Opium

Calming the pain is one of the most constant searches of the human race. Like many other drugs, opioid medications are pain relief medications. The term opioids encompass a class of a wide variety of drugs, both natural and alkaloid compounds derived directly from
the resin of the opium poppy (termed opiates, including morphine and heroin) as well as synthetic compounds (including oxycodone and hydromorphone). All members of the opioid drug class have agonistic effects on the mu receptor in the brain ( Pikard, Penfold and
Mazhar, 2018). Although opiates are used to control pain and relieve cough and diarrhea, they create a sense of euphoria, calmness and sedation that will cause addiction. It is known that opioids cause adverse effects, such as respiratory depression, that can lead to death. The aim of this article is to examine the commonly used opiates and their effects on psychological well-being within the framework of academic articles.

When journalists and political analysts talk about the opium issue in South-East Asia, they usually emphasize the responsibility of the “opium farmers” in the international market of heroin, in particular the responsibility of the Hill-Tribe peoples in too famous “Golden Triangle” . The devastation caused by opium addiction among Hill-Tribes is often exaggerated with the intention of showing the weakness of their “morality” as far narcotic uses are concerned. In this article, the author reveals the diversity of opium uses in Hmong culture (medicine, pleasure, way of committing suicide). Special attention is paid to the social status and the motivations of the users and also to the linguistic expression and perception of the Hmong. Direct and tacit social pressures are also analysed to show the strength of social control in this small and segmentary society. At the end the analysis shows an increase in drug-addiction in some villages, where the family structure is strongly weakened, but it also indicates the awakening of a new sterner morality in some recent messianic movements.

Key words : Hmong, South-East Asia, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, opium, opium uses, opium addiction, social pressures, marriage, suicide, history, opium trade.

Mike Jay (31st January, 2012) - High society: Mind-altering drugs in history and culture. The Ecology, Cosmos and Consciousness Salon, The Institute of Ecotechnics, October Gallery, Bloomsbury, London. (Host and compère)

Video of lecture here:
https://vimeo.com/38102089

Drawing on themes and images from the exhibition he curated at the Wellcome gallery in 2010-11, Mike will survey humanity's engagement with psychoactive plants and chemicals and explore why 'drugs' have developed such a controversial image in the modern West.

This dissertation examines the political economy of the Ganga River during the early modern period. Thematically, the seven chapters of the dissertation may be categorized in three broad divisions. Taking a longue durée perspective, the first two chapters situate the Ganga and its plain in the wider cultural and geographical framework of the Indian subcontinent. While Chapter 1 is concerned with the central role of the Ganga in Indian culture and civilization since the first millennium BC, Chapter 2 discusses early migration and the settlement pattern along the Ganga by paying close attention to the environmental predispositions of the region. The second broad division relates to the Ganga as connecting and feeding the political economy of northern India during the early modern period. The Ganga linked the region with the maritime economy, facilitated navigation, transportation of merchandise and also facilitated political control. Thus, Chapters 3 to 6 examine the political economic processes along the Ganga in eastern India, the integration of the regional commercial economy with the maritime global economy, bullion flows and production processes of such merchandise as saltpeter, opium and textiles. As Bihar offered these commodities, its economy pulled the maritime traders who approached the region through the Ganga highway. The inflows of specie boosted the economy and the agricultural and craft-productions kept pace with the increasing demands in overseas markets. Benefitting from the expanding economy of Bihar, the zamindars (warlords-cum-gentry) asserted their control over the Ganga and chocked the flow of resources to the Mughal imperial coffers and thus paving the way for Mughal decline in the eighteenth century. The third and last thematic division in Chapter 7 focuses on the decline of the Mughal Empire, zamindar-led regional centralization, and the political transition to EIC rule.

Haşhaş bitkisi ve ondan elde edilen afyon, dünyanın en eski tıbbî ve sanayi ürünlerinden biri olarak kabul edilir. Haşhaşın kullanım alanının zaman içerisinde artması ve afyonun bağımlılık yapıcı özelliğinin keşfedilmesiyle birlikte, 16. yüzyıl itibarıyla, haşhaş ve afyonun ziraat ve ticareti önem kazanmıştır.

