Political campaigning

Various academic authors have analyzed the implementation and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This article builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. The research focuses on the cases of three successive Greek prime ministers: the center-left Kostas Simitis (1996–2004), the center-right Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009), and the left-of-center George Papandreou (2009–2011). In particular, the article addresses two issues: whether these premiers exercised a permanent campaign strategy and what effect the permanent campaign had on their popularity. The conclusion is that all three did adopt a permanent campaign strategy, yet the impact on their public approval was weak, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts.

Inoculation theory boasts a dynamic history since McGuire first introduced it in the early 1960s. The last decade, in particular, has been a period of explosive growth for inoculation. Research has offered a more nuanced understanding of how inoculation confers resistance, exploring precise workings of inoculation’s core concepts of threat and coun-terarguing in conjunction with concepts drawn from other theoretical domains, including issue involvement, attitude accessibility, self-efficacy, and affect. Research is also extending practical applications of inoculation, examining new uses in marketing, public relations, politics, and adolescent health campaigns. The purpose of this chapter is to review the classic work on inoculation theory, examine recent developments that inform the workings of inoculation and its applications, and suggest directions for future research. The chapter also suggests extending the application of inoculation into the areas of childhood obesity, body image, gang activity, consumer protection, and employee satisfaction, among others.

This monograph attempts to provide a practical guide to planning and running an electoral campaign taking off in the initial stage of assessing the campaign environment leading to the actual generation of the winning number of votes. It underlines as well the imperatives of safeguarding the votes translated for a candidate through effective poll watching.

Wie sieht die Zukunft der politischen Kommunikation in Deutschland aus? Wird es den gläsernen Abgeordneten geben, gewinnt die Europäische Union mehr Macht, können sich die traditionellen Leitmedien behaupten? Welche Chancen haben neue Parteien? Wird der Schlüssel zu politischen Karrieren das Internet? Wer schreibt und beeinflusst unsere Gesetze im Jahr 2030? Die Delphi-Studie geht diesen und weiteren Fragen mit einem innovativen Forschungsdesign nach. Über 100 Politiker unter 45 Jahren aus Parlamenten, Ministerien und Parteizentralen haben Schlüsselthesen zur Zukunft der politischen Kommunikation und Gesetzgebung bewertet. Die Ergebnisse der Befragung haben die Politiker erneut als Experten bewertet und kommentiert. Dieser Band stellt die Ergebnisse systematisch dar und diskutiert die Szenarien einer Politikergeneration, die in den nächsten Jahrzehnten die politische Verantwortung übernimmt.

Questo breve saggio si propone di studiare l'evoluzione della comunicazione politica italiana attraverso l'analisi dei manifesti elettorali realizzati dal Partito Comunista Italiano dalle prime elezioni politiche del 1948, fino a quelle del 2008.
L'indagine si concentra sul condizionamento che il contesto storico ha avuto nella progettazione degli slogan, delle componenti figurative e plastiche dei visuals scelti per la realizzazione dei manifesti elettorali.

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This short paper aims to study the evolution of Italian political communication through the analysis of the electoral manifestos made by the Italian Communist Party from the first political elections of 1948, up to those of 2008.
The survey focuses on the conditioning that the historical context has had in the design of the slogans, of the figurative and plastic components of the visuals chosen for the realization of the electoral posters.

