Neoplatonism, esp. Plotinus and Proclus; Plato

Plotinus was one of the more respected but less understood figures of his times. Throughout this paper, we will analyze two aspects of this highly influential philosopher.

On the one hand, we shall focus on Porphyry’s portrait of Plotinus as an ideal sage and a paradigm of philosophical perfection. Porphyry’s Life of Plotinus, for example, should be seen rather as a hagiographical work than a biography. According to Porphyry’s Vita Plotini, his master lived a divine life by attaining and possessing every possible virtue.

The second aspect which will be discussed in this paper was Plotinus’ mystical doctrine. The purpose of Plotinian philosophy is to unite oneself with the One, which is above all intellection. By reviewing the Three Hypostases [namely the One, the Intellect and the Soul], we were prepared to explore one of the most popular aspects of the legacy of Plotinus: the Mysticism and the Mystical Union with the One.

Este estudio aborda una introducción general a la estética de la luz en Marsilio Ficino. La primera parte versa sobre la consideración de la belleza como vocación específica de los sabios, al tratarse de una tarea intelectual de reconocimiento de los rastros de una actividad superior, de orden trascendental, identificada con la Belleza inteligible; se estudian, a continuación, los principios elementales que articulan la teoría del reconocimiento y abordaje de tales vestigios de actividad en el ámbito de la belleza corporal en Platón y Plotino respectivamente, analizando seguidamente la postura de Ficino en el marco de sus propios comentarios; a lo largo de las dos secciones siguientes se trata en profundidad las influencias de corte agustiniano que recibió Ficino en su conceptualización de la belleza corporal, despejando una singular estructura que sitúa la dimensión del objeto y su recepción por parte del espectador dentro de un proceso que comienza siendo genuinamente estético y termina siendo de naturaleza noética, donde la belleza de los cuerpos activa un complejo entramado metafísico, analogado con la actividad de la luz, para expresar la actividad de lo divino con respecto a sus criaturas y el ajuste de las mismas con sus propias razones ejemplares; por último, apunto la posibilidad de trazar una estética de la luz como objeto sensible distinguido por su potencia para remitir, analógicamente, a la propia actividad divina, tanto por sus cualidades estéticas, como por sus determinaciones ontológicas.

Palabras clave: Marsilio Ficino, Plotino, San Agustín, metafísica, estética, neoplatonismo, belleza, estética de la luz.

ABSTRACT:
This work is a general introduction to aesthetics of light in Marsilio Ficino. The first section deals with beauty as an specific vocation of the wise and its status as an intellectual task raised on the recognition of
the traces of a higher activity belonging to a transcendental order, and identified with the intelligible Beauty. Subsequently, I examine the basic principles that articulate the theory of recognition and the treatment of such traces of activity in the area of physical beauty in Plato and Plotinus analyzing the position of Ficino in the context of his own commentaries. The next two sections analyze in depth the Augustinian influences that Ficino took for his conceptualization of physical beauty, in order to clear a structure that relocates the dimension of the object and its reception by the viewer in a process that begins as truly aesthetic and concludes in a noetic event where the beauty of the bodies activates a complex mechanism, treated in analogy with sensitive light activity, to express the divine activity regarding its creatures and the relationship they have with their own ontological settings. Finally, I point the possibility of constructing an aesthetics of light in Ficino's philosophy, focusing the effort on light as a sensitive element distinguished to access divinity due to its power to refer, by analogy, to divine activity itself, both for its aesthetic qualities and its ontological determinations.


Key Words:
Marsilio Ficino, Plotino, St. Augustine, metaphysics, aesthetics,  neoplatonism, beauty, aesthetics of light.

The Major Arcana of the Tarot  Marseille offer an effective illustration of Neoplatonic Christian philosophy, together with the moral and spiritual crossroads at which we stand.  In particular, the Tower, the Wheel, the Lover, the Hanged Man, and the World offer (together) an effective illustration of the choice that confronts us between putting on the mind of Christ and entering the kingdom, NOW, or continuing to play the wheel of fortune in pursuit of personal power, pleasure, and prestige.  The "easy yoke" of the Master is also discussed in the context of the Magician:

“Learn at first concentration without effort; transform work into play; make every yoke that you have accepted easy and every burden that you carry light!” ("Meditations on the Tarot:, Letter I, “The Magician”).

