Mass Murder

This case study examines the importance of rituals in understanding illegal behavior. Particular attention is given to the impact of stress-based symbolically ritualized events on individuals which may lead to mass homicide.

For a more lengthy abstract see the paper, i.e., Chapter.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

Most risk management activity in the healthcare sector is retrospective, based on learning from experience. This is feasible where the risks are routine, but emergency operations plans (EOP) guide the response to events that are both high risk and rare. Under these circumstances, it is important to get the response right the first time, but learning from experience is usually not an option. This case study presents the rationale for taking a proactive approach to improving healthcare organizations' EOP. It demonstrates how the Prospective Hazard Analysis (PHA) Toolkit can drive organizational learning and argues that this toolkit may lead to more efficient improvement than drills and exercises.

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Wiley's copyright policies do not allow me to post the published version of the paper, but they do allow me to send out individual copies. So if you don't have access to the Journal of Healthcare Risk Management and would like a copy of this article, please email me at:
alan [dot] j [dot] card [at] gmail [dot] com

Utilizing data from news media accounts, this study investigates 11 incidents of averted school rampage threats that involved female perpetrators as conspirators or co-conspirators in plots to attack their schools. While the vast majority of both attempted and completed school rampage attacks have been committed by boys and men, there are in fact cases that have involved females. In this study, we provide descriptive information about the largely unstudied phenomenon of school rampage threats involving females and analyze how the multifaceted role of gender impacts these events in terms of their level of threat, group dynamics, and relative lack of news coverage.

On March 16, a man entered three Atlanta-area "spas" and killed eight people, seven of them women, six of them Asian women. A massacre. I knew right away that these establishments were Asian massage parlors. Iʼve researched the sex trafficking and sexual exploitation of women and girls for 30 years. The exteriors of the buildings, the signs, and the lights show all the trappings of places that sell sexual massages and sex acts.

Research Summary: In this article, I provide a qualitative analysis of ten perpetrators of mass violence, including five school shooters and five attackers in nonschool settings (a random public shooting, a familicide, and three attacks by White supremacist homegrown violent extremists). The killers are discussed in terms of body-related issues, three psychological categories (psychopathic, psychotic, and traumatized), and social failures. I describe how the attackers sought to overcome their perceived inadequacy, framed as damaged masculinity, through acts of violence.

Prevalence rates of multiple homicide are statistically rare and vary across nations, yet such cases create substantial suffering for victims and can generate widespread fear among the general population. Despite extreme rarity, it remains important for forensic experts and professionals to be prepared when extremely violent events occur. This review summarizes contemporary behavioral science of serial and mass murder, then highlights the application of recent leisure research to add new motivational and behavioral insights. Research on the application of leisure science to homicide research is in its infancy, yet in conjunction with other related behavioral science disciplines, appears to hold promise in understanding, and perhaps helping to prevent, future violence.

This paper presents a fully documented case of a mass murder. The offender willingly underwent a psychological assessment and discussed his motivation and subjective experience of the slaying. The researchers also had access to the official records maintained by criminal justice entities. The data thus were
gathered from both interviews with the offender and a review of the official record. The diagnosed borderline personality disorder was coherent with the offender's pervasive feelings of loneliness, the lack of availability of the attachment figure in childhood and the clinical depression during the incubation phase of the murders. The ruminations about revenge appeared to be compulsive and ego-dystonic, which is in line with what has emerged as the goal of predatory violence, namely relief. The crime also grew out of the offender's perception of himself as a powerless victim of a malevolent world and his systematic rejection of responsibility. The mild
psychopathic dimension that was found may characterize the anxious, secondary psychopath.

BHS: Masovne, nekontrolisane i serijske ubice zauzimaju značajno mjesto u sa-vremenoj, masovnoj kulturi. Za ovakvu (anti)reputaciju ponajprije je zaslužna " sedma umjetnost'' – filmovi, a naročito serije. Fenomen koji je dostupan širim masama podlo-žan je iskrivljenim interpretacijama, generalizacijama i stereotipiziranju. Dakle, osobine i ponašajne karakteristike masovnih, nekontrolisanih i serijskih ubica okružene su mi-tovima i nedovoljnim razumijevanjem njihove suštine i fenomenologije. Stoga je prvi cilj ovog rada predstaviti i objasniti definicije glavnih pojmova vezanih za homicide. Potom, prikazati statističke podatke i rezultate dosadašnjih istraživanja, a sve u cilju razbijanja mitova o masovnim, nekontrolisanim i serijskim ubicama. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na treći cilj: opisivanje toka i sadržaja kriminalističkog profiliranja, uz isti-canje njegovog psihološkog aspekta. Opisane su i žene-serijske ubice, te teroristi, kao zasebna grupa počinilaca.