Afyon ticari bir meta olarak ön plana çıktığı 16. yüzyıldan sonra, uluslararası ilişkilerin de yönünü tayin edebilmiş ve başta İngiltere olmak üzere Avrupa’nın birçok ülkesi Uzakdoğu ülkeleriyle afyon kaynaklı sorunlar yaşamıştır. Yüksek kaliteli afyonuyla tanınan Osmanlı İmparatorluğu da Uzakdoğu ülkeleri kadar olmasa da Avrupa ülkelerinin ilgi alanına girmiştir. Böylece afyonun ticari serüvenine Anadolu toprakları da dahil edilmiştir. İmparatorluk döneminin en önemli ihraç maddelerinde biri olan afyon, özellikle İzmir ve İstanbul gibi liman kentlerinden Avrupalı tüccarlar tarafından satın alınmıştır.

Yeni kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti için de afyon, ticarette aranılan ürünlerden biri olmaya devam etmiştir. Cumhuriyet hükümetlerinin onayıyla, hazine gelirlerini arttırmak ve 1929 ekonomik bunalımının olumsuz etkilerinden kurtulmak amacıyla uyuşturucu imal eden fabrikalar kurulmuş ve böylece yeni bir gelir kalemi yaratılmıştır. Fakat bu fabrikaların “yasadışı” olarak kabul edilen faaliyetlerinden dolayı kapatılması ciddi bir mali kayba yol açınca, olumsuz durumu telafi etmek adına afyon üzerine devlet tekeli konmuştur. Uyuşturucu Maddeler İnhisarı olarak adlandırılan tekel hem ekonomik kazancı düzenlemek hem de Avrupa ilaç sanayinin kurmuş olduğu kartelin olumsuz etkilerini gidermek açısından önemli bir adım olarak görülmüştür.

Cumhuriyet dönemi hükümetleri 1930’lu yıllara kadar, afyon kullanımını denetlemek ve kısıtlamak amacıyla toplanan konferanslara katılmama yönündeki Osmanlı döneminde benimsenen politikaya sadık kaldı. Fakat uluslararası camiada afyon, 20. yüzyılın başından itibaren bağımlılık yapıcı özelliğinden dolayı yasaklı maddelerden biri olarak tanımlanmaktaydı ve tüketimi konusunda dünya genelini kapsayan sınırlamalar getirmek için çalışılmaktaydı. 1909 Şanghay Konferansı’yla başlayan 1912, 1913, 1914 Lahey ve 1925 Cenevre’yle devam eden konferansların toplanma amacı da buydu. Gerek Osmanlı ve gerek cumhuriyet yönetimleri davet edildikleri halde bu konferanslara katılmadılar ve konferansların getirdiği yükümlülüklerin altına girmediler. Fakat Cumhuriyet yönetimi Lozan Antlaşması içinde yer alan, afyon konferansı antlaşma metinlerinden dolayı, 1930 yılındaki Londra Konferansı’na katılmak zorunda kalmıştır. Uluslararası camiayla ortak hareket etme zorunluluğu doğrultusunda 1933 yılında yapılan antlaşmaları onaylayan cumhuriyet yönetimi daha sonra düzenlenen 1936 Cenevre Konferansı’na da delege göndermiştir.


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The plant poppy and the opium obtained from it, is accepted as one of the oldest medical and industrial products. By the 16th century, together with the increase in the usage area of poppy in time and the realization of the addictive feature of opium; cultivation and the trade of poppy and opium gained importance.

When opium appeared as an important commercial product after the 16th century, it became crucial in directing the international affairs and most of the European countries; England in particular, had opium-based-problems with the Far East countries.  Ottoman Empire known for having high quality opium also generated the interests of European countries. In this way, Anatolian territory was also included in the trade adventure of opium. Opium which was one of the most important export articles of the Empire was bought by the European merchants from the seaports, from Izmir and Istanbul more particularly.

For the newly-established Republic of Turkey, opium proceeded to be a significant commodity. By the approval of the governments of the Republic, drug manufacturing factories were built in order to enhance the public revenues and to get rid of the negative effects of the 1929 economic depression. Thereby a new income item was created for the new state. However, the closure of these factories due to their activities which were regarded as “illegal” caused a serious financial loss and for this reason, the state monopoly was enforced on opium in order to compensate this financial loss. The monopoly, which was called as Narcotic Drugs Restraint, was seen as an important step both for arranging the economic income and removing the negative impact of the cartel that was founded by European medicine industry on Turkey’s international opium trade.