Various academic authors have analysed the implementation, the causes and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This study builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. In particular, the study addresses three questions. First, did contemporary Greek Prime Ministers adopt the permanent campaign strategy? Second, why did they do so? Third, what impact did the implementation of the permanent campaign have on their public approval? The research focuses on the cases of three successive Prime Ministers in Greece: Costas Simitis (1996–2004), Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009) and George Papandreou (2009-2011). Simitis and Papandreou were leaders of the centre-left PASOK, while Karamanlis was the leader of the centre-right New Democracy.
The study finds that all three Prime Ministers undertook the permanent campaign strategy in order to maintain public approval, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts. They established new communication units within the primeministerial apparatus, consulted with communication professionals to form a coherent communication strategy, used private polling to shape political strategy, policy and presentation, used campaign-like messages as mottos to promote their policy plans and made public appearances to woo public opinion. In addition, the thesis indicates that the permanent campaign in Greece was a result of the modernisation of political communication due to political and technological developments, such as the decline of political parties, the rise of television and the proliferation of new political technologies that have appeared in other countries as well. However, the results drawn from the data analysis suggest that the 6
prime ministerial permanent campaign hardly affected the prime ministerial approval, confirming the findings of empirical studies in the US and the UK.

Der Herausgeberband "Die Kampagnenmacher" zeigt an Hand von internationalen Best-Practice-Beispielen die Strategien und Instrumente erfolgreicher Kampagnen aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft auf. Das Buch gibt Kommunikationsverantwortlichen und interessierten Lesern Einblicke in erfolgreiche Kampagnenführung und soll dazu ermutigen, neue Wege in der Kommunikation anzuwenden. "Die Kampagnenmacher" zeigt die massiven gesellschaftlichen und medialen Veränderungen sowie die daraus resultierenden neuen Konsequenzen für erfolgreiche Kommunikation auf. Dabei gewährt das Buch wertvolle Einblicke hinter die Kulissen, u. a. in Kampagnen des Bundesministeriums für Umwelt, Naturschutz und Reaktorsicherheit, Greenpeace, des Niederländischen Gesundheitsministeriums, des Österreichischen Volkspartei sowie der Firma Unilever. Im Ergebnis wird deutlich, dass sich die Grundlagen effektiver Kampagnenführung verändert haben und es sowohl neuer Wege als auch veränderter Strategien bedarf, um Menschen nachhaltig zu erreichen.

In most Western democracies, political parties increasingly use digital technology during campaigns. From mobilizing voters to organizing volunteers, new technologies have revolutionized election campaigns. Among these technologies are smartphones, tablets and internet platforms and applications (“apps”), such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Periscope and others. Mass mailings, lawn signs and television and radio advertisements are no longer enough to win an election. Few studies have examined how parties use technology in diverse political and technological
settings. This volume attempts to fill that gap through case studies from Germany, Tunisia, Ukraine, Venezuela, India and Tanzania. Each chapter investigates how, why and to what extent political parties use digital technology to pursue campaign goals, taking into account the impact
of differing access to technology and varying political contexts. This study makes an important contribution to the theoretical and empirical understanding of political-party behavior and to policy formulation. The use and effectiveness of digital technology during political campaigns is a new and understudied topic, particularly in the developing world.

Se teme que las nuevas tendencias de la ciberpolítica puedan tener efectos nefastos sobre la democracia. El hackeo de información sensible de comandos de campañas, el ciberespionaje y el colapso deliberado de sistemas informáticos buscando causar daños, la existencia de falsas nuevas o fake news, la hipersegmentación que construye realidades a gusto del consumidor, y lo que se ha venido llamando la posverdad son todos fenómenos reales y en plena efervescencia. Han tenido gran impacto sobre elecciones en distintos puntos del globo, y Latinoamé- rica no solo no es la excepción, sino que ha sido la pionera en muchos casos.

RESUMEN: Este artículo se centra en un aspecto comparativamente poco estudiado en la literatura sobre política en México, relativo al análisis de los cambios significativos en la organización, las tácticas y las estrategias de campaña del Partido Acción Nacional y del Partido de la Revolución Democrática en elecciones presidenciales (denominadas usualmente como profesionalización de las campañas), ocurridas durante las últimas dos décadas, y explora sus causas. El estudio muestra que la profesionalización de las campañas en México no sólo dependió de cambios a gran escala en el sistema político y en el sistema de medios de comunicación durante los noventa, sino también de los recursos y las características organizativas de los partidos políticos (factores específicos a los partidos).
Palabras clave: partidos políticos, cambio organizacional, campañas electorales, profesionalización de las campañas, tácticas y estrategias de campaña.