ENG: Mass, spree and serial killers occupy an important place in contemporary mass culture. In the first place, „the seventh art’’ (movies and especially TV series) is credited with such an anti-reputation. A phenomenon, that is available to broad masses, is susceptible to misinterpretations, generalizations as well as stereotyping. Hence, traits and behavioral characteristics of mass, spree, and serial killers are surrounded by myths and insufficient understanding of their true essence and phenomenology. Therefore, the first aim of this paper is to present and explain the chief definitions of the main terms with regard to homicides. Further, to display statistical data and results of the previous research, in order to bust myths on mass, spree, and serial killers. Special emphasis was placed on the third aim: describing the process and contents of criminal profiling, while highlighting its psychological aspect. In addition, women-serial killers were described as well as terrorists, as distinct category of offenders.

Stressing that the pronoun "I" picks out one and only one person in the world (i.e., me), I argue against Hunt (and other like-minded Rand commentators) that the supposed "hard case" of destructive people who do not care for their own lives poses no special difficulty for rational egoism. I conclude that the proper response to a terse objection like "What about suicide bombers?" is the equally terse assertion "But I don't want to get blown up."

This exploratory study examines the act of mass murder as an attempt by the perpetrators to lay claim to a hegemonic masculine identity that has been damaged or denied them, yet that they feel entitled to as males in American culture. Biographical information was gathered for 28 men who have committed mass murder in the United States since 1970 and examined for evidence of stressors to the perpetrators’ masculine identities. The majority of the sample demonstrated financial (71%), social (61%), romantic (25%), and psychological stressors (32%) and other stressors (18%) that indicated a failure to attain the hegemonic masculine ideal in American culture. There were co-occurring stressors such as financial-social, financial-psychological and social-psychological. These stressors suggest that the motivations for mass murders are numerous and complex. There is no psychological profile unique to mass murderers and many authors have speculated on their motivations. However, in this study, the range of interrelated stressors experienced by the majority of mass murderers threatened their hegemonic masculine identity and these men engaged in violence to protect their identity.

This paper analyzes the role of far right in the Ukrainian politics during the “Euromaidan” and the war in Donbas. The issue of the involvement of Ukrainian far right organizations in the “Euromaidan” and the war in Donbas have been politicized and polarized. Russian and separatist politicians and the media often presented the “Euromaidan” as a “fascist coup” and the Maidan government as a “fascist junta.” In contrast, the governments and the mainstream media in Western countries tended to present the role of the far right in the “Euromaidan” and in post-Maidan Ukraine, specifically in the conflict in Donbas, as marginal. Previous academic studies generally reached similar conclusions. They focused on numerical strength and electoral support for the far right parties and ignored other aspects of influence of the radical nationalist and neo-Nazi parties, specifically their role in the political violence, such as the Maidan and Odesa massacres and the war in Donbas. However, the number of academic studies of the contemporary far right in Ukraine is generally limited.
            The research question is as follows: What is the role of the far right in the Ukrainian politics during and after the “Euromaidan”? This study analyzes the involvement of specific Ukrainian radical nationalist and neo-Nazi organizations in the “Euromaidan,” the Odesa massacre, and the war in Donbas, their performance in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2014 and the 2015 local elections in Ukraine. The analysis focuses on major Ukrainian far right organizations, such as Svoboda (Freedom), the Right Sector, the Social-National Assembly, the White Hammer, the UNA-UNSO, Bratstvo, and C14, and paramilitary formations or special police and National Guard units organized and controlled to various extent by them, such as the Azov regiment, Dnipro, Donbas, Aidar, Sich, and St. Mary’s battalions, and the Volunteer Ukrainian Corps. It uses various sources of data, such as online recordings of live broadcasts and videos of the Maidan and Odesa massacres and the war in Donbas, official database of court decisions in Ukraine concerning investigations of the involvement of the far right in major cases of political violence, video recordings of the Maidan massacre trial, information posted on websites and social media groups of far right organizations, and media reports in Ukrainian, Russian, and English languages.
            The study shows that the far right organizations had significant but minority representation among the Maidan leadership and protesters, the post-Maidan governments, and in the presidential, parliamentary, and local elections. However, the analysis also shows that the far right organizations and football ultras played a key role during violent attacks, such as attempts to storm the presidential administration on December 1, 2013 and the parliament of Ukraine in January and on February 18, 2014. There is also various evidence of the Right Sector involvement in a violent attack of the Berkut police during its highly publicized dispersal of protesters on November 30, 2013. The Right Sector and Svoboda and smaller organizations had a crucial role in the violent overthrow of the Viktor Yanukovych government, in particular, in the Maidan massacre of the protesters and the police on February 18-20, 2014. The study demonstrates that the Right Sector, the Social-National Assembly/ Patriot of Ukraine, and groups of football ultras were involved in the Odesa massacre on May 2, 2014. This paper also shows that the far right organizations and their volunteer battalions and paramilitary units had a significant role in the civil war in Donbas but a comparably minor role in fighting with several regular Russian military units during direct military interventions by Russia in August 2014 and February 2015. Major implications of this study for the Ukrainian politics and the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine are discussed in the conclusion. This paper implies that the far right has significant but not dominant role in the Ukrainian politics during and after the “Euromaidan.” But far right organizations and their armed units had a key role in major cases of political violence during and after the “Euromaidan,” and they attained ability to overthrow by force the government of the one of the largest European countries.