Until the 1930s, the governments of Republic era held to the Ottoman policy of not attending the conferences gathered for controlling and limiting the use of opium unchanged. However, opium was defined as one of the forbidden substances since the beginning of the 20th century in the international community due to its addictive nature and a process had begun of introducing worldwide restrictions on the consumption of it. A series of conferences held for this purpose the first one of which was 1909 Shanghai Conference and followed by the ones conducted 1912, 1913 and 1914 in Hague and in 1925 in Geneva. Although they were invited, neither the Ottoman governments nor the governments of Republic attended these conferences and both refused to enter into the obligations that was imposed upon them. However, the Government of Republic had to attend the London Conference in 1930 because of the opium conference contracts included in the Treaty of Lausanne. In accordance with the obligations for acting coordinative with the international community, Government of Republic, who assigned the treaties in 1933, sent also delegate to the 1936 Geneva Conference.

La figura de John Milton influyó enormemente la literatura y el pensamiento del siglo XIX. A partir de la figura de Satán en "El Paraíso Perdido" estableció un nuevo orden de héroe romántico y una percepción novedosa del mundo desde la Caída. A partir de su obra, una hermandad de parias, unidos por las líneas de un nuevo pensamiento sobre la Imaginación y por el consumo de opio, trazarán otro camino dentro de la construcción estética del Romanticismo a partir de la creación de lugares comunes en sus obras.

I know NATO was complicit in the Afghan opium trade because I was there, guarding opium harvesting on Afghan government land besides NATO’s main operating base in Helmand.

Ironically, these poppy fields were irrigated by Camp Bastion’s treated effluent outlet. All the desert bound camp’s water needs were fulfilled from the Helmand water table. An electric pump brought the water to the surface via a deep-bore well in the heart of the camp. That sustained the thirty thousand camp occupant’s drinking and toiletry needs. The effluent was purified to EU purity standards inside the camp then allowed to flow through a gap in the fence. It created an oasis in the once barren desert besides Camp Bastion.  The desolate desert valley soon transformed into an oasis.

DRAFT - LAST UPDATE WED 06 APRIL

The historiography of the nineteenth century Panjab privileges the core constituency of Maharaja Ranjit Singh's 'empire', whereby the margins are represented only as conquered territories. This article shifts the perspective by highlighting the context of 'Zomian' margins in the making of an 'empire'. Based on coeval travellers' accounts, news from Lahore Durbar and British Indian governmental sources, the focus is on the impact of economic and political contingencies on the policies of Sikh Sardars, the Maharaja of Lahore and, ultimately, the British Indian government in the Western Himalayan region. We shall, however, limit ourselves to economic interaction between the hegemonic empire and Kangra hill states to bring out the dynamics of dominance and subversion. The underlying assumption of dominance and eventual integration into the 'empire' was rather economic: in services, materials and money. It was, however, not a relationship of political dominance only. While the subjugation of hill states alienated revenue to the 'empire', it also opened new markets to the hill products and services that had cultural and economic implications. The new markets were welcomed; the alienation of revenue was not. The alliance, therefore, had an uneasy aspect, nuanced by a subtle protest, that of the weak against the strong: an indirect, meek and symbolic resistance. Consequently, when the strength of 'empire' dwindled, such protests acquired accentuated dimensions. The process of such protests is vital in understanding the decline of Lahore 'empire', barely a decade after the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.

En el siguiente trabajo de fin de grado se pretende hacer un recorrido por los diferentes procesos de representación artística del consumo de opio a lo largo del siglo XIX y principios del XX, teniendo como marco de referencia la literatura escrita al respecto.

Confessions of an English Opium-Eater, autobiographical narrative by English author Thomas De Quincey, first published in The London Magazine in two parts in 1821, then as a book in 1822. The self-confessed purpose of the first version of the Confessions was to warn the reader about the dangers of opium. The writer gives his own personal accounts and addresses to his readers. The essay is like a journalistic report in which there is depiction of how a common man becomes an addict, the essay combines the depiction of a social evil, and essay is told from an addict's point of view, with a somewhat contrary and tempting picture of the personal inclinations of drug [Opium] addiction. The essay begins with an autobiographical account of the author's addiction. It then describes in effective detail of the joyful and highly symbolic daydreams that he had experienced through the drug's influence which he narrates by giving details of horrible nightmares that sustained the use of drug.