Readers are also invited to "Play the Fool" as they continue on their pilgrimage.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions

Here are some comprehensive notes breaking down Plotinus' philosophy of temporality and eternity in Ennead III.vii. They aim to situate Plotinus' work within the context of ancient and late ancient philosophy more broadly. Some special comments are included in order to relate Plotinus back to his precursors (Plato, Aristotle, Epicureans, Stoics) and 'followers' (Augustine, Boethius). Topics discussed include: the nature of eternity (aiōn) as atemporality (rather than everlasting duration); the possibility of defining the nature of time (in terms of diastasis and 'ways of life'); the ongoing opposition between atomism and continuum theory; and the relationship of temporality to the Three Primary Hypostases (One, Nous, Psyche).

HAY que anotar que la historia de la trasmisión física del Corpus platónico (tradición), durante los períodos Helenístico, Imperial y Bizantino, queda determinada por la recepción de su contenido ideológico en dichos períodos (pervivencia), pues las respuestas a:

- 1. la pregunta por la legitimidad de los textos incluidos en el Corpus;

- y 2. la pregunta por el orden de los textos incluidos en el Corpus;

Fueron respondidas por los primeros editores del Corpus platónico con base en las respuestas que ellos mismos le habían dado a:

- 3. la pregunta por la clasificación estilística y/o tipológica y/o temática de los textos incluidos en el Corpus.

Ya que las respuestas dadas a esta última pregunta fueron las que determinaron cuáles textos fueron considerados dignos de transmitirse, como obras de Platón; y en qué orden fueron transmitidos (preguntas uno y dos).

Por ello, en esta introducción se responderán muy brevemente las dos primeras preguntas de la lista de tres y se le dedicará el resto de este trabajo a la tercera; pues, la historia de la transmisión física de dichos textos ha quedado determinada por la recepción de su contenido ideológico, porque los criterios que determinaron la legitimidad o no de las obras atribuidas a Platón y les asignaron su lugar en el Corpus, son un reflejo de las clasificaciones usadas por los diversos editores y comentaristas, las cuales son, a su vez, el reflejo de la interpretación que estos hacían de los textos del Filósofo ateniense.

As controvérsias acerca das relações entre Plotino e os gnósticos não se limitam aos tratados contra os gnósticos (30-33). A filosofia plotiniana também apresenta pontos de aproximação com o gnosticismo. O ilimitado Um é um dos temas centrais em Plotino, a união com este era seu objetivo e intento (VP 23, 8). Textos gnósticos sethianos, dos quais o Apócrifo de João (ApJo) faz parte, se valeram de uma abordagem platonizante para falar do Primeiro Princípio. O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar aproximações entre a abordagem do Um em Plotino, no tratado (VI 9) “Sobre o Bem ou o Um”, e no ApJo. O ambiente de formação e atuação de Plotino é compartilhado com gnósticos. Plotino aprende com Amônio, que recebe uma herança filosófica de Numênio, cuja proximidade com o pensamento gnóstico é cogitada. As obras deste circularam na escola de Plotino em Roma, onde havia gnósticos valentinianos. Tanto Plotino quanto o autor gnóstico do ApJo reforçam a incognoscibilidade do Um, e fazem amplo uso de uma abordagem apofática. A sugestão da presente dissertação é a da existência de um diálogo entre Plotino e os gnósticos e da possível existência de uma fonte medioplatônica em comum da qual ambos beberam. Conclui-se que os recursos lingüísticos usados tanto por Plotino como pelo autor do ApJo para indicar o Um revelam convergências teóricas inéditas e que, de certa forma, obrigam a repensar as relações tradicionalmente desenhadas entre os dois.

TO READ THE PREVIEW SCROLL DOWN TO READ THE PREVIEW SCROLL DOWN

The living symphony of life sounds from deep within the microphysical, representing the veritable completion of the fabled Great Chain of Being. This sketch from 2015 can be coordinated with a much more concrete, recent description of the fundamental physical system of living motion and psychical reality at issue (especially the chirality that deeply informs musical thematics) now to be found in the author's 'Carlyle and the Idea' (2018) at Academia.Edu, toward which interested readers of this rough sketch are directed as a kind of paved road ahead.