This paper analyzes the involvement of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) in Nazi genocide during World War II in Ukraine. The issue of the political rehabilitation of these organizations became one of the central political issues in this post-Soviet state. The research question is whether leaders and members of the Bandera faction of the OUN (OUN-B) and the UPA were involved in the Nazi-led genocide. This article devotes particular attention to Volhynia where the UPA was established by the OUN-B in 1943. The study analyzes the biographies of 329 OUN-B and UPA leaders and documents concerning the OUN-B and the UPA, local police, and Nazi mass executions of Jews, Ukrainians, and Poles from the State Archive of the Volyn Region, the State Archive of the Rivne Region, the Archive of the State Security Service of Ukraine in the Volyn Region, the Archive of the State Security Service of Ukraine, the National Archives in the US, and other archives. This paper shows that large proportions of leaders and members of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army served in various police and militia formations, collaborated with security and intelligence agencies of Nazi Germany, and took part in the Nazi genocide, primarily in assisting roles during mass executions of Jews in the first two years of the Nazi occupation of Ukraine.

Ukraine previously experienced significant regional political divisions, including separatism in Crimea and Donbas. However, in contrast to post-communist countries such as Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, and former Yugoslavia, prior to 2014 Ukraine was able to avoid a war and a break-up. This study examines the role of separatists, the Yanukovych government, the Maidan opposition and the Maidan government, far-right organizations, Russia, the US, and the EU in the conflict in Donbas. It uses a specially commissioned survey by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2014 to analyse public support for separatism in Donbas, compared to other regions of Ukraine, and the major factors which affect such support. It concludes that all these actors contributed in various ways to the conflict in Donbas, which involved both a civil war and a direct Russian military intervention since August 2014. The study links this conflict to the 'Euromaidan', specifically, the government overthrow by means of the Maidan massacre, and the secession and Russia's annexation of Crimea. The KIIS survey shows that support for separatism is much stronger in Donbas compared to other regions, with the exception of Crimea, and that the break-up of Ukraine is unlikely to extend to its other parts.

This paper analyzes the mass-murder of Poles in Volhynia in Western Ukraine during World War II. The mass murder of Poles by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and the Stepan Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B) during the Nazi occupation of Volhynia in 1943 became an important political issue in Poland and Ukraine after the collapse of communism. Previous studies by Polish, Ukrainian, and Western researchers offered different and often divergent theories of this historical event. It is often presented in Ukraine as a mutual Ukrainian-Polish conflict. In contrast, in Poland, the mass murder of Poles in Volhynia is often characterized as genocide. A research question is whether this was a Ukrainian-Polish conflict, ethnic cleansing or genocide. This study analyzes a variety of archival documents, historical studies, and eyewitness accounts. It offers an estimate of Polish casualties derived from analysis of OUN-UPA, Polish, and Soviet, and sources and demographic data. This study concludes that the mass murder of the Polish minority in Volhynia by the OUN-B, the UPA, and their security service (SB) represented not a mutual Ukrainian-Polish conflict or genocide of Poles but that it was a part of ethnic cleansing.

