Turkish Democracy

The history of Turkey provides multiple examples of intricate combination of secularization (in the Turkish tradition – laicism) and desecularizaion (understood as a revival of Islam and its expansion into social life) while its contemporary dynamics provides a background for a non-conventional view on the correlation between the state and religion in the Muslim societies. The desecularization of Turkey has been a continuous process since the late 1940s, making it increasingly convenient for Islamists to become more visible in the political and the socioeconomic spheres. This paper analyzes the inclusion and accommodation of the "Turkish Islamism" into the sociopolitical life of Turkey focusing on such important phenomena as the constantly expanding religious sphere, the emergence of economic liberal conservatism, the rising resurgence of Islamism in education and media sphere together with the "jemaatization" of the Turkish society. The manifold manifestations o...

The history of Turkey provides multiple examples of intricate combination of secularization (in the Turkish tradition-laicism) and desecularizaion (under-stood as a revival of Islam and its expansion into social life) while its contemporary dynamics provides a background for a non-conventional view on the correlation between the state and religion in the Muslim societies. The desecu-larization of Turkey has been a continuous process since the late 1940s, making it increasingly convenient for Islamists to become more visible in the political and the socioeconomic spheres. This paper analyzes the inclusion and accommodation of the "Turkish Islamism" into the sociopolitical life of Turkey focusing on such important phenomena as the constantly expanding religious sphere, the emergence of economic liberal conservatism, the rising resurgence of Islamism in education and media sphere together with the "jemaatization" of the Turk-ish society. The analysis of desecularization dynamics in Turkey let one reassess the way religion and politics interconnect in the Muslim societies. The manifold manifestations of descularization in social, political and economic life, its profound impact on the Turkish party system, banking sector, education and mass media indicates the dialectic nature of secularization and desecularization nexus and reveals the flexibility of the border between religious and political spheres.

Türkiye demokratik standartlar açısından bazı eksiklerine rağmen (açık
oy-gizli tasnif ve yargı güvencesinin eksikliği vb.) 1946 seçimleri ile tek dereceli seçim
sistemine geçmiştir. Bu durum toplumun siyasi bir aktör olarak siyaset sahnesinde yer
almasına yol açacaktır. Aynı zamanda bölgesel veya şehir ölçeğinde seçmen eğilimlerinden
hareketle siyasal davranışlar hakkında bize bilgi sunacaktır. Bununla birlikte
DP'nin 1946'da yeni bir siyasi parti olarak ortaya çıkışı ve askeri bir müdahale sonrası
1960'ta kapatılması bu dönemin bir bütünlük içinde ele alınabilme olanağı sağlamaktadır.
Bu dönem içerisinde yapılan Genel Milletvekili Seçimlerinden hareketle
Tekirdağ şehrindeki katılım oranları, partilerin listeleri ve seçim sonuçlarının Türkiye
geneli ile karşılaştırılması Tekirdağ'daki seçmenler ile seçim arasındaki ilişkiyi sistematik
olarak ele almak bu şehirdeki siyasal davranışlar hakkında bize bilgi vermektedir.
Çalışmanın sonuçlarına göre DP'nin 1950'de iktidara gelmesinden kapandığı tarihe
kadar Tekirdağ seçmeni hem seçimlere katılım açısında Türkiye genelinin üzerinde
bir katılım göstermiş hem de DP'nin Türkiye genelinde aldığı oy oranının üzerinde DP
lehine oy kullanarak DP'nin iktidara gelmesine katkı sunmuştur.
A n ah ta r kelimeler: Demokrat Parti, milletvekili seçimleri, açık oy-gizli tasnif,
aday listeleri.

The current article delineates the qualified nature of citizenship in the Turkish Republic. Its primary argument is that the content of citizenship in Turkey was shaped and reshaped since its establishment and until the present by a struggle between the hegemony of strict liberal and pluralist ideas. Throughout Turkish history the incumbent regimes, Kemalist, populist and Islamist, subjected the full range of citizenship rights to conceived-internal and external, real and imagined-security threats, which further legitimized restrictions on the already constrained implementation of Turkish citizenship. The recent downturn in Turkish citizenship, which started in 2011 and peaked following the failed coup attempt in summer 2016, should be understood in relation to the contemporary turmoil in the Middle East which confronted the Turkish state with a plethora of security challenges that further exacerbated the infringement of citizenship rights in Turkish society.

