Symbolic Power

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

This article draws on British newspaper reports in order to demonstrate that trolling, and the media's subsequent framing of trolling, involves " silencing strategies ". It is important to examine how trolling is discussed within the media to understand how it might frame public opinion, debate and action, and implicitly victim blame. The article presents findings on: the forms of (online) abuse and behaviours related to trolling in media reports, including rape threats, death threats and body shaming. It also explores the media portrayal of victims of trolling, and the advice given concerning how to respond to trolls. To comply with the message to women, which is propagated in media and popular discourses: " do not feed the troll " , means that " symbolic violence " is exercised with the complicity of the victim(s) of trolling, which has broader implications.

Özet
Bu çalışma Türkiye’de son yıllarda neredeyse her Ramazan ayında tekerrür eden Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı ve bazı ilahiyatçı ve din adamları arasındaki oruç ibadetine başlamayı simgeleyen imsak vaktinin tespiti meselesini tartışmaktadır. Bu tartışma yüzyıllardır her Müslüman’ın kolaylıkla belirleyebileceği bir dini vaktin Türkiye’de laik temellere sahip devletin dini görevleri olan bu kurumu aracılığıyla, neden resmi olarak kendi yayımladığı imsakiyeden ödün vermemesinin yönetimle ilgili nedenlerine odaklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde Batı’da Aydınlanma sonrası dini otoritenin geriletilmesi ve devletin modern bilimin kılavuzluğunda laik yönelimli tek tipleşmesi süreçleri ve sosyolojik bir analiz aracı olarak Weber’in modern çağdaki “bürokratikleşme” kavramsallaştırması ele alınacaktır.  İkinci bölümde birinci bölümdeki tartışmadan kalkarak, dini kurumları kaldıran (1924) Cumhuriyet Türkiye’sinin aynı yılda laik yapıda ama dini görevleri olan bir kurum olarak kurulan Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı’nın kuruluşunun arka planına yer verilecektir. Akabinde ise bu kurumun dini vakitler bağlamında Türkiye’deki Müslümanlar üzerinde “mantıksal bütünleşme”yi (Durkheim) tesis etme amaçlı “sembolik iktidar”ından (Bourdieu) yararlanarak dini hususlardaki tekel kurma mücadelesine yer verilecektir. Üçüncü bölümde ise imsak vaktinin tespiti tartışmasının karşıt taraflarını oluşturan Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı ve bazı ilahiyatçıların ve din adamlarının medya aracılığıyla yaptıkları yorumlar analiz edilecektir.
Anahtar Sözcükler: İmsak Vakti, Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı, İslam, Laiklik, Weber, Bürokratikleşme, Durkheim, Bourdieu, Sembolik İktidar, Kaideleştirme

Abstract
BUREAUCRATIZATION, DIRECTORATE OF RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS AND DETERMINATION OF İMSAK TIME QUESTION
This study discusses the almost annually recurring issue of the determination of imsak time -the sign of fasting praying- in Ramadan month among the Directorate of Religious Affairs, some theologians and religious men. This debate focuses on the administrative reasons of not making concessions on the official Ramadan timetable, issued by this religious institution of laicist state, without which muslims had been easily determined this religious time for centuries. In the first part of the study, receding the religious authority into background after the Western Enlightenment, the processes of laicist-oriented standardization of State under the guidance of modern science and Weber’s conceptualization of bureaucratization in modern age will be covered. In the second part, starting from the first part’s point, background of the abolishing religious institutions (1924) by Republican Turkey, including the constitution of Directorate of Religious Affairs in the same year as laicist-structure but having religious functions will be discussed. Right after, this institution will be evaluated on monopolizing religious issues by utilizing symbolic power (Bourdieu) and establishing logical integration (Durkheim) on Muslims of Turkey in the context of religious times. In the third part, some interpretations of opposition side such as Directorate of Religious Affairs, theologians and religious men on the determination of imsak time will be analyzed.
Keywords: İmsak time, Directorate of Religious Affairs, Islam, Laicism, Weber, Bureaucratization, Durkheim, Bourdieu, Symbolic Power, Codification

Increasingly national policy processes are intersected with and affected by global policy actors and ideas. In aid-recipient countries such as Ethiopia, donors use financial and non-financial means to influence national policy decisions and directions. This paper is about the non-financial influence of the World Bank (WB) in the Ethiopian higher education policy reform. Using Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic power as a ‘thinking tool’, the paper aims to shed light on forms of symbolic capital that the Bank uses to generate a ‘misrecognisable’ form of power that regulates the HE policy process in Ethiopia. The findings show that the WB transforms its symbolic capital of recognition and legitimacy to establish a ‘shared misrecognition’ and thereby make its policy prescriptions implicit and hence acceptable to local policy agents. The Bank uses knowledge-based regulatory instruments to induce compliance to its neoliberal policy prescriptions. The paper therefore underscores the value of symbol power as an analytical framework to understand elusive but critical role of donors in policy processes of aid recipient countries.

This article focuses on the issues of the «integration» and/as «cultural subalternity» of migrants in Italy. It aims at discussing some concepts developed by Pierre Bourdieu, such as symbolic violence, habitus, and doxa, reflecting on two ethnographic studies. The first one, conducted between 2004 and 2008, was about migrants from the Dolj Department in Romania, employed in the construction sector in Bologna. The second study started in 2010 and is about migrants from Western Africa - in particular from the Boulgou province in Burkina Faso - employed on a seasonal basis in agriculture in Puglia and Basilicata. By describing representations and practices of these two groups, on the one hand the article shows how some discourses on immigration in Italy are embodied by the migrants themselves: this seems to confirm Bourdieu's theory of symbolic violence. On the other hand, the field research revealed the presence of «illegitimate» representations and practices: as different kinds and sources of symbolic power are at work in this context, migrants can (at least in part) «emancipate» themselves from the dominant "doxa".