>>>>>>>>> Jeder, der noch bei klarem Verstand ist, weiß spätestens jetzt, was die Glocke geschlagen hat!!! <<<<<<<<<<

published in:

Global Research, Feb 3, 2021

https://www.globalresearch.ca/implanted-vaccine-package-id-germanys-parliament-has-ratified-gavis-digital-agenda-id2020/5736277

Alarming News. In Germany the Parliament (Bundestag) ratified on 29 January 2021, the implementation of Agenda ID2020.

This is a centralized general electronic data collection of every citizen to which every government agency, police – and possibly also the private sector would have access.

It covers all that is known about an individual citizen, now up to 200 points of in formation and possibly more as time goes on, from your bank account to your shopping habits, health records (vaccination records, of course), your political inclinations, and probably even your dating habits and other entries into your private sphere.

Das Ganze ist auch noch auf Deutsch übersetzt, siehe den zweiten Teil der pdf!

In recent years, major media organizations have wondered if their coverage of mass shooters actually increases the risk of future attacks, and have asked how their reporting could be improved. In response, 149 experts have called for media to stop publishing the names and photos of mass killers (except during ongoing searches for escaped suspects), but continue reporting the other details of these crimes as needed. Here, we review some of the most important scientific findings on (a) the nature of media coverage of mass killers, (b) its consequences, and (c) solutions that could help make this coverage safer, and summarize how new studies published in this special issue of American Behavioral Scientist add to this valuable knowledge base.

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> update 14.03.2021:

Die Sterbezahlen durch die kriminellen, experimentellen, genetisch manipulierenden Covid-19-Impfungen schießen jeden Tag immer weiter in die Höhe.

Laßt Euch verdammt noch mal nicht impfen!!!

https://childrenshealthdefense.org/defender/vaers-reports-death-up/?utm_source=salsa&eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=1f3a7dc2-ae8f-4671-ab4f-2429e7aaf02e

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>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> update 3/02.03.2021:

afrikanische Schulkinder sind ganz offenbar klueger als die deutsche durchschnittliche Schaf-Bevoelkerung und haben noch einen gesunden Menschenverstand, weil sie sich nicht totimpfen lassen wollen!

https://t.me/alexander_ehrlich/1516

Wie pervers ist das?!!!!  Wacht auf, oder lasst Euch totspritzen, beklagen koennt Ihr Euch dann sowieso nicht mehr. Ruhet (hoffentlich) in Frieden!

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>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> update 2/02.03.2021:

die Ereignisse werden immer dynamischer! Jetzt geraet der Bankkaufmann und Lobbyist Spahn in den Nuesslein-Strudel hinein! Illegaler Maskenhandel!

https://www.businessinsider.de/politik/deutschland/nuesslein-affaere-mails-bringen-auch-minister-spahn-in-erklaerungsnot/

Wahrheit waehrt am laengsten! Das Luegengebaeude des Merkelregimes, das auf Korruption gebaut ist, faellt jetzt zusammen!

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>>>>>>>>>>> update 02.03.2021:

https://childrenshealthdefense.org/defender/injuries-reported-vaers-climbs/?utm_source=salsa&eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=c490b1d0-2794-435a-8896-d82a74129051

Das Sterben nach und mit der Impfung geht immer weiter!! Haltet die Augen und Ohren offen. Und sagt es den anderen!!!!

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Gedanken eines Archäologen zu einer sogenannten Pandemie, mit deren Hilfe eine weltweite kriminelle Vereinigung (die 'Davos-Clique') die gesamte Menscheit foltern, versklaven oder töten will

(diesmal ohne Anmerkungen, die Informationen findet man zur Genüge überall im Netz, etwa auch auf dieser Seite, oder hier: https://swprs.org/)

(notiert am 28.02.2021)

Scholars have urged a shift in research on mass murder from the creation of typologies to theoretically rich, data-driven comparative examinations of the phenomenon. We seek to redress such calls in two ways. First, we analyze a unique sample of public mass murderers through the multistage explanatory model of cumulative strain theory. Second, we use a comparison group of similarly violent offenders-lone actor terrorists-to provide context to our findings. The results demonstrate that cumulative strain theory usefully describes the trajectory toward violence of public mass murderers, more so when a concept implicit in the theory-grievance-is made explicit.