A ugustine’s Vision from chapter VII in theConfessions is something one can strive
for, however his Vision in chapter IX is of a greater magnitude and most likely the real
vision one would wish to participate in. This paper explores Professor Henry Chadwick’s
question of the Greater Vision being similar enough to Plotinus’ that it could be one and
the same.
  C  hadwick asks this question in his footnote in chapter IX on the shared vision
Augustine and his mother Monika experienced in Ostia Rome. The footnote is as follows:
“The force of this quotation is debated. Does Augustine imply that the ecstasy of Ostia
was an anticipation of the beatific vision? Or does he mean the most divine part of the
soul, most nearly akin to God, which analogy in Plotinus (5. 1. 3. 4-6) might suggest?
Elsewhere Augustine interprets ‘the firstfruits of the spirit’ to mean the spirit of man,
which would favour the latter view. The description of the vision at Ostia has affinities with Plotinus 5. 1. 2. 14 ff., a text also found congenial by St. Basil.1” This footnote is a
curious thing because would not Augustine have listed a neo-Platonic vision as the lesser
vision in chapter 7? Some questions arise between the two Visions as does the Greater
Vision being a shared one.

In whatever way persons approach me, in the same way they receive their reward.
--Bhagavad Gita, 4.11
.
The poet only asks to get his head into the heavens. It is the logician who seeks to get the heavens into his head. And it is his head that splits.
--G. K. Chesterton, Orthodoxy

The author provides a comprehensive review of the current scientific “complexes” present in the theory, research, writing, and practice of psychology, pointing out the assumptions and biases which disregard, undervalue, and often marginalize crucial ideas relevant to expressing the logos of psyche and attending to its needs. Specifically, the influence and ideas of Cartesian thought, as well as other apodictic philosophical systems following in its train, are noted in relation to their culmination in scientific and technological systems in psychology and culture. By raising these complexes into awareness and then deconstructing the related edifice of thought where needed, the author is able to introduce older, forgotten ideas and traditions that have traditionally been overlooked by psychology as a science. Such ideas will ultimately be seen as compensatory, complementary, and healing to psychology in its effort to articulate a comprehensive and fully human imagination of psychological experience and phenomena.
These Pre-Enlightenment ideas and traditions include those of rhetoric as it moved through three major historical periods: Classical Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance. During these three eras, rhetoric and its practice of an “art of memory” produced ideas relevant to modern psychology and the practice of psychotherapy.
Jungian and Archetypal Psychology, two psychologies establishing these traditions as respectable psychological topics and which can rightly be argued as drawing from these older thought-forms, offer paradigms of psychological theory and method based on a poetics of the imagination.
The author employs a qualitative research design: the historical/theoretical study. Using primary sources from and before the 18th century, as well as related theory and scholarship both past and current, the author will develop a synthesized imagination of highly relevant ideas for psychology contained within a rhetorical epistemology of knowledge involving memory and imagination.  Rhetoric and the art of memory recover the excluded middle term between the current dualism of mind-body or spirit-matter, classically known as that of “soul”, thereby offering another departure point for psychological epistemology.
The author proposes to articulate a poetics of imagination and memory that cultivates what Robert Fludd, the 17th Century Hermetic philosopher and rhetorician, called the oculus imaginationis (Godwin, 1991, p. 89), or “eye of the imagination”. Such a psychological “eye”, with the ideas and methodologies that create it, are well suited to psychological phenomena often invisible, intangible, or incomprehensible within the purview of science. Valuable theoretical ideas provided by rhetoric and the art of memory will be shown to provide the psychotherapist with ways of eloquently, prudently, and wisely attending to the sufferings of the soul appearing in the consulting room.

L. Zwollo explores the doctrines of the image of God (the human soul or intellect) of two of the most influential thinkers of late antiquity: the Christian, Augustine of Hippo and the Neo-Platonist, Plotinus. Her study furnishes an inside view of two of the most influential thinkers of late antiquity: the Christian, Augustine and the Neo-Platonist, Plotinus. By exploring the finer points and paradoxes of their doctrines of the image of God (the human soul/intellect), the illustrious church father's complex interaction with his most important non-biblical source comes into focus. In order to fathom Augustine, we should first grasp the beauty in Plotinus' philosophy and its attractiveness to Christians. This monograph will contribute to a better understanding of the formative years of Christianity as well as later ancient philosophy. It can serve as a handbook for becoming acquainted with the two thinkers, as well as for delving into the profundity of their thought.