ABSTRACT: This article focuses on an under-researched aspect of the literature on Mexican politics relating to the analysis of major changes in campaign organisation, tactics and strategies of the Partido Acción Nacional and the Partido de la Revolución Democrática in presidential elections (usually referred to as 'campaign professionalization') occurred during the last two decades, and explores their causes. This study shows that the professionalization of presidential campaigns in Mexico was not only driven by large-scale changes in the Mexican party and media systems during the 1990s, but also by a number of parties' organisational features and resources (party-specific factors). Keywords: political parties, party change, electoral campaigns, professionalization of campaigns, campaign tactics and strategies.

Disponible en:
http://ref.scielo.org/2qbtgv
https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=726/72644124005

Amidst the burgeoning literature on the use social media in electoral politics, there are still relatively few studies that seek to understand developments in digital campaigning from the inside. Drawing on nine semi-structured interviews with Greek political communication consultants, we address this gap. Theoretically, we draw from Kreiss et al.’s (2018) analytical framework that seeks to account for the ways that campaigns perceive their candidates in relation to audiences, affordances, and genres of different social media platforms, as well as the timing of the electoral cycle, in order to effectively study strategic social media communication. Our findings show that Greek campaigns are embracing many social media platforms but still have a relatively rudimentary understanding of the affordances of different platforms and their communicative cultures. Where campaign communication strategies are shaped by politicians, they typically favour one platform as a channel for all their content. Our findings demonstrate that different media systems and political cultures impact considerably on the adoption of digital communication strategies and can be quite far from the highly professional and sophisticated American model. Findings are discussed in relation to ongoing debates around campaign professionalisation and the role of platforms.

After France, Bulgaria became the second EU country to enact an open-ended ban on hydraulic fracturing in early 2012. This government action was a radical departure from an initially friendly, even enthusiastic stance on unconventional gas development. It resulted in months of unprecedented, broad political protest from environmental groups and local communities. The conflict was interpreted as one involving old questions about Bulgaria’s orientation toward Russia or the West. In neighbouring Romania, Bulgaria’s U-turn on shale gas energized a protest movement which had been relatively weak. In a turbulent election-year context, political leaders scrambled to deal with highly symbolic issues. A new government introduced a moratorium but ended it less than a year later. Another U-turn in public policy happened. Romania parted from Bulgaria’s example and set out to move forward on shale gas, aiding foreign investors. Massive protests against the policy and the investors surged, encircling the drilling operations. In both countries, public mistrust in institutions, environmental regulations and due process of law is a significant factor of political risk for energy companies.

Keywords: Bulgaria, Chevron, civil society, communication, energy, energy policy, environment, fracking, hydraulic fracturing, moratorium, Nabucco, natural gas, pipelines, political risk, protest, Gazprom, Romania, Russia, shale gas, South Stream, unconventional gas, USA

Inoculation theory has seen dramatic theoretical development since it was first introduced in the early 1960s, and applied research has explored its efficacy in such domains as politics, health, and commerce. This chapter notes a dearth in political campaign inoculation scholarship in recent years and calls for renewed interest. A survey of inoculation research offers a nuanced portrait of how inoculation has functioned in campaigns, yet several findings remain unexplained by the theory. The chapter concludes with proposals for future political campaign inoculation research, exploring new campaign technologies and new insights into how inoculation functions in political campaigns.