Publiée en 2015 dans Deux mondes, une planète. Mélanges offerts à Bouda Etemad 1 , la contribution mentionnée en titre a été amputée de son appareil critique en raison des contraintes inhérentes à l'édition du volume. Si les notes de bas de page qui furent alors supprimées n'étaient certes pas indispensables à la compréhension du corps du texte, elles intéresseront peut-être le lecteur qui désirerait compléter son information sur le Procès de la colonisation française, ses conditions de rédaction ou encore le thème spécifique de l'opium. La mise en ligne de ces notes est également l'occasion de compléter la bibliographie publiée dans le volume des Mélanges. Les notes absentes de la contribution telle qu'elle a été publiée apparaissent ci-après en retrait et dans une taille de police supérieure à celle de la phrase à laquelle elles se rapportent, celle-ci étant précédée de la pagination des Mélanges.

Gordon Bowker posited, in his biography of George Orwell, that ‘opium never appealed to Blair’ (Bowker 2003: 82). However, circumstantial evidence, some of it uncovered post-publication, suggests it is possible Orwell smoked opium in Burma. This paper also argues that this is all the more likely given his father’s lifelong involvement in the British opium industry in India.

Keywords: Eric Arthur Blair, Burma, Orwell, Richard Walmsley Blair, Captain H. R. Robinson, Henry Osborne, opium, drug

Burma/Myanmar has been the epicenter of human trafficking and unsafe migration in mainland Southeast Asia. While " root causes " of trafficking are always complex, clearly, counter-productive agricultural and tax policies, political repression, military actions, and widespread human rights violations are heavily implicated in the underlying political ecology of trafficking/unsafe migration. Burma has been the embodiment of an " ethnocratic state, " in that the majority ethnic group in the country seeks to both dominate and exclude minorities. One result is that ethnic minorities have been disproportionately represented among irregular migrants and those most at risk of trafficking. Today, reforms are taking place in Burma. An eager international community embraces an optimism that may be the triumph of hope over experience. Yet Aung San Suu Kyi has warned of the dangers of " reckless optimism. " This paper examines the dynamics of trafficking in Burma and the possible implications of the current reform process. Change and reform: the lady visits the crocodile 1,2 On 31 March 2012, myself and a small group of other trafficking experts met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Bangkok, responding to her request to be briefed on a range of issues related to human trafficking between Burma and Thailand. 3 She was impressively well-versed in the complexities of the difficulties and dangers that have plagued migrants—both formal and informal—from Burma. She visited " refugee " camps, met migrant laborers, and had a formal meeting with Thai Deputy Prime Minister Chalerm Yubamrung, who oversees migrant labor issues. 4 She expressed particular concern for the plight of the many unregistered Burmese migrants facing a complex, frequently corrupt nationality verification system that is supposed to regularize their status as migrant laborers in Thailand. While the migrant registration system was originally conceived for

This article analyses the ways that social reformers and colonial officials envisioned and attempted to manage opium dens in colonial South Asia at the end of the nineteenth century. It argues that the opium den in India became a location for moral anxieties about gender, sexuality, consumption and imperial rule, and examining colonial depictions of the den reveals the conflicts, tensions and imperatives that determined colonial opium policy. Moreover, the changes to the colonial regulation of opium dens in particular recommended by the Royal Commission on Opium of 1893 help illuminate the priorities of colonial opium policy, and by extension imperial rule. In 1893 J.J.S. Driberg, the excise commissioner of the province of Assam in British-ruled India, was questioned about the existence of opium dens in his province by the government-appointed Royal Commission on Opium. Driberg denied that any such dens existed, stating: "What I understand by an opium den is a place where all kinds of abominations are allowed, and there are certainly none such in Assam." 1 When it was pointed out to him that in fact shops where opium was consumed on the premises did exist in Assam, Driberg replied, "I do not call them opium dens: I call them places for the smoking of opium." 2 Driberg's response suggests that in late nineteenth century colonial India, an opium den was not simply "a place for the smoking of opium." To colonial officials and aspiring social reformists alike, opium was a fraught commodity. It was a valuable revenue source, yet weighted with controversy. The opium den was the particular focal point of this controversy, commonly depicted as a dangerous space where anxieties about gender, sexuality, empire, race and consumption converged. These anxieties are very evident in late nineteenth-century literary depictions of British opium dens as places of "Oriental" danger embedded in London's East End. 3 British novels such as The Picture of Dorian Gray and The Mystery of Edwin Drood titillated their readers with descriptions of the opium den as a place of mysterious Eastern vice. 4 But the sinister mystique of the London opium den came in large part from its foreignness. The opium den seemed to contain the threat of the colony infiltrating the imperial capital, and the contagion of the empire staining the mother country. Yet in the excerpt that begins this article the British colonial administrator Driberg was being questioned about an Indian opium den, catering to Indian consumers, and the very existence of a government-controlled opium industry and government-regulated opium sales in India would seem to indicate that to the colonial authorities opium consumption in India was not problematic in the way that consumption in Britain was. Why then did the imaginative construct of the opium den retain its power? Did this construct look different in India than in Britain? And what does Driberg's evasion on the subject of opium dens in Assam tell us about the complexities of British colonial opium policy in India at the end of the nineteenth century? Scholars have analyzed opium dens in late nineteenth-century London for insight into the connection between the regulation of drug consumption, the construction of notions of race, and the management of the boundaries between metropole and colony. But in the substantial scholarly literature that investigates the contribution of the opium industry to the British Empire in Asia, the Indian opium den has not received similar attention. 5 This article contends that examining the ways that social reformers and colonial officials attempted to manage opium dens in British-ruled India illuminates the conflicting