Descartes is neither a Conceptualist nor a Platonist when it comes to the ontological status of the eternal truths and essences of mathematics but articulates a view derived from Proclus.  There are several advantages to interpreting Descartes’ texts in light of Proclus’ view of universals and philosophy of mathematics.  Key passages which, on standard readings, are in conflict, are reconciled if we read Descartes as appropriating Proclus’ threefold distinction among universals.  Specifically, passages that appear to commit Descartes to a Platonist view of mathematical objects and the truths that follow from them are no longer in tension with the Conceptualist view of universals implied by his treatment of the eternal truths in the Principles of Philosophy.  This interpretation also fits the historical evidence and explains why Descartes ends up with seemingly inconsistent commitments to divine simplicity and God’s efficient creation of truths that are not merely conceptually distinct from the divine essence.

New Greek text edition with German translation of: Proklos, Theologische Grundlegung - Stoicheiósis theologikê

Griechisch-Deutsch. Übersetzt und mit einer Einleitung sowie einem durchgängigen erläuternden Kommentar herausgegeben von Ernst-Otto Onnasch und Ben Schomakers.
PhB 562. 2015. Ca. CXXIV, 377 Seiten.
978-3-7873-1656-4. Leinen 98.00

http://www.meiner.de/product_info.php?cPath=1_222&products_id=1288


Wie vor ihm Plotin und Iamblichos hat auch Proklos neben seinen wirkmächtigen Kommentaren zu den Platonischen Dialogen eigenständige philosophische Abhandlungen verfasst, in denen er sich frei bewegt, ohne sich der Auslegung eines Platonischen Textes unterzuordnen. Und die Theologische Grundlegung (Stoicheiosis theologike) kommt sogar ganz ohne jeden direkten Verweis auf Platon aus. In diesem Werk spricht Proklos selbst oder vielmehr seine eigene metaphysische Logik. In 211 knappen Kapiteln, die alle nach dem Muster einer allgemeinen These mit anschließendem, streng logisch geführten Beweis gebildet sind, bietet Proklos einen handlichen Überblick über die allgemeinen Prinzipien und Bereiche seiner neuplatonischen Metaphysik. In der zweiten Hälfte der Abhandlung steigt er stufenweise von der höchsten metaphysischen Ebene des Einen und der Henaden zu den Intellekten und von diesen zu den göttlichen Seelen hinab. Die menschliche Seele gehört der Darstellung zufolge offenbar nicht mehr ins Reich der göttlichen Metaphysik.

Im Lichte des gesamten neuplatonischen Schriftguts ist die Theologische Grundlegung in jeder Hinsicht atypisch und einmalig. Der Anlass für ihre Entstehung lag vielleicht in dem Bedürfnis vieler Studenten, über eine knappe und handliche Darstellung der Essenz des neuplatonischen bzw. Proklischen Gedankenguts zu verfügen.

Diese über viele Jahre erarbeitete zweisprachige Ausgabe bietet den griechischen Text in einer neuen Edition und eine auf lateinlastige Terminologie verzichtende deutsche Übersetzung dieses für die richtige Bewertung des Neuplatonismus wichtigen Textes. Mit einer umfassenden Einleitung und einem durchgängigen erläuternden Kommentar von Ernst-Otto Onnasch und Ben Schomakers.

Review:
"So this new edition of Proclus’s Elements of Theology sets a new standard. It is a real gem: it requires the reader to immerse himself completely in this text, but the scholarly supports provided are so substantial that that immersion is highly rewarding. Not only does the Introduction provide a very detailed interpretation of Proclus’s intent in relation to Plotinus, Plato, Aristotle, and others; it, as with the very detailed Notes, provides constant references to those giants of tradition, indicating where and how Proclus reinterprets them, often by sharply disagreeing with them, especially with Aristotle, but also Plotinus."
The Review of Metaphysics 69.4, Rolf Ahlers

Students and colleagues, please feel free to request a courtesy pdf of this essay (peter.cheyne@gmail.com).