ZUM BUCH: Wer betreibt heute noch Politik? Und was ist das? Ein Theaterstück für Bürger, die als hilflose Zuschauer das Geschehen auf der Bühne betrachten? Während auf der Vorderbühne politische Konflikte medial inszeniert werden und die Aufmerksamkeit auf sich ziehen, findet hinter der Bühne die Realpolitik statt: in Ausschüssen und Hinterzimmern. Aber ohne den Bürger. Ist Politik also nur noch Inszenierung von politischem Handeln? Oder ist Inszenierung gar nicht das Problem? Ist sie nicht sogar notwendig, um mit politischen Botschaften die heute geltenden Aufmerksamkeitsbeschränkungen zu überwinden? Die Politische Kommunikation hat sich stark professionalisiert. Sie steht an der Schwelle zum Politischen Marketing. Das provoziert neue Fragen: Ist Politik ein Programm, das im politischen System entwickelt wird und mit den Mitteln der Kommunikation lediglich "umgesetzt" werden muss? Oder ist Politik ein Produkt wie jedes andere, das man in einem gesättigten Markt möglichst punktgenau an den Erwartungen der potenziellen Zielgruppe auszurichten hat? Wird sie unabhängig von einem Politikmarkt gestaltet und muss dann vorsichtig auf Marktgängigkeit getestet werden? Falls ja, wer bestimmt dann, was marktgängig ist und was nicht?
Politik nach Drehbuch setzt auf die Praktikerperspektive. Denn: Die Praxis ist häufig wesentlich weiter, als es sich die Theorie einzugestehen wagt. Umgekehrt kann die Praxis vom reflexiven Moment der Theorie profitieren. Dieser Blickwechsel ist konstitutiv für den vorliegenden Band. Denn Praktiker - Berater, Pressesprecher, Wahlkämpfer und Journalisten - sind hier zur Theoriebildung angehalten. Die Beiträge liefern Bausteine für eine Theorie des professionellen Handelns für Politische Kommunikation und Politisches Marketing.

Drawing on the theoretical framework of Grabe & Bucy (2009), this chapter presents the findings of an exploratory study concerning the visual self-presentation strategies that the political leaders of the two main political parties in Greece (Syriza and New Democracy) employed in their political adverts on YouTube during the campaign for the 2019 European Parliamentary elections. The findings illustrate that, despite the fact that both leaders made equal use of the two master frames - of the ideal candidate and the populist campaigner, their visual strategies differed in the emphasis given to the various subdimensions of the visual framework. Both leaders attempted to project a public persona characterised by ordinariness and professionalism. Tsipras used a series of spots through which he sought to both ‘renew’ his relationship with the electorate, and reinforce perceptions of his statesmanship as a widely respected political leader. Mitsotakis’ visual strategy was primarily based on building a more relatable image and strengthening his leadership profile, as well as the frequent use of patriotic symbols.

Ha cambiado la forma en que consumimos la información, hemos perdido confianza en los medios de comunicación y sus líneas editoriales, y ha variado el optimismo respecto a la capacidad democratizadora de la política. Vivimos un momento en que cada día descubrimos nuevos riesgos, relacionados con la confianza en la sociedad y sus instituciones, con una geopolítica cada vez más interconec- tada y con plataformas particulares de comunicación que tienden a tener posiciones de dominio monopólico de amplísimo poder. Todo ello entraña la existencia de nuevos retos para la democracia y la vida en sociedad, que deben ser abordados con la velocidad que imprimen los avances tecnológicos, pero también con serenidad y sin magnificar su esencia, para evitar que terminemos pareciéndonos a aquello que tanto rechazamos.

