mentioned points:

Definition of Yoga along with the five Vṛittis and Bhumis.
Concept of Integral Yoga.
Transformation of mind from lower to higher level.

PDF-Powerpoint presentation of the talk I gave on Saturday, 12th May 2018 at the Congress Discourse, Power and Resistance 2018, Education and the striving for dignity, 10-12 May, 2018 – Coimbra, Portugal, Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University of Coimbra.

Which conceptions of solidarity will help subjugated, oppressed groups pose liberatory challenges to the regimes under which they suffer? Activists and scholars concerned with liberation err by constraining solidarity to the parameters outlined in conventional moral and political theory and, therefore, by imagining solidarity as dependent on models of identity and shared interests. Organized movements may aim for expanded access to institutional claims and for cultural representation, and yet liberatory movements also have more specific objectives: to challenge the legitimacy of oppressive political and moral regimes, and to put those regimes in the obediential service of the vulnerable and oppressed. I critique notions of solidarity conceived in political philosophy as shared interests, and as a functions of identity in discourses about antiracist, feminist, and pro-indigenous movements for social justice and cultural inclusion. Using the works of Enrique Dussel, Karl Marx, Friedri...

A história dos países da América Latina tem em comum uma mescla de estruturas culturais assimiladas por seus colonizadores – europeus e norte-americanos - o que leva a interrogar sobre uma cultura autenticamente latino-americana. Há também em comum o sentimento de injustiça, exclusão e exploração de direitos que caracterizam a dominação interna e a submissão externa. Por outro lado, é também uma história escrita por homens e mulheres que resistiram, chegando até a darem suas vidas no combate aos usurpadores de suas riquezas, o que ajudou a fortalecer sua autonomia cultural. Dessa forma, o objetivo desse trabalho é fazer reflexões acerca dos elementos fundantes da cultura da América Latina e a partir da própria realidade histórico-social latino-americana, considerando ainda os princípios da “vida humana” negada, da “crítica” e da “libertação”, pensar em uma nova Filosofia da Política e do Direito construída na perspectiva de uma legalidade libertadora como a legitimação da exterioridade do Outro, da Justiça e dos direitos à vida com dignidade.

Dr B. R. Ambedkar (1891-1956) is the principal architect of the Indian constitution and one of the most visionary leaders of India. He remains to this day a symbol of humanity. He is the father of Indian Democracy and a nation builder who shaped modern India. But his notion of nationalism and democracy envisioning an egalitarian society has rarely received adequate academic attention. His views on religion, how it affects socio-political behaviour, and what needs to be done to build an egalitarian society are unique. Such reflections in terms of nationalism and freedom of the people are of great significance in contemporary time in India and the world in general. This article attempts to analyse Ambedkar's vision of nation and democracy. It also seeks to study how caste system is the major barrier to creating a true nation and a harmonious society. What role does religion play in society and politics? Can socio-spiritual values inspire to break down the barriers of caste differences to form an egalitarian society? History bears witness to instances where great minds empowered with deep contemplation on meeting with the suffering of the people (which in itself is both a prerequisite and an inseparable element of social reform and liberation), resulting in radical shifts in perception. Ambedkar is one such genius whose compassionate engagement and deep imagination envisioned the establishment of an ideal society based on non-discrimination and love.

Deveti maj je za Ljubljančane, Slovence in Evropejce nadvse pomemben datum in obletnica najpomembnejših dogodkov 20. stoletja. 9. maja 1945 je bila osvobojena Ljubljana, uradno je bila končana II. svetovna vojna na evropskih tleh, leta 1950 pa je francoski zunanji minister Robert Schuman predstavil deklaracijo nadnacionalnega gospodarskega sodelovanja v Evropi, ki pomeni začetek EU.

There are different opinions regarding the nature of Moksha. Arjuna could not avoid grief in the battlefield. What exactly is meant by ‘without a body’? When we say that “He is singing standing”, there is no interval between his standing and singing. This goes on till one is satisfied with what one has heard. Needs listening, logic, and experience. There is no other way to generate the fruit of Karma. Moksha is not produced because it is eternal.

Visit: https://bit.ly/3vUMLnb

This paper presents some investigation results about connection between degree of minerals liberation and flotation, responding to flotation plant “Veliki Krivelj”. There are two main degrees of liberation among the sulphide minerals and gangue, and copper minerals and pyrite. Both of two liberation degrees strongly affect on flotation recovery of copper minerals as well as on copper concentrate grade. This paper deals with figures which give some dependence among the degree of liberation, copper recovery and concentrate grade.