This article develops a Coleridgean theory of two main forms of mystical experience occurring at what Coleridge called the poles of our 'Mental Powers', at 'Sense' and 'Reason'. While the article presents a theory of mystical experience as actually or in principle occurrent (depending on the individual) at the perimeter of human experience, it also emphasizes Coleridge's cautions against confusing personal idiosyncrasy for spiritual reality. Coleridge's own position on noetic and on sensual contemplation is argued to develop from his Plotinian reading of and reaction against Kant's philosophy of experience and the limits of knowledge. I show how Coleridge proposes 'Reason' as the space of truth, law, and 'living powers' on the objective side, and of noetic, pure contemplation on the subjective side. Consistent with his polar philosophy, I then develop a theory of what I call inchoate contemplation, occurring at the level of 'Sense', infusing, for some, a bright joy into everyday perception when experienced with extraordinary intensity,  but which may also, especially when exacerbated in fancy, bring darkness and dread. Gentler and more usual than either extreme are the moments of secular grace in nature and quotidian life.

In the late-antique interpretation of Plato’s Cratylus the voice of Galen emerges as that of a dissident. The physician – a great, if not uncritical, admirer of Plato – provides a full demonstration of the fact that etymology has no place in scientific discourse because its role is that of a mere impostor. Against him, albeit not explicitly, there is the position of Proclus, the Neoplatonic commentator of the Cratylus. In the history of Neoplatonism after Porphyry, it was thanks to Iamblichus – who did not actually write any commentary on the Cratylus – that this text came to be included in a list of dialogues that every aspiring Platonist was supposed to study. The aim of this paper is to show how difficult it is for the Neoplatonists to accept Galen’s assessment of etymology. What we know of Iamblichus' interpretation is that in his view the Cratylus teaches about names, and this also holds for Proclus. We can deduce, therefore, that the Cratylus was believed to study reality through the names of things, because names refer primarily to immaterial Forms. And this is an assumption that comes from a long tradition in which Galen is ignored, even though to our eyes he seems to be a more accurate Platonist.

In this paper I try to show that final cause is a real cause, and not a metaphoric one. To reach my scope I study the presence of final causality in thomistic philosophy in two levels: a predicamental-categorial level of Aristotelic inspiration, a trascendental level fully and originally thomistic. At the very end we show, based in the intensive metaphysic of being (Fabro, Gilson, Contat, O'Rourke...) the triadic structure of: esse, essentia et ordo. Together with this analysis secundum rationem, we elaborate the passages of the resolutio secundum rem showing the trascendental roots of being as final cause (under the notion of good) depending in the supereminence of divine per essentiam perfection.

Damascius' description of Marinus' encounter with Isidorus concerning the Philebus is not well-documented from the point of its philosophical background (see above), though Damascius' attack on him there is more vicious. In light of the judgment offered here regarding the historical accuracy of the Parmenides episode, one wonders whether Marinus was so naive as to actually burn his manuscripts solely on the recommendation of a man whose philosophical outlook was totally different from his own. Marinus' position in his school was indeed weakened by his rational, Aristotelian approach no longer popular then among his Neoplatonic colleagues. His position would seem to be much closer in spirit to that of his master, Proclus, than to theirs. We have seen this not only in his interpretation and use of Aristotle's De Anima, but also in his notes on Plato's Parmenides. Marinus may not have been at his peak during this later period but I have shown, I hope, that he was not so insipid as our only source would lead us to believe.

Con la aceptación del cristianismo como religión oficial del Imperio, el proceso de hostilidad hacia los otros cultos, ya originado casi un siglo antes al final del reinado de Constantino, se verá reforzado y ampliado con la promulgación de numerosos decretos que muy pronto comenzaron a poner en apuros tanto a los practicantes del paganismo como a los considerados heréticos. Pese a que las acciones gubernamentales junto a las medidas de la propia Iglesia propiciaron el cierre de un creciente número de templos y la clausura de numerosos cultos e instituciones educativas, ciertas prácticas y pervivencias del mundo clásico perduraron a través del tiempo y siguieron manifestándose en periodos sorprendentemente tardíos. Ofreceremos aquí un caso en concreto, el del colaborador del emperador Procopio Antemio, Mesio Febo Severo, cónsul en el año 470 pese a su abierta condición de filósofo y pagano.

With the acceptance of Christianity as official religion of the Empire, the process of hostility towards the other cults, originated almost a century before at the end of the reign of Constantine, will be strengthened and expanded by the enactment of numerous decrees which soon began to trouble both the practitioners of paganism and those considered heretical among Christians. Although government actions along with the measures of the very Church led to the closure of a growing number of temples and of numerous cults and educational institutions, certain practices and survivals
of the Classical world persisted over time and continued to manifest in surprisingly late periods. We will offer here a specific case, that of the collaborator of the emperor Procopius Anthemius, Messius Phoebus Severus, consul in the year 470 despite of his open condition of philosopher and pagan.