""Den „Vater aller WahIkampfmanager in der Bundesrepublik“ nannte ihn Peter Radunski. Harry Walter, Jahrgang '29, hat rund 90 Wahlkämpfe hinter sich. Als Stratege und Werbechef für die SPD in Bundes-, Landtags-, Kommunal- und Europawahlen seit 1969. Auch für Sozialdemokraten im Ausland – in der Türkei. in Kenia, Israel, Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica und Portugal.
Zunächst raste er als Fotoreporter durch das Nachkriegs-Berlin, ging dann an die Werbefachschule und hörte nebenbei an der Freien Universität. Seine Abschlussarbeit über den Wahlkampf '57 schickte er an die SPD nach Bonn. Keine Antwort. Erst als die Kreativdampfwalze aus der Werbebranche 1969 die SPD-Agentur ARE Kommunikation übernahm, wurde Walter zum Full-Service-Wahlkampfprofi für Themen, Technik, Abwicklung und Finanzen.
SPD-General Peter Glotz wollte den Oldtimer 1982 nicht mehr. 1987 und 1990 holte man ihn, mittlerweile im Ausland hochgeschätzt, für kleinere Aufträge zurück. Nach den Wahlkämpfen in NRW und Mecklenburg-Vorpommem 1994 will er sich zur Ruhe setzen.
Mit der OZ sprach die lebende Legende über Wahlkampf, Geld, Plebiszite, Politprofis und die Oma mit der Plastiktüte. Und was der „Bauchmensch“ Harry Walter gegen „politologisch und soziologisch geschulte Eierköppe“ hat.
""

ZUM BUCH: Will Politik beraten sein?  Ja, aber nicht immer, nicht überall und nicht durch jeden, der Politikberatung professionell oder als Wissenschaftler anbietet. In der Berliner Republik hat sich die Nachfrage nach Politikberatung gewandelt. Ein klares Indiz hierfür ist die wachsende privatwirtschaftliche Politikberatung. Der Anspruch lautet heute: Zum einen zwischen Politik, Wirtschaft und Öffentlichkeit zu vermitteln; zum anderen die Brücke zwischen Wissenschaft und politischer Praxis zu schlagen.

Die deutsche Politikberaterszene sucht international nach Orientierungspunkten und ein neues Selbstverständnis, auch als Profession. Zur Professionalisierung gehört, angeheizt durch Affären und Skandale, die wachsende Debatte um Ethik, Verhaltensregeln, Selbstregulierung und die Grenzen von Lobbying, Spin und Kontaktgeschäft. Denn Politikberater bewegen sich oft auf dem schwierigen Gelände von Interessenkonflikten und geringer demokratischer Kontrolle.

Dieser Band dokumentiert zwei Berliner Fachtagungen der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Politikberatung und dem Deutschen Institut für Public Affairs. Zu Wort kommen Praktiker aus dem In- und Ausland. Ihre Analysen werden ergänzt durch eine bisher einmalige Dokumentation internationaler Beispiele für Verhaltensregeln für Politikberater und Politiker.

The Routledge Handbook of Political Management is a comprehensive overview of the field of applied politics, encompassing political consulting, campaigns and elections, lobbying and advocacy, grass roots politics, fundraising, media and political communications, the role of the parties, political leadership, and the ethical dimensions of public life. While most chapters focus on American politics and campaigns, there are also contributions on election campaigns in Europe, the Middle East, Russia, Australia, East Asia, and Latin America. In addition to a thorough treatment of campaign and elections, the authors discuss modern techniques, problems, and issues of advocacy, lobbying, and political persuasion, with a special emphasis throughout the volume on technology, the Internet, and online communications as political tools.

Grounded in the disciplines of political science, political communications, and political marketing, the Routledge Handbook of Political Management explores the linkages between applied politics and social science theory. Leading American and international scholars and practitioners provide an exhaustive and up-to-date treatment of the state of this emerging field. This publication is a major resource for advanced undergraduates, graduate students, and scholars of campaigns, elections, advocacy, and applied politics, as well as for political management professionals.

New media technologies provide new venues for political communication enabling politicians to wage a permanent campaign. Participatory platforms have paved the way for new forms of political communication during non-election period when those seeking or holding office can increase media coverage, create their public image and foster deeper relationships with the public. The purpose of the paper is to contribute to the discussion on permanent campaign; specifically, the study focuses on presenting the method of embracing new media technologies (in particular Twitter) by politicians' during a non-election period in Poland. The analysis aims to investigate online activity, the design of Twitter profiles and the implementation of campaign-like techniques by the politicians. The findings shed light on the Polish MPs' application of participatory platforms as a tool of strategic communication used to increase media visibility, and share messages across in a one-way communication.