Afghanistan has been the largest producer of opium for last few years. Afghanistan was in war with Soviet Union for over nine years and with US for over thirteen years. This has significantly affected the economy of the country. Many of the poor Afghan farmers involved in cultivating opium in order to manage their livelihood. However, other parties like different insurgent groups, domestic and international traffickers and drug dealers get the benefit out of it. The gross profit coming from the Afghan opiate industry is huge and significant part of this money goes to the hand of the parties mentioned above. Apart from financial issue, domestic consumption of drugs like raw opium and heroin is on rise which is affecting the local population specially the young generation. Beside serving the local demand, Afghan opium reaches as far as North America, Europe and Oceania through multiple illicit drug trafficking routes. Neighboring countries of Afghanistan are one of the victims of Afghan opiate as Afghan opiate empowers insurgent groups and traffickers in those countries while directly affecting the local population. These pose security threats not only to the Afghanistan but also to the neighboring countries of Afghanistan as well the destination countries of Afghan opiate. This thesis intends to find out how Afghan illegal drug production and illicit trafficking pose non-traditional security threats to both national and international security.

China ist allgegenwärtig. In Fernsehberichten, in der Literatur, auf den Etiketten importierter Kleidungsstücke, als „Made in China“ auf Geräten jeder Art und nicht zuletzt auch in christlichen Zeitschriften. China ist zur großen Herausforderung geworden, positiv wie negativ, Mut machend und bedrohlich.

Verschiedene Autoren mit unterschiedlichen Erfahrungen beteiligen sich an diesem Sammelband, um mit Ihnen das geheimnisvolle Reich der Mitte „durch den Spalt“ zu betrachten. Aus übler Geschichtserfahrung öffnet sich China nur zögernd und das sollten wir verstehen lernen, um dem Land und seinen Leuten gerecht zu werden. Der Touristenblick reicht einfach nicht aus. Darum kommen in diesem Buch Männer zu Wort, die mehr zu sagen haben.

The debate of pleasure-giving substances such as opium, bersh, hashish, boza, wine and coffee is the most written topic in Turkish debate literature. In this genre, these subtances fight for superiority over others by means of personification. Dâfi' al-Huzn is a hitherto unknown link of the genre. This anonym work is the first rewriting of Nidâî's Mubâhasât-ı Mukeyyifât. Dâfi' al-Huzn was rewritten in mathnawi form by Vardarlı Fazlî with the title of Mahzan al-Asrâr. This paper aims to determine what kind of changes can be made in the rewritten works by giving Mahzan al-Asrâr as an example. For this purpose firstly the source text and its rewriting have been introduced , their contents have been illuminated comparatively, the relationship between them has been explained and the place of Dâfi' al-Huzn in Turkish debate literature has been determined. Then, in the case of Mahzan al-Asrâr, how and how much the source text can be changed during the rewriting process has been evaluated under different headings and the findings have been supported by examples from other works. In addition, during these evaluations, the answers to the questions for the purpose of the changes made on the source text and why Dâfi' al-Huzn was transferred into poetry have been sought. Finally, Dâfi' al-Huzn has been transcripted.