Soter, predicativo associado às divindades olímpicas no período grego antigo, invocava o poder e a acção salvadora/protectora dos deuses sobre a polis e seus habitantes e, noutros casos, sobre um determinado grupo ou indivíduo. Soter designa a graça benevolente dos deuses e a sua intervenção sobre o cosmos e sobre a concretude do devir humano. Associado aos cultos de governantes e monarcas, soter adquire o sentido de um qualitativo que designa o seu portador como alguém que é o garante da paz e da ordem dentro do espaço da pólis. Com a deificação dos líderes políticos, soter designa os governantes que, na sua pessoa e na sua governação, incorporam os domínios celeste e temporal e que asseguram, ao reino e aos seus habitantes, uma existência segura/liberta. Na tradição judaica, o termo soter, que não é um nome ou um epíteto, é exclusivo de Deus e da sua acção/intervenção na história de Israel. No cristianismo, na linha da tradição judaica, soter é utilizado em relação a Jesus, atribuindo-lhe, também, os termos veterotestamentários exclusivos de Deus. Entendido a partir de um sentido escatológico e soteriológico novo, soter é, na perspectiva da mensagem pós-pascal e da centralidade cristológica, o termo que designa a acção salvífica operada por Deus pela/na mediação,
necessária, de Cristo.
Palavras-chave
Soter, Salvação/Libertação, Soteriologia, Escatologia

Abstract
Soter, a predicative associated with the olympic deities in the ancient Greek period, invo- ked the power and saving/protective action of the gods over the polis and its inhabitants and, in some cases, over a certain group or individual. Soter designates the benevolent grace of the gods and their intervention on the cosmos and on the concreteness of human becoming. Associated to the cults of rulers and monarchs, soter acquires the sense of a qualitative that designates its bearer as someone who is the guarantor of peace and order within the space of the polis. With the deification of the political leaders, soter designates the rulers who, in their person and in their governance, incorporate the celestial and temporal domains and, assure, to the kingdom and to its inhabitants, a safe/free existence. In Jewish tradition the term soter, which is not a name or an epithet, is exclusive of God and His action/intervention in the history of Israel. In christianity, in line with the jewish tradition, soter is used in relation to Jesus, also attributing to him, the veterotestamentary terms exclusive to God. Understood from a new eschatological and soteriological sense, soter is, from the perspective of the post-paschal message and the christological centrality, the term that designates the salvific action operated by God through the, necessary, mediation of Christ.
Keywords
Soter, Salvation/Liberation, Soteriology, Eschatology

The research which gave rise to this Report was carried out by a team of researchers drawn from the HSRC’s Democracy, Governance and Service Delivery (DGSD) Programme and external history and heritage experts. The objective of the research was twofold: (1) to identify new heritage sites that can be included in the National Liberation Heritage Route to be submitted to UNESCO for consideration as a World Heritage Site; and (2) to identity and record the history of unsung heroes and heroines of the struggle. The focus of the research was on five provinces: the Western Cape, Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, Limpopo and North-West provinces. The starting point of the research was the history of the struggle for liberation. The research methodology included the review of relevant secondary literature and archival material, as well as interviews with a selection of academics, heritage practitioners and veterans of the liberation struggle. This was complemented by a series of workshops in all f...

We’ve all seen them: the pictures of Dutch girls on Canadian tanks, the waving crowds, and the people dancing in the street. The images of the liberation are burned into our collective memory. But how did that liberation sound? Much less is known about that. What sort of music was played? What were those songs about, and what was their cultural significance? He argues that music during and after the liberation was a common language that broke down the borders between different ethnicities, nationalities and cultures. Sometimes literally: a song such as Hello GI, how are you? was an icebreaker between the liberated Dutch women and the foreign soldiers. In addition, Mehring makes a connection with the music from Germany and the United States during the same period.

I develop and critique the notions of moral attention as derived by Simone Weil and Iris Murdoch, in order to transform the notion of moral attention and its moral-epistemic commitments into ones which are more tenable. I link this transformed conception of moral attention to current thought on 'constitutive luck' (or 'character luck'), how chance contributes to who we are and to who we become. In particular, I focus upon our 'social locations/ our positions as embodied particular beings within specific cultures, historical contexts, societies, and positionings via power relations along such lines as race, sex, sexuality, class, and nation.