Despite predictions that real estate developer and flamboyantly exhibitionistic candidate for the Republican nomination for president, Donald J. Trump, would not be chosen as the Republican candidate for the 2016 Presidential campaign, he has continued to rise in the polls.  In a speech at the October 12, 2015 No Labels Problem Solver Convention, sponsored by a bipartisan group seeking practical solutions to the nation’s problems, Trump stated that he was “a believer” in the goals of the No Labels organization. He cited breakthroughs achieved through his “dealmaking” approach for civic projects in New York City and argued that it would work in larger national problems. Successful dealmaking means negotiating agreements with others, including opponents. This is the opposite of the partisan gridlock that has inhibited the federal government’s ability to rationally address critical national issues. Analysis of Trump’s strategies, assets, and track record suggests that he could win the Republican nomination, but would encounter major challenges in the  presidential campaign. Assessment of Trump’s eight negotiation principles opens up the interesting question of how he would apply them to the U.S.’s paralyzing political polarization.

Birden fazla aday ya da siyasi partinin ülke yönetiminde söz sahibi olmak için seçimlerde özgürce yarışabildiği demokratik ülkelerde seçmen kitlesiyle nasıl bir iletişimin kurulduğu ve bu iletişim esnasında ne tür mesajların hangi iletişim yöntem ve araçlarıyla iletildiği oldukça önemlidir. Birleşik Krallık örneğinde Margaret Thatcher liderliğindeki Muhafazakâr Parti ve Türkiye örneğinde ise Turgut Özal liderliğindeki Anavatan Partisi siyasal iletişim konusunda ülkelerinin öncüleri olmuşlardır. Farklı politik iklimlerden ve tarihi süreçlerden gelen ve oldukça farklı siyasi kültürden insanlara hitap eden bu iki partinin benzer politik görüşleri hedef kitlesine aktarmak maksadıyla oluşturulmuş siyasal iletişim stratejisi; bu stratejide inşa ettiği lider ve parti söylemi, medya ilişkileri, seçim sloganları ve seçim beyannameleri üzerinden kalitatif araştırma yöntemlerinden faydalanılarak incelenmiştir. Bu inceleme neticesinde her iki siyasi partinin de söylem inşa etme, siyasal iletişimi profesyonelleştirme, lider imajını parti imajının önüne geçirme, medya üzerinde hâkimiyet kurma ve medyada özel girişimlerin önünü açma, seçim beyannamelerinde parti ve lider görüşlerini ifade etme gibi alanlarda benzerlik olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Diğer yandan, gerek seçim sloganlarında gerekse seçim beyannamelerinde her iki partinin yer aldığı seçim yarışlarının kendine özgülüklerinin ve politik tartışmalarının etkileri görülmektedir.

*****

In democratic countries in which more than one candidate or political party can freely compete at an electoral race to have a voice in the administration of the country, the organization of communication with the electorate, and the messages disseminated by the communication methods and tools become highly important. The Conservative Party led by Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom and the Motherland Party led by Turgut Ozal in Turkey are pioneers in terms of political communication. The political communication strategy of those parties representing different political atmosphere and historical processes, targeting electorate from different political cultures, but aiming at disseminating similar political messages was researched by the discourses of the dominant leader and party, media relations, party slogans and manifestos, with the use of qualitative research methods. Based on the research, it was detected that those two parties are similar in terms of producing discourse, professionalizing political communication, positioning leader image in front of party image, dominating media, supporting privatization of the media sector, expression of leader and party views within manifestos. On the other hand, the distinctive effects of the nature of electoral races and political debates in each case can be seen on party slogans and manifestos.