Artikel “Plotin”
A. Biographisches
    I. Leben
    II. Lehrtätigkeit und Schriften
B. Lehre
    I. Grundriss
    II. Schönheit, Zeit, Materie
    III. Psychologie und Ethik
C. Nachwirkung im späteren Neuplatonismus
D. Plotin und das Christentum
    I. Verhältnis zum Christentum
    II. Auseinandersetzung mit der Gnosis
    III. Einfluss auf Christen
        a) Im lateinischen Westen
        b) Im griechischen Osten

In Proclus dianoia is the Soul's thinking activity, through which it makes itself into a divided image of Nous. Dianoia's thoughts are logoi, because in the Greek philosophical tradition, logos came to mean a division of a prior unity (ch.I). Proclus' theory of dianoia rejects induction, and is a conscious development of Plato's theory of anamnêsis, because induction is unable to yield a true universal (ch.II). The source of Soul's logoi is not a pre-natal vision of reality, but rather its ontological dependence on Nous. The Soul's ousia is a fullness of logoi which are images of the eidê in Nous. The Soul projects these multiple oudiôdeis logoi into even greater multiplicity. In so doing, Soul makes itself into the image of Nous, and the paradigm of Body. For this reason all dianoia is metaphorical, because it either understands Nous through the image which itself is, or understands Body through itself as paradigm (ch.III). Dianoia, therefore, has two parts. Dialectic is the Soul's grasp of Nous through itself as image, and mathematics is the Soul's grasp of Body through itself as paradigm (ch.IV). The Soul's attention to Body may cause it to cease its dianoetic activity, because it takes on Body's passivity. Philosophical discussion may rescue such a fallen soul, turning it back towards itself, away from the body. In Procline terms, philosophy restores the Soul's autokinêsis, or self-motion (ch.V). The particular Nous of which Soul is an image, and which dianoia divides, is the Nous which serves as a measure for Soul's dividing activity. And because Time is the measure of the Soul's motion, this particular Nous is the monad of Time (ch.VI). Dianoia has as its aim to leave behind all divided thinking, and to be content with the unity of Nous, and the simplicity of the One. This is accomplished through that in the Soul which is higher than dianoia, the nous of the Soul, and its own one (ch.VII).

In the Chapters 6th to 9th of his On Education Theodore Metochites exposed his own understanding of the fundamentals of Orthodox dogmatics. The editor I. Polemis considered this version of dogmatics quite Orthodox. B. Bydén put forward a suggestion in 2003 that Theodore had used not so exact terms as those found in the Church Fathers, but he did not thrust his thought further. But even a preliminary analysis of the 6th Chapter shows one that in his treatment of Triadology Metochites used Plotinus, and that leaning towards Neoplatonism brought him, in fact, to dissociating the essence and Persons of the Holy Trinity. When speaking about Christology, Theodore did not fall back upon the teaching of St. John of Damascus on Christ’s irreproachable passions, which had been assumed by the Saviour together with our fallen nature as the consequences of the original sin. This fact accounts for Metochites’ inaptitude to deploy an Orthodox treatment of the passions. At the same time the philosopher is accurate in his quoting St. Gregory the Theologian. But the reason here seems to be his conviction that St. Gregory has closed with his work “the golden age” of the Fathers. We have identified a quotation from the Theologian which remained unnoticed by the editor.
Such a conservative stance which seems to be actually more rigorous than that of Akindynos would have led Metochites to get into a conflict with St. Symeon the New Theologian, if our philosopher had lived in the 11th century. But in the meantime Metochites showed up in his person a rather rare type of person in Byzantium, i.e., that of a lay philosopher who was rather independent from Church doctrines and who died in peace with the Church, nevertheless. It is highly remarkable, still, that the back side of his novelty as a philosopher who inaugurated with his ideas a long row of the brilliant achievements of the Renaissance was his archaism and conservatism in theological matters. We put forward a new hypothesis on the reasons of Metochites’ pronounced lack of interest in the Filioque. And it is not only the author’s psychological trauma connected with the tragic destiny of his father, as Ihor Ševčenko thought in the 70-s, what is responsible for the lack. What matters here is theology proper as well. Exalting the Divine essence over the Persons, together with singling out the role of God the Father as the Keeper of Providence over the whole creation and that of God the Son as the Redeemer, Metochites assigned to the Holy Spirit only a secondary role in our salvation perforce. This role is so unnoticeable that in the 6th Chapter which is dedicated to the main Orthodox dogmas Metochites passes it over in silence at all. We offer our readers a new Russian translation of the Chapter in question and a commentary to its crucial points.