Featured today in American newspaper reports and televised news programs, the opium poppy is a symbol not only of heroin addiction in America but also of NATO’s ongoing and intractable campaign in Afghanistan. Although Afghan President Hamid Karzai dramatically declared ‘‘a jihad’’ against the crop in December 2004, revenues derived from its cultivation continue to finance both the insurgency and those corrupt elements within the Afghan state itself – which reportedly include even the president’s own half-brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai. Depicted in these contexts, many Americans understandably regard the poppy as a ‘‘dangerous’’ crop. Although this article does not seek to confront directly how the opium poppy is implicated either in substance abuse or in the enduring geopolitical conundrum of Afghanistan, it does challenge this singular depiction of the crop as found in the media today by analyzing the very different case of the opium poppy in Turkey. In doing so, it underscores the value of alternative perspectives and approaches in dealing with the challenges both of drugs and drug crops and of associated matters of geopolitical insecurity.

This article shows how the musical references in Oscar Wilde’s novel The Picture of Dorian Gray are important to the identity of the dandy, especially in relation to the literary-critical work of Matthew Arnold, whose guiding presence in Wilde’s oeuvre has traditionally been somewhat underestimated. Wilde’s male characters, although famously fond of music, reveal ‘disinterestedness’ in earnest musical pursuits, similar to the ‘Indian virtue of detachment’ outlined by Arnold in his exploration of ‘The Function of Criticism at the Present Time’ (1864, in Arnold, Culture and Anarchy and Other Writings, ed. by Stefan Collini (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 26–51). Furthermore, the critical attitude of the dandy–aesthete intersects with the implications that we can read into the posture of the lounging opium smoker. Extensive scholarship has already established the relationship between the East and opium in fictional works by Thomas de Quincey, Wilkie Collins, Charles Dickens and Oscar Wilde. Music is an essential ingredient to this literature, too, both in terms of its narrative presence and because it is a key element in an ongoing, nineteenth-century British exploration of how stylistic innovations could be represented as ‘music’. After disclosing the close connections between dandyism and those nineteenth-century composers whose lives and works were often represented as dandyish (Berlioz, Chopin and Schumann), the essay builds from the tradition of opium-inspired fiction. It suggests Wilde’s debt to Dickens’s The Mystery of Edwin Drood (1870), while also showing Wilde’s innovations in making shifts in character and narrative voice into indicators of narcotic consumption.

Thailand’s near-total elimination of opium poppy cultivation is attributed to “alternative development” programming, which replaces illicit crops with licit ones. However, opium poppy cultivation was not drastically reduced because substitute crops earned the same income as opium: nothing can equal the price of opium to smallholder farmers, especially those without land tenure. Thailand’s reduction in poppy cultivation was achieved by the increased presence and surveillance capability of state security actors, who, year by year, were able to locate and destroy fields, and arrest cultivators, with increasing accuracy. This coercion was also accompanied by benefits to cultivators, including the provision of health and education services and the extension of roads; both stick and carrot constituted the encroachment of the Thai state. The provision of citizenship to hill tribe members also gave them a vested interest in the state, through their ability to hold land, access health care, education and work opportunities, amongst others. These initiatives did not occur without costs to hill tribe cultures for whom a symbiotic relationship with the land was and remains disrupted. These findings indicate that alternative development programming unlinked to broader state-building initiatives in Afghanistan, Myanmar and other opium poppy-producing areas will fail, because short-term, high-yield, high value, imperishable opium will remain the most logical choice for poor farmers, especially given the lack of a farmer’s vested interest in the state which compels them to reduce their income whilst offering them no other protections or services.

Antonin Artaud, « Lettre à Monsieur le Législateur de la loi sur les stupéfiants »,  L’Ombilic des Limbes [1925], Paris, NRF, Poésie/Gallimard, 1993, pp. 68-72 ; LETTER TO THE LEGISLATOR OF THE DRUG ACT, Collected Works of Antonin Artaud, Vol. I, trans. Victor Corti. London: Calder and Boyars, 1968

Since the ancient period opiom and its outcome opium is one of most no- teworthy and oldest medical and industruial product in the world history. Despite the longest history, nearly 5000 years, as a result of finding out the features of its such as addiction, some conferences had been arranged to rest- rict the production and consuption of it firstly in Shanghai 1909 and then in Hague 1912, 1913, and 1914. These conferences had been followed also by the Ottoman Empire as a producer and seller country in the world. The resulo- tions of them are so important for not only the Ottoman Empire but also the other country all over world in terms of the Empire and the competition of them. In this sense this study made an effort to shed light firstly the history of the opium after giving the historical backround, it is going to discuss the conferences to understand the manner of nations for opium in this period. In the second part of the study, the article focuses on the Ottoman Empire and surveys the approach of the Empire during the period of meetings in the light of archive documents.
Keywords: Poppy, Opium, Morphine, Heroin, Shanghai, Hague, Ottoman Empire