This dissertation provides an analysis of the fossil fuel divestment movement from the perspective of social movement literature grounded in concepts related to framing and scripting. Having originated in 2011, fossil fuel divestment aims to pressure investors to withdraw funds from the fossil fuel industry. Based on the notion that international climate targets are subject to a remaining carbon budget, the divestment movement has thus argued that a large percentage of fossil fuel assets are economically worthless investments. The contention of this study is that fossil fuel divestment represents to some extent a new form of climate governance. In employing particular discursive practices and narratives, the movement aims to make both a business as well as a moral case. Rather than lobbying for direct legislative action, the divestment movement seeks to recruit business actors in an indirect way to secure more access towards policy at the state level. Thus, fossil fuel divestment can be said to depart from more conventional forms of environmental governance.

Since the Second World War, radio has been playing a significant role in the dissemination of political campaign information and influencing public opinion. This study investigated the role Yobe Broadcasting Corporation (YBC) Damaturu radio plays in reaching campaign information to rural areas in Yobe State, Nigeria. This study specifically aimed to find out the perception of voters in rural Yobe toward political campaign information broadcast on YBC radio and whether they were influenced by the information they heard on the medium to make voting decisions from 1999 (when democratic governance returned in the country after over 16 years of military rule) to 2006. Using cluster sampling method, 90 participants of voting ages were selected and interviewed at Babbangida and Maisandari rural communities. It was found that although majority of the electorate accessed political campaign information on YBC radio, only about a half of them had been influenced by the information to vote. Hence, this study concludes that political information broadcast on YBC is perceived with little creditability and that YBC stands the risk of losing its audience and patronage by prospective advertisers. This study recommends that YBC should be given sufficient autonomy and the present reach of the station should be widened.

During her fictional 1940 presidential campaign, popular radio star Gracie Allen was the target of criticism after her colleague told a joke referencing First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt. Allen responded to the criticisms with a public letter. In this analysis, Benoit’s image repair typology is used to study Allen’s letter. A total of 5 implications are drawn, including issues of celebrity roles, the effectiveness of mortification during image repair efforts, and challenges and benefits of humor in an image repair situation, to better understand historical political radio humor—an under-explored focus of image repair scholarship.

Mussolini's Fascists staged their "March on Rome" in 1922 and bluffed their way to power.

GERMAN / DEUTSCH Mit dem inszenierten „Marsch auf Rom“ tricksten sich Mussolinis Faschisten 1922 an die Macht.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Ästhetisierung, Bewegung, Demokratie, Duce, fascismo, Faschismus, Film, Frankreich, Gewalt, Gewerkschaften, Großbritannien, Hitlerputsch, Italien, Journalismus, Marsch auf Rom, Medien, Mostra della Rivoluzione fascista, Mussolinismo, Nationalismus, Nationalsozialismus, Öffentliche Meinung, Personenkult, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Rechtsextremismus, Risorgimento, Ritual, Sozialismus, Straßenterror, Symbolik, Syndikalismus, Terrorismus, Vereinigtes Königreich, Volksempfänger, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Fasci d’azione rivoluzionaria, fasci di combattimento, Faschistische Partei, Istituto Luce, Partito Nazionale Fascista, Schwarzhemden, Sozialistische Partei Italiens (PSI), Squadrismo, Squadristen, Squadristi

PERSONEN: Italo Balbo, Gustave Le Bon, Gabriele D’Annunzio, Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Emilio De Bono, Giuseppe Garibaldi, Adolf Hitler, Giacomo Matteotti, Benito Mussolini, Friedrich Nietzsche, Georges Sorel, Viktor Emanuel III (Vittori Emanuelle III)

PUBLIKATIONEN: Avanti, Il Popolo d’Italia
"

Die qualitative Evaluation von Regierungskommunikation und ihren politischen Kampagnen scheitert häufig nicht nur am knappen Budget der Häuser. Viele unterschiedliche Akteure spielen in die politische Effizienzmessung hinein. Die Meinungen sind dabei hochkonträr und wechseln nicht selten sogar von Kampagne zu Kampagne. Zur Veranschaulichung greift Marco Althaus in diesem Beitrag nicht nur die Sicht der Bundesministerien, sondern auch die der PR-Agenturen auf und erläutert, warum es für Politiker und Berater heikel werden könnte, wenn sie sich an ihren Kampagnen messen ließen. Dass dabei ein geringes Budget nicht als Argument zählen kann, beweist Althaus anhand eines von ihm angepassten Fragenkatalogs.