Keywords: Habitus; Doxa; Subaltern Integration; Bourdieu; Ethnography.

In this article, I deconstruct the concept of legitimacy (notably in the form elaborated by Max Weber) by emphasising its conceptual complicity with the notion of sovereignty. Through an analysis of Derrida's critique of Austin's theory of performativity, I elaborate another, non-ontological 'concept' of legitimacy, located before and beyond sociological methodology, International Relations theory, and performative ontologies of power. This legitimation-to-come signifies the structural fallibility and pervertibility of the performative, and instantiates the archi-originary force of an unconditional resistance, conditioning both the position and the deconstruction of ontologies of sovereign ipseity (ipsocracy). Pursuing the efforts of Cynthia Weber and Rob Walker, I attempt to sketch the implications of this post-performative legitimacy with respect to the protocols of legitimation of International Relations theory and sociological methodologies, through an analysis of their persistent ontological presuppositions.

Este  artigo  sistematiza  os  conceitos  fundamentais  da  teoria  social  de  Pierre Bourdieu  (espaço  social,  capital,  habitus,  campo  e  poder  simbólico),  em  sua s  aplicações  à problemática da relação entre os sexos. Segundo Bourdieu, o espaço social  é todo permeado
por  um  princípio  de  divisão  objetivo positivo/negativo),  que  estrutura  a  própria  visão  de
mundo  subjetiva  dos  dominantes  e  dos  dominados,  e  cujo  efeito  é  “naturalizar”  a arbitrariedade  da  “sexualidade”  (correlação  espontânea  das  práticas  sociais  apropriadas  aos sexos), mostrada como fato biológico e não -histórico (“poder simbólico”).

The Spanish Inquisition that took over following the collapse of the Islamic rule in Spain in the 15th century is, commonly, associated with the persecution of heresy in its strict religious sense.  However, a deep probing into the history of the Spanish Inquisition, and more particularly, into its dealing with the Arab Muslims of the epoch, belies other facets to its notorious heresiological discourse.  The Arab Muslims, known historically as Moriscos, who stayed in the Iberian Peninsula after being forcibly converted to Christianity, were, nonetheless, subjected to other forms of abuse that had nothing to do with religion.  I hold in this paper that the Spanish church-state rule-- another name applied to the Spanish Inquisition-- exhibited features of a modern nation-state in the making that sought to consolidate its political hegemony, mainly by using what Pierre Bourdieu calls symbolic power.  Symbolic power is the accumulation of all capitals in the hands of the modern state, a privileged status that grants the latter an unlimited scope of power, enabling it to enforce its will and establish its hegemony.  The forcible conversions of the Andalusi Arab Muslims to Christianity did not spare them the Spanish violence, and the Spanish authorities sought doggedly to strip them of all power.  The Arab Muslim culture was exterminated, and the Spanish state worked on divesting this, hitherto, Iberian minority of its political, social, and economic capitals in order to establish a modern nation-state as early as the 15th century.

Keywords:  Spanish Inquisition, symbolic power, heresy, Pierre Bourdieu, hegemony, capital

Mit dem Einmarsch der deutschen Truppen 1940 endete die Unabhängigkeit Luxemburgs für vier Jahre. Die Stadt Luxemburg, bis dato Hauptstadt eines souveränen Staates, wurde von den Nazis zu einer Kreisstadt degradiert und sollte im Gegenzug durch einen Generalbebauungsplan aufgewertet werden. Ziele waren ein „deutsches“ Erscheinungsbild der Stadt und die Auslöschung der luxemburgischen Identität. Diese geplante Umgestaltung kam auch in der architektonischen Kontextualisierung nationalsozialistischer Bildsymbole zum Ausdruck.

Il progetto di ricerca indaga la relazione tra agire comunicativo e agency politica, che è caratteristica costitutiva delle pratiche dei media alternativi, nel caso di studio della Red Nacional de Medios Alternativos (RNMA) argentina. Lo studio analizza inoltre le possibilità aperte e i limiti rappresentati dalla forma socio-organizzativa reticolare della RNMA rispetto ai suoi obiettivi politico-comunicativi.

—After the big bang of democratization, Indonesia has been employing a dramatic decentralization practice in Indonesia nationwide. Since 1999, Indonesia has been electing for representative council (DPR RI) and regional representation so called DPD RI in very direct way. This paper aims to analyse the DPD's election in Yogyakarta special region of Indonesia in the competition process among the different group interests which are Islamic group (Muhammadiyah, NU, PKS), Kraton /aristocrat interest, and nationalist group interest (PDI-P). Those groups are the big four that have been playing important role in the competition in DPD election sequentially in 2004, 2009, and 2014. In Yogyakarta special region, four member of DPD since the first election has been represented by three Islamic group both modern and traditional ones and by Yogyakarta palace. this paper more focus on the 2014 election which were followed by more competitor from Pakualaman palace, and also from nationalist group that have same mass with the Palace. this competition was really interesting to explain, how people decide their representative members and how different group compete each other in this election. Also, what strategy and by manner they collect voters in this individual based-individual candidate election. From the field research, It can be concluded at least there are three point (1) each candidate was strongly endorsed by established organization and community to support for the election since 2004. So, four incumbent easy won the competition; (2) the success team have many thing in common for example the focus on the core of supporter (basis masa) by using strategy 'by name by address list " ; and lastly (3) they were employing any symbolic that really easy to understand for the common people such as Islamic value, organization value, ideology, etc. by adopting many social activity and ritual in promoting candidates for example club goods, voluntary organization, and other forms of informal communities.