I build upon Barbara Harlow's examinations of 'resistance literature' and Ngugi wa Thiong'o's distinction between literature which is complicit with domination versus that which resists it. I proceed in a similar direction, though I attempt to avoid the sharp binary opposition between complicity and resistance to domination, as I argue that oppression is more dynamic and fluid than such language implies.
Our selves and our views may be constituted by relations of domination and/or resistance to domination, whatever explicit values we may maintain about human equality and justice. I critically examine some discussions of voice, diversity, and knowledge claims in selected feminist works on moral and epistemological questions. I build upon this critical examination to describe and argue for Satya P. Mohanty's 'realist-cognitivist' view as a moral-epistemological framework for moral attention. Moral attention combines social location theory, critiques of certain relativistic commitments, and analyses from 'resistant literatures' of moral-political liberationist projects.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner.

RESUMO
Este trabalho tentará apresentar pontos em comum e confrontar alguns preceitos teológicos, éticos e políticos de autores como Slavoj Žižek, Enrique Dussel e Leonardo Boff sobre a democracia, a ecologia, os direitos humanos e a potencialidade da libertação. Žižek mantém que a religião fundamentalmente cumpre duas funções: de terapia ou de crítica social. Para ele, apenas uma leitura ortodoxa do evangelho e uma postura "interessada e intolerante" por parte do cristianismo, pode fazer frente ao pensamento único. Dussel, partindo das vítimas do sistema, propõe um projeto trans-moderno baseado numa leitura analítica do evangelho. Por sua vez, Boff oferece uma visão que supere o antropocentrismo, tendo como base uma mística ecológica e como horizonte a libertação dos pobres e da Terra.
Palavras-Chave: Teologia. Filosofia Política. Libertação. Religião.

ABSTRACT
This work presents and confronts key theological, ethical, and political points of divergente among slavoj Zizek, enrique Dussel and Leonardo Boff with regard to democracy, ecology, human rights and liberation thought. Zizek argues that religion serves two functions: therapy or social criticism. for him only an orthodox reading of the gospel and an "interested and intolerant" Christian position can oppose the hegemony of "single thought". Dussel, who argues from the point of view of the system's disadvantaged, proposes a trans-modern project supported by an analectical reading of the gospel. Boff's work offers a vision that aims to overcome anthropocentrism through mystical ecology and the liberation of the impoverished masses and the earth.
Keywords: Theology. political philosophy. Liberation. religion.

Resumen: El siguiente texto tiene el propósito de analizar la perspectiva teórica de la genealo-gía, cuya utilidad se centra en rescatar investigaciones marginadas por el discurso científico y la historia lineal. Por ello, propongo pensar a la genealogía como investi-gación histórica desde la visión de Michel Foucault. En el texto, aclaro, por un lado, el carácter de la genealogía como una anticiencia que se ocupa preferentemente de buscar los saberes que el discurso científico ha excluido o vulnerado en una sociedad como la nuestra. Por otro lado, señalo el método y la finalidad de la genealogía en la cual Foucault articula su proyecto llamado ontología de nosotros mismos. Finalmente, expongo las virtudes de la genealogía como investigación histórica. Por último, con-cluyo que la genealogía sirve como marco teórico para plantear e investigar diversas problemáticas en el área de humanidades y ciencias sociales.

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to analyze the theoretical perspective of genealogy, whose utility is focused on rescuing marginalized research by the scientific discourse and linear history. For this reason, I propose to think about genealogy as a historical research from Michel Foucault's vision. In which I clarify, on the one hand, the character of genealogy as an anti-science that is mainly concerned with finding the knowledge that the scientific discourse has excluded or violated in a society like ours. On the other hand, I point out the method and the purpose of the genealogy in which Foucault articulates his project called ontology of ourselves. Finally, I show the virtues of genealogy as historical research. Eventually, I conclude that the genealogy serves as a theoretical framework to raise and investigate various issues in the area of  humanities and social sciences.

This paper will focus on the way movements such as the Ojibwa-led Water Walkers of the Great Lakes region as well as the Standing Rock Sioux opposition to the Dakota Access pipeline in the name of protecting the water, have informed the struggle against water shutoffs in Detroit in recent years.  Each of the former combines spirituality with politics—insisting on relating to water as relative and spirit, not just resource and right.  Such a challenge from indigenous wisdom throws down a gauntlet to Christian concerns for water access in the coming century of water wars and has provoked a new methodology of “passing over” (to the power of oral traditions enchanting their watersheds with living mythologies) and “coming back” (to the biblical tradition in particular) to re-discover indigenous traces and treasures yet extant in the texts that can re-animate a shared struggle for justice in an age of neoliberal dominance and climate comeuppance.

In the Netherlands the liberation of 1944-45 is primarily remembered as a national event. This framework is still meaningful to many people today - but there is a growing conviction that a good understanding of the war also requires attention from other, equally significant perspectives, such as the perspective of African-American soldiers in the US Army