For nearly four years from mid 2008 to early 2012, a high profile and highly controversial mass red song campaign was powerfully mobilised in Chongqing by then Party chief of Chongqing Bo Xilai. In spite of its significance as a complex political-cultural discourse and immense media and public interest in it, there has been little critical academic research into case from a political communication perspective. The purpose of this study is to attempt to bridge this research gap.

Wahlkämpfe: Frankreich 2002 (Chirac, Jospin, Le Pen), Italien 2001 (Berlusconi), Spanien 2000 (Aznar, Gonzalez), Russland 1996 (Jelzin)

Die These von der "Amerikanisierung" europäischer Wahlkämpfe ist populär. Aber eigentlich ist das, was von Amerika ausging, längst ein International Style. Zwar bleibt die politische Kultur national. Doch weltweit werden Wähler ungebundener, Medien bunter und aggressiver, Kommunikations- und Researchtechniken zahlreicher, Profis professioneller und Politiker williger, sich jenseits traditioneller Massenorganisationen in der Mitte persönliche Mehrheiten zu erobern.

""A tiny constituency in Scotland became a grand stage for modern politics in 1878-80. Modeled on American electioneering, the Midlothian Campaign was one of the most famous campaigns in European history. While "The People's William" Gladstone made his comeback to power, his young campaign manager Lord Rosebery orchestrated an unheard-of effort with mass democratic appeals, professional media appearances, and "machine party politics".

GERMAN/DEUTSCH - In einem winzigen Wahlkreis in Schottland beginnt für die Briten die Ära moderner Wahlkämpfe.
Schlagwörter: Caucus, Eisenbahn, Election Agent, Großbritannien, Imperialismus, Kolonialismus, Maschinenpartei, Midlothian Campaign, Osmanisches Reich, Patronage, Pressearbeit, Reden, Rhetorik, Schottland, Versammlungen, Wahlkreis, Wahlrecht, Whistlestop, Zensuswahlrecht
Organisationen: Konservative Partei (Großbritannien), Liberale Partei (Großbritannien), Demokratische Partei (USA), Tammany Hall
Personen: Joseph Chamberlain, Benjamin Disraeli, William Ewart Gladstone, Lord Rosebery (Archibald Philip Primrose), Königin Victoria, Max Weber"

Eine Wahlkampagne ist ein kommunikativer Feldzug. Sie ist vorrangig eine Serie von Kommunikations-Ereignissen mit dem Ziel, eine psychologische Verbindung zwischen Kandidat und Wähler zu schaffen und den Wähler zu einer Entscheidung (Ja/Nein) und Handlung (Wählen gehen) zu motivieren.

ZUM BUCH: Amerikanisierung und Politmarketing sind die Schlagwörter, wenn man die Modernisierung der bundesdeutschen Wahlkämpfe betrachtet. Was ist eigentlich modern an dem modernen Wahlkampf?
In diesem Buch werden insbesondere Einblicke in die Techniken der modernen Wahlkampfgestaltung vorgestellt, wie z. B. Elemente des Projekt- und Kommunikationsmanagements, die Vermarktung der politische Aussage, der Personalisierung u. a.
Daneben werden heute aktuelle Wahlkampfmethoden der Antike, wahlsoziologische Überlegungen und zukünftige Entwicklungspotentiale aufgezeigt - insgesamt alles Aspekte des modernen Wahlkampfs.