The title of this research is " Consumerism in Fourteen Art Works of Kecil-Kecil Punya Karya (KKPK) ". The purpose of this research is to describe the lifestyle of the figures that reveal the symptoms of consumerism. The consumptive lifestyle of those figures on is figured out through descriptive analysis method. Subsequently, those materials will be analyzed. The analysis will be supported by theory of literature sociology which gives an emphasis on sociology of work. Meanwhile, social symptoms of the research object will be revealed by using the concept of habitus, field, and capital from Pierre Bourdieu. The result of this research shows that there are two values of comfort and projection of prestige. Those values are the outcome of consumption process which are related to the way of seeing and laying oneself in bourgeois social group. There are three kinds of consumption which generate those values: the consumption of food, appearance, and culture. The ability to consume those three things is supported by the ownership of economic capital, social capital, and cultural capital. Moreover, symbolic capital also plays an important role on maintaining the ability of consumption.

*telah dipublikasikan dalam Jurnal Metahumaniora Vol. 3 No. 3

Nesse presente artigo, trataremos da construção da imagem de Otávio, utilizando para tal um conjunto de moedas que serão analisadas cronológica e simbolicamente, demonstrando como Otávio vai angariando com o passar dos anos epítetos e cargos que vão construindo sua imagem. Ao investigar a bibliografia referente ao período de formação do Principado, entendemos que é necessária uma investigação que mostre de que forma Otávio chegou ao poder e como o repertório simbólico que ele agregou durante os anos auxiliou nesse empreendimento. Observamos, em diversos manuais e artigos, que Otávio muita vezes é confundido com Augusto, no sentido de que certos autores deixam-se levar pelo Otávio “consolidado”, não prestando a devida atenção aos processos de construção identitária, que não são simples e demandam um esforço representacional enorme.

This ten-year study investigates how the ways in which modern digital age, austerity-driven societies are structured can fuel discontent, rising popular support for authoritarian regimes and less tolerance of dissent in a wide range of country contexts. It applies recent theoretical work on social power in international relations and the work of Bourdieu and Wacquant on symbolic violence, poverty and social exclusion to the realm of elite geopolitics and (dis)information war. Several case studies are discussed from an ethnographic perspective. Semi-structured interviews are conducted with defenders of dissent and other human rights working in diverse national contexts to better illuminate how political ‘leaders’ create marginal categories of people to silence dissent and consolidate power.

Further publication expected with results of a follow-up survey

Abstract:
In recent years, a dominant discourse has emerged asserting that humanitarian work has become a dangerous profession. In response to growing insecurity in the field, humanitarian organizations have come to develop new security policies to better protect humanitarian staff and infrastructures. Drawing from Andrew Abbott’s historical sociology of professions and Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory of power, this thesis proposes an international political sociology of the professionalization of humanitarian security. To address the shortcomings of normative-functionalist explanations and poststructuralist critiques of humanitarian security, this thesis examines the conditions of possibility fostering the emergence of a microcosm of humanitarian security professionals. As a consequence of this seemingly insignificant transformation in the division of humanitarian labor, humanitarian organizations now classify some of world’s neediest populations as beyond the limits of reasonable sacrifice. In the production of this exclusion, humanitarian actors reconstruct “populations in need” as “dangerous populations.” By weighing the cost of the loss of a “humanitarian life” against the potential value of saving the lives of needy others, humanitarian actors contribute to the intensification of global divides in their quest for a common humanity. In sum, the imposition of security as a humanitarian logic of practice is analyzed as a driving force of the inversion of the humanitarian imperative to save lives and act in defense of a shared humanity. While contributing to debates on humanitarian security, this thesis also contributes to the study of international organizations, security, and transnational power elites.

Résumé :
Ces dernières années, un discours dominant a émergé affirmant que le travail humanitaire est devenu une profession dangereuse. Face à l’insécurité croissante sur les terrains d’opérations, les organisations humanitaires ont développé de nouvelles politiques de sécurité afin de mieux protéger le personnel humanitaire et les infrastructures. En se fondant sur la sociologie historique des professions d’Abbott, ainsi que sur la théorie sociale du pouvoir de Bourdieu, cette thèse propose une sociologie politique internationale de la professionnalisation de la sécurité humanitaire. Afin de combler les lacunes des explications fonctionnalistes-normatives et des critiques poststructuralistes de la sécurité humanitaire, ce travail examine les conditions de possibilités à l’émergence d’un microcosme de professionnels de la sécurité humanitaire. Du fait de cette transformation, insignifiante au premier abord, de la division du travail humanitaire, les organisations humanitaires considèrent désormais que certaines des populations mondiales les plus nécessiteuses se trouvent au-delà des limites raisonnables du sacrifice. En comparant le coût de la perte d’une « vie d’humanitaire » à la valeur potentielle du sauvetage des vies de nécessiteux, les acteurs humanitaires, dans leur quête d’une humanité commune, participent de ce fait à l’intensification des inégalités mondiales. Les humanitaires ne contentent plus seulement d’assister et d’atténuer la souffrance de lointains étrangers, mais ils contribuent aussi à redéfinir la notion de « populations dans le besoin », en les étiquetant comme « populations dangereuses ». Ainsi, la mise en place imposée de la sécurité comme sens pratique de l’humanitaire inverse les impératifs humanitaires fondés sur le sauvetage des vies et sur la défense d’une humanité partagée. Tout en contribuant aux débats sur la sécurité humanitaire, cette thèse participe également à faire avancer les études sur les élites de pouvoir transnationales, sur la sécurité et sur les organisations internationales.