Research on opium in colonial India has so far mainly focused on the competing Malwa and Bengal opium currents under the control of the Sindia and Holkar families and of the British East India Company, respectively. The historical trajectory has tended to emphasize the implementation of a draconian and all-encompassing British monopoly. This study joins the emerging efforts to search the regional histories on the margins of the strongest players’ actions on the global scene. It aims at nuancing the narratives by focusing on a region away from such centres. The study investigates the local cultivation and usage of opium in Rangpore district—a region in north Bengal that had recently been badly affected by a severe flood. Here, the drug was extensively used and the lucrative trade with neighbouring states gave small-scale cultivators an income also under hard environmental conditions. The fact that production and trade were small-scale, fragmented, and made use of markets in Cooch Bih...

The texts published in 1996 in this anthology are approximations at Islamic cultures. They deal with journeys, visits, encounters and conversations in Nuristan, especially in the Munjan-Valley, and in refugee camps in Northwest Pakistan. The ethnologist Iren von Moos (1952-1988) wrote these ethnographic studies, based on participant observations, between 1979 and 1988,  during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. In the course of this decade, "Islam" became in Western societies increasingly an enemy stereotype; at the same time,  in anti-communist milieus of Europe and America as well as in Afghanistan, the Mujahedin (so called Muslim freedom fighters)  gained an almost undivided appreciation. Given this split in the perception, Iren von Moos proposed a differentiated interpretation of Islamic societies. The introduction shows in this volume tries to highlight the relevance of these texts for the post-cold war-period.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. HANDEL – MALGOIRE – AGRIPPINA – ENGLISH
2. HANDEL – MALGOIRE – AGRIPPINA – FRENCH/FRANÇAIS
3. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY – STABAT MATER, MOTETS TO THE VIRGIN MARY
4. PHLIPPE JAROUSSKY – CALDARA IN VIENNA – FORGOTTEN CASTRATO ARIAS
5. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY – NURIA RIAL – BARBARY FURTUNA – L’ARPEGGIATA – CHRISTINA PLUHAR – VIA CRUCIS
6. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY, FOR THOSE WHO LIKE ALTO VOICES, PROBABLY ONE OF THE BEST EVER
by Jacques Coulardeau on Thursday, September 22, 2011 at 9:18pm
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7. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY – JEAN-CHRISTOPHE SPINOSI – VIVALDI – HEROES
8. PHILIPPE JARROUSKY – VIVALDI – VIRTUOSO CANTATAS
9. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY – UN CONCERT POUR MAZARIN
10. PAAVO JÄRVI – GABRIEL FAuRÉ – REQUIEM & AL
11. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY – JEAN-CHRISTOPHE SPINOSI – VIVALDI – NISI DOMINUS & STABAT MATER
12. VIVALDI – LA FIDA NINFA – SANDRINE PIAU – PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY
13. VIVALDI – JAROUSSKY – LEMIEUX – ORLANDO FURIOSO
14. VIVALDI – SPINOSI – MATHEUS
15. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY - OPIUM
16. JOHANN CHRISTIAN BACH – PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY
17. https://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150499239365278
VIVALDI MEETS JAROUSSKY AND A FEW OTHERS. ALL IN ITALIAN AND THE NOTE IN FRANÇAIS
by Jacques Coulardeau on Sunday, October 23, 2011 at 11:23pm
18. VIVALDI – CONCERTI PER FLAUTINO E ARCHI
19. VIVALDI – ERCOLE SUL TERMODONTE – PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY
20. LE CONCERT D’ASTRÉE – EMMANUELLE HAÏM – UNE FËTE BAROQUE
21. PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY - MAX EMMANUEL CENCIC – DUETTI
22. L’ARPEGGIATA – PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY – LOS PAJAROS PERDIDOS
23. HANDEL – FARAMONDO – MAX EMMANUEL CENCIC (FARAMONDO) – PHILIPPE JAROUSSKY (ADOLFO) – XAVIER SABATA (GERNANDO) – TERRY WEY (CHILDERICO) – LUGANO RADIO SVIZZERA 2008