Every year in Europe around 1,150 people are shot dead with firearms. These deaths occur in various contexts, including the relational and criminal spheres. The little available research into the weapons used during these fatal crimes suggests that different types of firearms are used in different contexts. In this report we focus on the weapons that were used for one specific form of deadly firearms incidents, namely “public mass shootings”. These are shooting incidents in the (semi-)public space in which the perpetrator(s) use one or more firearms and during which several
people are killed and injured. Under this umbrella term we find numerous types of shooting incidents, ranging from school shootings in which a frustrated pupil murders a number of classmates and/or teachers to terrorist attacks in which groups of perpetrators attempt to spread terror in coordinated attacks. A look at recent mass shootings shows that significant differences can be observed in terms of, for example, the locations where these shootings were carried out,
the number of perpetrators, the motives of the perpetrator(s), the selection of the victims and the firearms used. This report analyses one specific aspect of such shooting incidents, namely the firearms that were used.

Previous studies have demonstrated that public mass shootings are a global phenomenon, but a significant share of such shootings occur in the United States. Recent research comparing public mass shooting rates across 171 countries indicates that 31% of the global public mass shootings between 1966 and 2012 occurred in the United States. Such shootings are not very common in Europe, and mass shootings figures generally represent a limited proportion of the total homicide figures and deaths from firearms in any given country. However, the impact of these deadly shooting incidents is usually considerable. Whereas incidents of criminal score settling generally occur at a distance from everyday life (that is, within the criminal underworld), the violence of these mass shootings in the (semi-)public space occurs extremely close to home. It is also the effect of such incidents on the broad public that leads to societal debate on the role of firearms in society, and consequently these incidents are an important for changes to be made to legislative
frameworks or firearms policies. For example, we can observe that deadly shootings in the public sphere of several European countries have already led to amendments to the national legislative framework dealing with firearms or the development of new policy initiatives in this regard: we only have to consider the new legislation adopted in the immediate aftermath of deadly shooting incidents in, for example, the United Kingdom in 1996 (Dunblane), Belgium in 2006 (Antwerp) and Germany in 2009 (Winnenden). The European Union (EU) has also explicitly referred to such deadly shootings in recent years to motivate new policy initiatives. Moreover, the series of terror attacks
in Europe in which terrorists used firearms have recently led to sharply increased attention being
focused on this problem. For example, in the immediate aftermath of the terrorist attacks in Paris
in November 2015 the European Commission proposed new measures to amend the EU’s
legislative framework around firearms possession to harmonize it further and significantly
strengthen it.

A lack of basic information and thorough analyses of the European firearms issue is a considerable
stumbling block in the development of effective firearms legislation and policy. The bulk of the
research into the relationship between firearms and violence relates to the situation in the United
States.5 This is also the case for research into public mass shootings: the United States has a long
tradition of researching these violent incidents. In Europe, however, significantly less research has
historically been available on the weapons used in mass shootings. For example, very few studies provide an in-depth examination of the types of firearms used in these deadly shootings, the legal status of these weapons and the ways in which the perpetrators got hold of them. Yet these are important focal points in the societal debate surrounding the role of firearms in general in European society, and the various aspects of firearms legislation and policy in particular. A more
substantial understanding of the problem is crucial, with the aim of developing legislation and policy to prevent these tragic shooting incidents as much as possible.