European fundings received under the programs of rural development have a major political impact in Romania, as they help to shape the legitimate form of agriculture. They are used as a support for new representative claims. At the same time, they feed conflicts within national administration. Firstly, several profesional organisations claim to stand up for a « small-scale capitalist agriculture », located between small plots dedicated to consumption on the farm and huge operators who export a large amount of their crops. They use the concept of « semi-subsistence » as a means to make a clear distinction between family farms that deserve support and those  that are doomed to disapear. Statistical tools and rhetorical devices used to make a selection are not sufficient to bring out new economic practices. But they give a sense of purpose to self-appointed spokespersons. Second, several Divisions compete against each over within the Romanian Department of Agriculture and Rural development. As they struggle to delineate their respective scope for action, some of them call upon professional organisations that claim to support « small-scale capitalist agriculture ». High-ranking officials who look for such reinforcements attempt to legitimate their position, arguing that they are backed by a strong  external mobilisation. The analysis is based on a systematic examination of appropriate trade journals and on semi-structured interviews with leaders of professional organisations and heads of administrative Divisions.

Les financements européens obtenus dans le cadre des politiques de développement rural produisent en Roumanie des effets politiques majeurs : ils contribuent à la mise en forme de l’agriculture légitime, en servant de support à un nouveau travail de représentation et en alimentant des luttes au sein de l’administration nationale. Plusieurs organisations professionnelles prétendent en premier lieu défendre une « petite agriculture capitaliste », positionnée entre les exploitations parcellaires qui entretiennent une logique d’autoconsommation et les grands producteurs qui privilégient les exportations. Elles mobilisent la notion de « semi-subsistance » pour tracer une frontière entre les fermes familiales dignes d’être défendues et celles qui sont promises à la relégation. Les outils statistiques et les procédés rhétoriques qui servent à opérer ce partage ne suffisent pas à faire advenir de nouvelles pratiques économiques. Mais ils offrent une raison d’être à des porte-parole auto-désignés. Au sein du ministère de l’Agriculture et du Développement rural, plusieurs services s’affrontent en second lieu pour fixer le périmètre de leurs attributions. Les organisations qui prétendent défendre la « petite agriculture capitaliste » sont transformées en forces d’appoint : les hauts fonctionnaires qui les sollicitent tentent de légitimer leur position en se réclamant d’une forte mobilisation extérieure. L’analyse est appuyée sur un dépouillement de la presse professionnelle et sur des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés entre 2009 et 2014 avec des responsables d’organisations professionnelles et de services administratifs

Desde  Marx, a sociologia sugeria  a idéia  de que o Direito  poderia funcionar como uma “superestrutura” de legitimação das desigualdades sociais. Mas ainda era muito vago  e  misterioso  o  fato  de  haver  um  tipo  de  “consenso  tácito”  dos  prejudicados diretos  das  convenções  sociais  em  relação  a  estas  mesmas  convenções.  A abordagem dos juristas, a da dogmática jurídica, é incapaz de explicar o mecanismo pelo  qual  o  processo  de  legitimação  social  se  efetiva,  tendendo,  pelo  contrário,  a negar a existência de um tal processo. A sociologia, como toda ciência nova, ainda era  – e  em  certo  sentido  ainda  é  – pouco  formalizada,  havendo  baixo  grau  de consenso  sobre  os  seus  métodos  e  conceitos.  Por  um  lado,  Marx  apresentava,  a partir  de  categorias  próprias  da  filosofia, um  misterioso  “efeito  de  universalização” obtido  pelas  “ideologias”.  Por  outro  lado,  a  sociologia  era  fundada  em  torno  da
querela  entre  Durkheim  e  Weber,  cujo  objeto  era  saber  se  a  ação  social  e  a correspondente  “visão  de  mundo”  dos  indivíduos,  a  respeito dessa  mesma  ação
social,  eram  determinadas  pela  “consciência  individual”  ou  pela  “consciência coletiva”.  Nesse  contexto,  surge  Bourdieu  com  a  pretensão  de  unificar  a  ciência social e, principalmente, as perspectivas dos “pais fundadores”. Uma das principais descobertas de Bourdieu é a de que o peso do arbitrário social é incorporado pelos indivíduos sob a forma de um mecanismo  autônomo e criativo, o qual funciona no
interior  de  seu  corpo  como  um  “sistema  de  disposições”  inconscientes  (habitus), capaz  de  orientar  a  prática  e  a  apreciação  do  mundo.  Além  disso,  Bourdieu demonstrou  que,  nas  sociedades  diferenciadas,  existem  “campos  de  produção "cultural” específicos – dentre os quais o “campo jurídico” –, os quais produzem os habitus específicos  – como  o habitus jurídico  – e  contribuem  para  inculcar  esses
habitus nos  sujeitos  que  pertencem  a  esses  campos.  O  fato  de  os  sujeitos possuírem  os habitus,  que  são  o  produto  mental  subjetivo  da  incorporação  da
estrutura social objetiva, fazem com que eles percebam essa estrutura de uma forma “essencialista”,  como  se  ela  fosse  “natural”  ou  “necessária”  e,  portanto,  legítima. Além  disso,  as  condições  em  que  surgiu  o  “campo  jurídico”  e  o habitus  correspondente  – as  condições de  instituição  do Estado  de  Direito  –,  atribuíram a esse habitus a característica de produzir práticas com pretensão de “universalidade”, segundo  uma  retórica  do  “desinteresse”  e  do  “bem  comum”.  É  por  isso  que  o “discurso jurídico” funciona como um discurso legitimador  da realidade social, sem
que, no entanto, os juristas tenham a intenção de produzir esse efeito. São vários os exemplos em que o Direito obtém essa eficácia: quando institui a família legítima, a língua legítima, o regime de propriedade legítimo, o critério obrigacional legítimo, etc.
Bourdieu sugere que a illusio gerada pela pertença ao campo teria como causa um processo  mental  que  o  próprio  Freud  já  descrevia,  o  “investimento  de  libido”.  A comparação entre Bourdieu e Freud também é fluida para aclarar as características da eficácia propriamente “simbólica” do discurso jurídico, que é a eficácia de ocultar dos principais interessados a verdade arbitrária das convenções.