Sobre la base de una línea interpretativa propiciada por la misma doctrina de Plotino, este trabajo pretende estudiar el problema que conlleva el fin último del alma humana en vista de su ascenso hacia el Uno-Bien. En varios pasajes de su obra, el filósofo sostiene que, conociendo el propio sí-mismo, se puede tomar contacto con un principio supremo, anterior incluso a la potencia intelectiva, en virtud de cuya visión es dable gozar de un amor sin medida. El remate en la unificación no depende en última instancia del acierto racional, sino de concordar en el mismo centro con aquello de semejante al Uno-Bien que hay en el alma. Estas distinciones abonarían la posibilidad de una unión mística dentro del sistema plotiniano. Sin embargo, desde el punto de vista epistemológico, el estatuto místico es controvertido y plantea una serie dificultades teóricas que es necesario dilucidar. Para el análisis de los tópicos mentados se desarrolla una lectura a la vez hermenéutica y crítica tanto de las fuentes como de la bibliografía erudita.

Prologue
But what do we mean by mysticism? It is exceedingly difficult to define. Friedrich Heiler, in his endeavor to establish a radical distinction between prophetic and mystical, defines mysticism as 'that form of intercourse with God in which the world and the self are absolutely denied, in which human personality is dissolved and is absorbed in the infinite unity of the Godhead. (C. Jones, Mysticism, Human and Divine)

Mysticism in Late Antiquity
In the year 824, the Byzantine Emperor Michael sent a present to Lewis the Mild, "The treatise of the great Miaphysite mystic Dionysius (the pseudo Areopagite, 553); translated into Latin by Joannes Scotus. This treatise contained the most advanced mystical theology: 'On the Celestial Monarchy'; 'On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy'; 'On Divine Names' and his crown work 'On Mystical Theology', which is the core of the Eastern Orthodox Church theology to this day. These books were eagerly read by the Western faithful, and Church members, without the Pope's sanction; and were soon condemned by Pope Nicholas the First.

Theurgic MysticismIn
Theurgic (Greek theourgia) mysticism a mystic intends to activate the divine in the mystical experience. Thus, a Christian mystic who intends to activate God’s grace, is involved in theurgy. Nonetheless, while typically theistic mystics claim experience of God’s activity, many do not claim this to result from their own endeavors, while others refrain from declaring the activation of the divine as the purpose of their mystical life. So they are not involved in theurgic activity. The Jewish Kabbalah is the most prominent form of theurgic mysticism. In it, the mystic aims to bring about a modification in the inner life of the Godhead. (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)

Corpus Areopagitum
One mystical question was dealt with throughout the whole work: How does the Loving Lord share his life giving nature with his creation? Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury, observes that the writings derive from an elaborate fifth century Neo-platonic system, and Harmless suspects it was wrote by a Syrian follower of Severus of Antioch, regarded as one of the foremost wonder maker mystics, was the greatest defender of Cyril mystical definition for the nature of Jesus Christ (Hypostatic union)
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Denys (or Dionysius) the Areopagite is a unique case in the history of theology: one who exercised a vast influence over succeeding generations, despite (or because of) his pseudonymity. The works attributed to him were first brought on to the theological scene in the sixth century by Miaphysite theologians (Severus of Antioch) to support their case against the Diophysite Orthodox, The Areopagite spiritual power was quickly felt, and by the next century its authority was accepted both in the West and in the East. Andrew Louth argues that, "it cannot be ruled out that Denys and Proclus depend on some common source -- and would not be out of place to confirm its source is a Syrian of Miaphysite background. (Andrew Louth, Denys the Areopagite)

Pseudo-Dionysius, as he has come to be known in the contemporary world, was a Miaphysite Christian, possibly a Neoplatonist monk who wrote late fifth or early sixth century CE. He was one of Severus of Antioch followers, who masterfully transposed in an original  thorough way the whole of Neoplatonic Pagan heritage since Plotinus up to Proclus, but especially that of Proclus, Iamblichus, and the Platonic Academy of Athens, into a distinctively new Christian context. During the year 518, in the Enaton Monastery, a polymath  grammarian met with Severus of Antioch (St.), who  just arrived in refuge to Alexandria. As John Philoponus listened to ps-Dionysius treatises, he realized that 'Apophatism' was then shaped by Proclus' out of Neoplatonism.    