The aim of this report, therefore, through an analysis of the weapons used in public mass shootings in Europe, is to stimulate the societal and policy-oriented debate around violent shooting incidents in Europe. Specifically, we have approached this issue by analysing the firearms used in a selection of eight recent public mass shootings in Europe. After a brief explanation in the first chapter of the methodological framework used, we analyse the selected shooting incidents in the second chapter. Each case study begins with a concise description of the shooting incident itself, followed by an analysis of which types of firearms were used, and especially how the perpetrator(s) was/were able to obtain these weapons. In the final chapter we will analyse and discuss the findings from the case studies. Using this qualitative approach, we intend to go in search of the stories behind the statistics. By analysing in detail the ways in which the perpetrators of these shooting incidents acquired their firearms we intend to draw lessons for current and future European initiatives to
improve firearms legislation and policy. To this end we should emphasize that, as a result of the observed gaps in European research into weapons use in public mass shootings, this report is intended as an exploratory analysis that, it is hoped, will foster the current European debate around firearms legislation and policy, lead to more research into this issue, and ultimately result in concrete steps being taken to deal with the issues that the report raises.

The litany of public mass murders, from Aurora, Newtown, Charleston, Las Vegas, and Parkland to less well-known incidents that occur yearly, has focused national attention on federally mandated mental health background checks of prospective gun purchasers. The call has been to put more gun-disqualifying mental health records into the Instant Criminal Background Check System database to prevent “deranged” murderers from buying guns and running amok. Our study examines whether increasing the robustness of the mental health background database will likely prevent potential public mass murderers from buying guns. Building on research that shows that serious mental illness contributes little to the risk of interpersonal violence and, further, that few persons with serious mental illness acquire gun-disqualifying mental health records, we examine whether public mass murderers are among the small percentage of those with serious mental illness who do have gun-disqualifying mental health records. Using a large sample of 106 US offenders who used a firearm to commit a public mass murder from 1990 to 2014, we find that half of the offenders had a history of mental illness or mental health treatment but that less than 5% had gun-disqualifying mental health records. Implications of these findings and recommendations for further research are discussed.

In the summer of 1941, German anti-Soviet propaganda focused on the Soviet massacres committed in the Baltic and Western Ukrainian territories. Following official German propaganda, news reports on the executions perpetrated by the NKVD received prominence in the Hungarian public. Hungarian public opinion was informed on these events through reports by German news agencies, which were published in the Hungarian press. But members of the Hungarian press and war correspondents also reported on Soviet atrocities that were discovered in the occupied territories of the Carpathian Group. In addition, NKVD mass killings were recurring elements of war diaries and anti-Bolshevik pamphlet literature. There are three main characteristics of these published atrocity stories. First, the victims and perpetrators of the mass murders were identified based on their nationality. Second, based on the experience of WWI propaganda, descriptions of the murders were emphasized instead of quantitative data. Finally, the primary framework of presenting the murders was that of the "self-disclosure" of the Soviet Union, as the massacres of 1941 were interpreted as a recrudescence of the Red Terror during the Russian Civil War. In addition, the Hungarian anti-Bolshevik discourse adapted symbols of the narrative condemning the Hungarian Soviet Republic to the new atrocity stories.

In recent years, homicide scholarship has been the beneficiary of an increasingly interdisciplinary framework that has come to include a leisure science perspective in attempting to explain murder as a pleasure-seeking avocation for offenders. In this article, the authors employ a leisure-based approach to the Las Vegas Massacre as a foundational case study on multiple murder as project-based deviant leisure. Homicidal leisure-based projects, as suggested here, may also amount to intuitive extensions of other higher-risk hobbies known as edgework. A leisure approach to understanding some forms of multiple murder provides valuable new insights while also integrating important tradition.

Niniejsze opracowanie, zrealizowane na przykładzie historycznego Wołynia, zawiera analizę udziału milicji, utworzonej przez " grupy marszowe " i lokalnych liderów banderowskiej Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów OUN(b), w zbiorowych mordach popełnionych przez nazistów w lecie 1941 r. oraz współczesnej polityki pamięci o tych wydarzeniach.

The 55 minute long online video appendix with added English-language subtitles is produced from brief synchronized segments of on-site reports by American, Belgian, Belorussian, British, Finish, French, Dutch, German, Polish, Russian, Spanish, and Ukrainian TV correspondents and social media videos by various Maidan protesters who filmed the Maidan massacre on February 20, 2014. These videos are cited in the following papers for which this video appendix is produced: "The Maidan Massacre in Ukraine: Revelations from Trials and Government Investigations," presented at the 22th Annual World Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities, Harriman Institute, Columbia University, New York, May 4-6, 2017, and "The “Snipers’ Massacre” on the Maidan in Ukraine,” presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association in San Francisco, September 3-6, 2015.