Why do the dominated and exploited come to accept a social order that disadvantages them? Pierre Bourdieu suggests that the relative stability of societies results not from coercion but from consent by the dominated, which is the result of symbolic power. The present chapter provides an introduction to the functioning of symbolic power by analysing the transformation of Michael Corleone as depicted in Francis Ford Coppola’s film The Godfather. It explores how objective social structures become embodied within the subject through everyday rituals. Once embodied, these structures operate as principles of cognition and contribute to the misrecognition of the social order as legitimate and natural. Michael’s individual transformation, understood from a Bourdieusian perspective, at the same time secures the reproduction of the Mafia order.

This paper is a case study of a Filipino woman who migrated to Korea to marry a Korean farmer and who ends up using her knowledge of English to navigate power differences in her exchanges with Korean interlocutors. I extend the tradition of research on intercultural communication by drawing on Bourdieu's concept of symbolic power. Employing the ethnography of an embedded case study, this paper adopts inductive thematic analysis and discourse analysis to show (a) Natalie's attitudes toward Korean and English, (b) her use of English in the Korean school setting as a parent to destabilize power differences, (c) her encounters with institutional/ideological walls that reinforce power differences, and (d) her daughter's strategies of appropriating her mother's English speaking status. The data reveal how Natalie – being in an inferior social position due to her status as a foreign bride – strategically used the symbolic power of English in an effort to position herself as a legitimate interlocutor. The clash between the global legitimacy of English and the local legitimacy of Korean replicates on a microscale the larger symbolic struggles that are going on the geopolitical level in intercultural encounters. By discussing the historical, (post)colonial reality that study participants faced, this paper ultimately demonstrates a conflict between various symbolic orders and highlights the eminently paradoxical struggle for symbolic power.

This article deals with Pierre Bourdieu´s critic on Max Weber´s State conception. It analyses the concept of State in Machiavelli, Weber and Bourdieu. The issue about the legitimating bases of the State domination is resolved changing the conscientious beliefs by the habitus. The State is conceived as a powered abstraction, originated from an accumulating process of different kinds of capital, especially symbolic capital. State and “field of power” notions are approached.

RESUMO
O objetivo deste estudo é compreender as abordagens e representações sociais utilizadas nos discursos presidenciais em contextos de crise política (Impeachment), bem como suas estratégias e condições discursivas. Para tal, analisamos o último discurso de Dilma Rousseff, pronunciado no dia 29 de agosto de 2016, durante sua defesa contra o Impeachment, na última instância do processo no Senado, bem como o primeiro discurso de Michel Temer, como substituto oficial da Presidenta deposta, no dia 31 de agosto de 2016, durante reunião ministerial, logo após a conclusão do processo de Impeachment. Como referencial teórico, desenvolvemos o trabalho através das discussões acerca do discurso político enquanto produção e produto de poder, e das representações sociais como produtos de discursos políticos a partir da ótica do Impeachment enquanto contexto. A metodologia deste estudo foi realizada em três momentos: Pesquisa Exploratória na qual observamos e destacamos os aspectos relevantes para a discussão sobre Discurso Político e as Representações que dele advêm. Em seguida, Pesquisa Bibliográfica, na qual revisamos a bibliografia a respeito destes temas e selecionamos os objetos de estudo desta pesquisa. Por fim, desenvolvemos os instrumentos de análise e analisamos os conteúdos escolhidos de acordo com as metodologias desenvolvidas por Bardin (1977) e Spink (2009). Os resultados mostram que as abordagens acerca dos mesmos temas geram diferentes representações sociais ligadas ao contexto do Impeachment, e as estratégias e condições discursivas se interpelam em ambos os discursos, transitando entre a pessoa (personalidade) e o coletivo (governo) políticos.

In the present article it is reflected critically about a possible time's use as a power'sinstrument by the political leaders in different societies around the world, specially inthe actions considered as milestone-historical, according to Elias Canetti´s
<Crowd andPower>. In this text I expose that for Canetti: (a) It is an evident fact the use of time asan instrument to control and to manipulate crowds and societies; (b) The use of time by the holders of power was and is different in the diverse world epochs; (c) The ideaof time as power impacted in different ways by the diverse people or crowds in theworld. In the second part of the article I argument that in the work of Canetti are foundgeneralizations out of place or weak and not verifiable assertions historically speaking.