While Plotinus has been read and written about fairly early, it took a long time before later Neoplatonists thoughts were examined seriously. The main reason was the disregard expressed by many scholars about theurgy, which was routinely identified with magic and superstition. The understanding of philosophers like Iamblichus and Proclus is unthinkable without a good enough grasp of theurgy, and emphasis on Iamblichus' rigor: far from being an eccentric innovator, theurgy asserts an effort to bring Platonism closer to Plato, and push it away from Gnostic radical dualism. Adherence to theurgy implies a sensible world is deeply ingrained in Plato's optimism.

Unlike previous Platonists who stressed the elevated status of the human soul, Iamblichus taught that the soul subsided completely into the body and thereby required the performance of theurgic rites—revealed by the gods—to unite the soul with the One. Iamblichus was once considered one of the great philosophers whose views on the soul and the importance of ritual profoundly influenced subsequent Platonists such as Proclus and Damascius. The Emperor Julian followed Iamblichus' teachings,  which persisted well into the middle ages, in his fierce campaign against Christianity.

His vision of a hierarchical cosmos united by divine ritual became the dominant world view for the entire medieval world and played an important role in the Renaissance Platonism of Marsilio Ficino. Even Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote that he expected a reading of Iamblichus to cause a "revival in the churches." But modern scholars have dismissed him, seeing theurgy as ritual magic or "manipulation of the gods." Shaw, however, shows that theurgy was a subtle and intellectually sophisticated attempt to apply Platonic and Pythagorean teachings to the full expression of human existence in the material world.  

"There is a major tension between Platonism and Christianity in Dionysius’ writing. Luther expressed the negative side of this tension: “Dionysius is most pernicious; he platonizes more than he Christianizes”. Von Balthasar has been more positive, seeing Dionysius’ Christianization of Neoplatonism “as a side-effect of his own properly theological endeavor,” namely, “the clear realized synthesis of truth and beauty, of theology and aesthetics”. Perhaps one may suggest that neither Christianity nor Platonism are side shows in Dionysius’ thought; They are rather mutually important whole perspectives that do not get lost in the mix, no matter how subordinate Neoplatonism nonetheless may be to Christianity for Dionysius himself.  

The most controversial and arcane passages of the  Mystical Theology revolve around the mystical as taken in itself and not as the act of negating the other forms of theology. Dionysius says that after all speaking, reading, and comprehending of the names ceases, there follows a divine silence, darkness, and unknowing. All three of these characteristics seem privative, as though they were simply being the absence of speech, sight, and knowledge respectively. But Dionysius does not treat them as privative. Instead, he uses temporal and spatial language to mark off a special place and time for them."-- K. Corrigan & L. Harrington, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy 

The Dionysian Heritage
The whole of the Corpus deals with one question: how does God share his life with creation? Two treatises, the Celestial Hierarchies and the Ecclesiastical  Hierarchies, explain the structure of participation whereby heavenly and earthly realities transmit the divine life down through a descending scale, a hierarchy, at the summit of which stands the supreme angelic orders of Seraphim, Cherubim and Thrones. On earth, our  hierarchy of bishops, priests and deacons reflects the heavenly order and, in the liturgy, presents to the initiates (monks, laity and catechumens);  Dionysius shares the Neo-Platonic passion for triads everywhere, a symbol of the intelligible realities above.  

Fr. Meyendorff comments that this reduces the whole sacramental life of the Church to a system for individual enlightenment; the effect of Dionysian principles on the Christian liturgy in East and West was, at best, an ambivalent affair. In spite of correctives in both quarters, the notion of sacrament as spectacle or icon came to be widespread and popular and has not a little to do with the universal medieval decline in communicating attendance at the Eucharist. The overall structure of the  Dionysian system derives from the elaborate Neo-Platonic system developed in the fifth century at Athens, and the general principle of an ascent to the intelligible world through symbolic material things.

"It is pleasantly ironical that so vastly influential a writer should have been , by the standards of those he most influenced, 'a heretic and a schismatic'."--Rowan Williams