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En el presente artículo se reflexiona críticamente en torno a una posible utilización del tiempo como herramienta de poder por los gobernantes políticos de diferentes sociedades del mundo, en especial en los hechos estimados como hito-históricos, según la obra Masa y poder de Elias Canetti. A lo largo del texto analizo que para Canneti: (a) Es un hecho evidente el uso de la temporalidad como un instrumento para controlar o manipular a las masas y a las sociedades; (b) El uso del tiempo por parte de los detentadores del poder fue y es diferente en las diversas épocas del mundo; (c) La idea del tiempo como poder fue sentido de diferentes formas por las diversas masas y pueblos del mundo. En una segunda parte del artículo argumento que en la obra de Canetti se encuentran generalizaciones fuera de lugar o aserciones no comprobables históricamente hablando.

Le pouvoir symbolique de la littérature : une exception française ?
(résumé)
La littérature est dotée en France d’un capital symbolique qui lui permet d’exercer un pouvoir non négligeable. Ceci est dû à des conditions de possibilité historiques. Si l’identité française se fonde d’abord sur des structures politiques, la littérature est devenue ensuite un attribut important de la nation.  A la suite de la création de l’Académie française (1635), la littérature est devenue le domaine le plus important de l’activité culturelle. Si la littérature ‘classique’ a illustré d’abord les valeurs de la monarchie absolue, elle est devenue au siècle des Lumières une instance critique importante. Des grandes figures littéraires comme Voltaire, Lamartine ou Victor Hugo ont exercé un pouvoir charismatique ; ceci fut également le cas de Zola dont l’autorité littéraire a été décisive pour obtenir la révision du procès de Dreyfus. Dans ce contexte, les écrivains se sont constitués en commun avec des savants comme un groupe de pression qui sous la dénomination d’’intellectuels’ vont s’engager au cours du XXe siècle jusqu’à nos jours. L’impact de la littérature se manifeste en plus en France par le fait que la qualité littéraire confère aux hommes de science et aux hommes politique un prestige et une légitimation supplémentaire.

The Polish sociology of law is unfamiliar with the critical sociology of law as proposed
by P. Bourdieu – one of the most acclaimed contemporary sociologists. Therefore the main
aim of the paper is to indicate the causes of this neglection. The text also points out ways
in which Bourdieu’s approach can assist in describing and explaining the social functioning
of the legal universe (legal field). There are several reasons for the lack of reception of Bourdieu’s
theory. The lack of critical debates in the field of law is caused by the assumptions of the
theory. Its main goal is to uncover the mechanisms of domination. Bourdieu’s project gives
an opportunity not only to disclose the mechanisms by which the law preserves existing
social relations, but also to discredit its universality by showing that it favours dominant
groups and agents. As such, Bourdieu’s theory threatens the foundations of the field of
law. Another reason for this negligence among the Polish sociologists of law is structural
in nature. Firstly, the problem lies in the location of the field of law in the field of power.
Secondly, in a specific position that sociology of law holds at faculties of law: academics
who are working on that field are mostly lawyers entangled in legal thinking schemata (legal
doxa), legal sensus communis which is considered as indisputable in the field of law.

The paper present the so-called “practice turn in contemporary theory” and its possible and profitable sociological application to the field of food studies. Starting from the epistemological perspective that sees the concept of practice as the ongoing arrangement resulting from the social organization between different elements, I present a brief critical review of the research works about food culture that has drawn on a practice-based approach, in order to show how it affords to move from a “sociology of food” to a “sociology of food social practices”. Then, I discuss one particular approach offered by theories of practice, based on the category of “sociomateriality”. Finally, I briefly introduce, by way of example, the empirical analysis of the practice of professional cooking to show the potentiality of this approach. In conclusion, I will discuss the strengths and the vulnerabilities related to the analysis of food social practices, focusing in particular on the issue of symbo...

Propomos neste trabalho identificar quais as articulações dos elementos informativos mobilizam e usam os objetos simbólicos nas reportagens sobre a votação da redução da maioridade penal, apresentadas pelo Jornal Nacional entre os dias 30 de junho a 02 de julho de 2015. Nos apoiaremos em aspectos da construção teórica de Pierre Bourdieu e de Michel Foucault. Através da análise crítica dessas construções discursivas, almeja-se identificar a forma que essa narrativa é transmitida, e se ela contribui para um poder simbólico como
instrumento de dominação. Pudemos perceber que o jornal opera como seletor e construtor de determinada realidade. Esta compreensão ratifica as teorias norteadoras deste artigo, pois como uma estrutura determinante para a vinculação entre informação e realidade, o campo
midiático, em especial o jornalístico, contribui para a manutenção de uma violência simbólica.

Representation of women in advertisements has been a crucial point of debate in critical studies on advertising and gender. Advertising has critically been evaluated as an ideological apparatus that reproduces gender roles and promotes sexism. In addition to overt forms of sexist representations, advertisements also construct implicit meanings of gender inequality, which is difficult to recognize. The aim of this article is to show that advertisements generate “symbolic violence” that normalizes and legitimizes gendered relations of power so that gender inequalities would be misrecognized. Based on Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of “symbolic violence”, this article analyzes the image of “women chewing gum” in an advertisement campaign by Falım, Turkey’s leading chewing gum brand with feminist critical analysis. Falım advertisements portray women who are pressured by patriarchy
but do not resist it and are content with it. Eventually, the patriarchal narrative brings forth the normalization of gender inequalities and its communication to the wider public via advertising as a rhetorical device.

The IPCC has been studied by a diverse range of social science disciplines. The majority of this research focuses on the scientific and political dimensions of the organization and its work, and as such, overlooks other important actors and activities within the IPCC. The lack of understanding surrounding institutional decision-making process and assessment procedures—as well as the social and political forces shaping these—may have left the IPCC vulnerable to recent attacks. Taking a sociological approach and exploring the expertise that make up the IPCC as five distinct units: the panel, the bureau, the TSUs, the secretariat and the authors, this study aims to update our knowledge of the organization and the institutional changes it has undergone since its establishment. In doing so, the study offers a closer look at the social dynamics structuring relations within and between IPCC actors and contextualises how the scientific habitus, political order and economic capital shape how and by whom climate change is assessed.

Inspired by Pierre Bourdieu's theorising, and considering the limitations of conventional notions of power used to study trade politics, this chapter argues that a critical framework on symbolic power is of intellectual importance. The notion of symbolic power offers a way to conceptualise how political language both reflects and constitutes power. There are three sections. First, the discussion considers how power can take more covert, 'taken-for-granted' forms that are often missed in traditional power notions. Second, the argument debates the complex relationship between power, language, and processes of political legitimation. Bourdieu's notion of a 'linguistic market' is explained and applied to WTO politics. The third part explores two complementary conceptual tools: framing and mimicry. Together, the chapter argues that these concepts can help refine our understanding for how mechanisms of legitimation work in the service of symbolic power to favour some issues and groups over others in the WTO system.

Advertising is not only the socio-cultural organization of market economies, but it is also a fundamental element for brands communication. This communication is not limited to the promotion of goods and services, as can be seen by its capacity to promote social, ideals and stereotyped concepts. Contemporary advertising is structured around the concept of Femvertising. The empowerment of the female gender and the representation of its diversity are presented through the deconstruction of stereotypes and the promotion of discussions around the several dimensions of women in society. This study aims to analyse in the light of Lawless and Chen’s (2019) Critical Thematic Analysis, how Dove integrates the deconstruction of stereotypes in the advertising campaign #ShowUs. The results suggest that the strategy is built on the presentation of beauty standards imposed by different societies and the deconstruction of the consequences associated with such historical, social, cultural and economic processes in the life of each girl and woman. If on one side, the promotion of a more responsible, inclusive and diversified representation should be a responsibility of the media and of the advertising, which is referred in the various advertisements, on the other side, Dove presents a product of the post-feminism which allows her maintaining a symbiosis relation with high levels of popularity.

Keywords: Dove, advertising, symbolic power, gender stereotypes, misogyny.

Günümüzde reklam olgusu, yalnızca bir ürün veya hizmet tanıtımının ötesinde, kitlelere ulaştırdığı anlamlarla kültürel ve ideolojik anlamları da yeniden üreten bir işlev görebilmektedir. Özellikle, reklamlarda kadın imgesinin yer alış biçimleri, reklamın toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini bir söylem olarak inşa etmesini beraberinde getirmektedir. Bu çalışmada Türkiye’de 2013-2015 senelerinde yayınlanmış olan temizlik ürünleri reklamları arasından ölçüt örnekleme yöntemiyle belirlenmiş olan üç ayrı reklam, Pierre Bourdieu’nun “simgesel şiddet” kavramına atı a feminist eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemiyle çözümlenmektedir. Eleştirel açıdan incelendiğinde reklamda, kadına yüklenen toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin yeniden üretildiği görülmektedir. Buna rağmen reklam söylemi kadınları hallerinden memnun ve mutlu bir biçimde betimleyerek, kadınlara yönelik ötekileştirici söylemleri görünmez hale getirmekte ve toplumsal cinsiyetin neden olduğu iktidar hiyerarşisini normalleştirmektedir. Reklam aracılığıyla tanıtılan ürünler, kadınları içinde bulundukları iktidar ilişkilerinden kurtarıyor ve onları güçlendiriyor gibi bir imaj çizmektedir; ancak bu doğrultuda inşa edilen söylem, gerçek olumsuzlukları görünmez kılmakta, bu görünmezlik ise simgesel şiddet ile sağlanmaktadır. Sonuç olarak bu çalışma, kadının maruz kaldığı iktidar ilişkilerinin fark edilemez hale getirmesi bakımından reklamın, Pierre Bourdieu’nun kavramsallaştırdığı simgesel şiddetin bir aracı olarak işlev gördüğünü ortaya koymaktadır.
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Today, advertisements constitute a medium by which particular cultural and ideological meanings are reproduced rather than serving merely as a medium for publicity. The ways in which advertisements portray the image of woman construct woman gender role as a discourse. This article aims to analyze three television advertisements aired in Turkey by means of a feminist critical discourse analysis in order to point out the symbolic violence in advertising discourse with reference to Pierre Bourdieu. The advertising discourse involves an operation of power exercised on women by men or more privileged female counterparts. Despite power relations, the ways, in which advertising discourse represents women in buoyant mood content with their oppressed circumstance, normalize the existing power relations. In advertisements, products function in a way that emancipates and empowers women; although the discourse actually reproduces the gender roles attributed to women. In sum, pointing at the strategies of misrecognition that advertisements attribute to women’s oppression, this article aims to show the function of advertisements as a medium for Bourdieu’s symbolic violence concept.

This introductory chapter presents the geographical, chronological, and thematic scope of the volume and expounds its guiding questions and conceptual framework. By combining Pierre Bourdieu’s notions of symbolic capital and doxa, Giorgio Agamben’s examination of medieval economy of gloria, and Max Weber’s threefold model of legitimation of leadership, the chapter discusses how medieval Scandinavian elites fused sacral and practical resources to elevate themselves and convince others of their social and political legitimacy, that is, their deservedness to rule. What is proposed is a dynamic, heterarchic, and practice-oriented model of studying how sociopolitical status and haloing glory were competed for, justified, and reproduced over time. These conceptual themes and problems are fleshed out in the presentation of the individual chapters and the three sections into which the entire volume is divided: Glorifying Kings, Spaces of Elevation, and Elevating Social Orders. In its last section the chapter discusses how the sudden boom in literary production and composition of historical sources on the verge of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries both reflected and was the vehicle of elite competition in Scandinavia.

« Cuando Foucault dice ‘Estado’. Conversación con Arnault Skornicki », avec David J. Domínguez González et Mario Domínguez Sánchez, dans A. Skornicki, La grand Sed de Estado. Michel Foucault y la ciencias sociales, Dado Ediciones, 2017, p. 245-273

Öz II. T.B.M.M'nin kurulmasından (1923) ve meclisteki birinci grubun ikinci grubu parlamento dışı bırakmasından bir süre sonra Türk modernleşmesi/batılılaşması, laiklik temelli anayasal devrimlerle yeni bir zemine taşındı. Mezkûr grup birçok alanda olduğu gibi zamanın da laikleştirilmesi/sekülerleştirilmesi için gerekli olan anayasal reformları tek tek meclisten geçirmeye başladı. Bu çalışma, Cumhuriyet Türkiye'sinde devletin 1925-1935 yıllarında gerçekleştirdiği yasama faaliyetleriyle sembolik iktidarını tesis edebilmesinin önemli bir boyutunu oluşturan zamansal yapıların laikleştirilmesini, Durkheim, Weber ve Bourdieu'nün kavramsal araçlarını kullanarak T.B.M.M zabıtlarının yer aldığı " zabıt cerideleri " aracılığıyla açıklamaya çalışmaktadır. İncelen zabıt ceridelerinde ilk önce, Cuma günü olan resmi hafta tatilinin Pazar olarak değiştirilmesi meselesi ele alınmıştır. İkinci olarak, milli bayramın yeniden belirlenmesi ve bazısı yasalarla bazısı teamüllerle yerleşmiş tatil günlerinin bir bütün olarak yasallaşarak yeniden tertip edilmesi meseleleri ele alınmıştır. Son olarak, günün başlangıcının 24.00'e alınması, günün yirmi dört saate taksimi, Greenwich saatinin esas alınmasıyla tüm bölge ve iller için geçerli tek bir saatin kabul edilmesi ve hicri takvimin yerine miladi takvimin getirilmesi meseleleri ele alınmıştır. Bu çalışma, modern bürokratik devletlerin gelişimine benzer biçimde, mezkûr yıllarda, Türkiye'de hem dinden arındırılmaya çalışılan bir yönetim anlayışının yerleşmeye başladığını hem de devlet için büyük ölçüde modern kapitalist ekonominin zorlamalarıyla dini gerekçelere nazaran dini olmayan ekonomik gerekçelerin zamanla ilgili anayasal değişikliklerde üst bir gerekçe olarak öne çıktığını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bununla beraber, fiziksel iktidarın yanı sıra sembolik iktidarı da tekeline alan laik yönelimli siyasi kadronun zamanı sekülerleştirme çabaları çerçevesinde dinin devlet yönetimindeki etkisini kaldırmaya çalışırken, gerek kendi dünya temsilinin gereği olarak gerekse ulus ötesi geniş çaplı iktidar mücadelelerinin etkisiyle Batılı ortak zamansal mutabakatları medeni yurttaşların hafızalarına yerleştirmeye çalıştığı görülmüştür. Abstract Soon after the establishment of Second Turkish Grand National Assembly (1923) and pushing the second group out in political field by the first group, Turkish modernization/westernization took a new laicist-based stage. This group started to pass constitutional reforms in the parliament required for laicization/secularization of " time " , same as other domains. This study aimes to explain secularization of time based constructions via using conceptual tools of Durkheim, Weber and Bourdieu, and record logs of Turkish Grand National Assembly, which constitutes the significant dimension for the establishment of symbolic power of state fullfilled by legislation activities between 1925 and 1935. In these records, first of all, the changing of official weekend holiday from Friday to Sunday is covered. Secondly, the specification of national holidays and reorganizing and enactment of some lawful and some customary holidays are taken into account. Last of all, adjusting the starting time of day to 24:00 o'clock, division of day in 24 hours, specifiying Greenwich zone-time for every regions and cities, and replacing the muslim calendar with the Gregorian calendar are all another issues dealt with. This study ascertains both the settling of religion-free administrative mentality, similar to the development of modern-bureaucratic states, and emerging of economic reason over religon by force of modern capitalist economy, specific to the changes of time in constitutional amendment. Notwithstanding, within the frame of secularization effort of time and trying to neutralize the effect of religion on the state by laicist based cadre who took monopoly of symbolic power alongside of physical power; it seems that this cadre tries to inject western common time-based conformities on memories of civilized citizens by way of both necessity of their own World representation, and/or under the effect of World wide power conflicts.