Özet
27 Mayıs 1960 darbesi sonrası 15 Ekim 1961 seçimleri ile Türkiye’nin, ikinci cumhuriyet kavramı tartışmaları ekseninde tekrar parlamenter yaşama geri dönmesi planlanmıştır. Seçimde DP’nin varisi olarak nitelendirilen üç partinin 1961 Anayasası’nı değiştirebilecek bir çoğunluğa ulaşmasının ardından Milli Birlik Komitesi’nden bağımsız kurulan Silahlı Kuvvetler Birliği cuntası, seçim sonuçlarını geçersiz sayarak ikinci hareket hazırlığına girişmiştir. 21 Ekim Protokolü olarak isimlendirilen darbe metni üzerinde mutabakata varılırken 24 Ekim 1961’de kuvvet ve ordu komutanları ile siyasi parti liderleri Çankaya’da Cemal Gürsel başkanlığında bir araya gelmiştir. Cumhurbaşkanlığına Cemal Gürsel’in seçilmesi, hükümeti kurma görevinin de İsmet İnönü’ye verilmesi karşılığında müdahaleden vazgeçmiştir. Seçimlerde Samsun’dan AP listesinde bağımsız senatör seçilen Prof.Dr. Ali Fuat Başgil ise cumhurbaşkanlığına adaylığını açıklamıştır. Yine 24 Ekim günü Milli Birlik Komitesi üyeleri Sıtkı Ulay ve Fahri Dilek’in davetiyle Başbakanlığa gelen Başgil, bu görüşmede ölümle tehdit edilmiş ve adaylığının geri çekilmesi istenmiştir. Adaylıktan çekilen Başgil, senatörlük yemini etmeyerek parlamentodan ayrılmıştır. Bu çalışma, Ali Fuat Başgil’in cumhurbaşkanlığı adaylığı sürecini incelemektedir. 27 Mayıs uygulamaları karşısında bilimsel çıkışlarıyla dönemin önemli siması Başgil’in adaylıktan uzaklaştırılması, yeni dönemin güdümlü demokrasi şeklinde tanımlanmasına önemli dayanaklardan biri olurken, Başgil’in cumhurbaşkanlığına adaylığı sürecinin tetkik edilerek Türk siyasi tarihi literatürüne katkı sağlanması amaçlanmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, ulusal basının majör gazeteleri, telif eserler ve makaleler, hatıratlardan istifade edilmiştir.


Abstract

With the elections of October 15, 1961 after the coup of May 27, 1960, Turkey was planning to return to parliamentary life again. This was in the second republic debate. In the election, the heir of the DP reached a majority where the three parties could change the 1961 Constitution. The junta of the armed forces, which was established independently from the National Unity Committee, invalidated the election results. Preparations for the second movement have begun.  The coup known as the 21 October Protocol in the text was understood. On October 24, 1961, the commanders of the forces and armies and political party leaders came together under the chairmanship of Cemal Gursel in Çankaya. Cemal Gürsel was elected to the presidency and İsmet İnönü was appointed to form a government. The Armed Forces canceled the coup. Prof. Dr. Ali Fuat Başgil Independent senator on the AP list was elected from Samsun in the elections. He was nominated to the presidency. Again on October 24, Başgil, members of the National Unity Committee, Sıtkı Ulay and Fahri Dilek'in invitation to the Prime Minister. He was threatened with death by this call and wanted his candidacy to be withdrawn. Başgil withdrew from presidential nomination, left parliament.. This study examines Ali Fuat Bashgil's presidential candidacy process. Guided democracy is used for the new period that begins.  This study aims to contribute to the literature of Turkish political history. In this work, major newspapers, copyright works and articles of the national press have been used for memorie

BAŞARISIZ BİR ANAYASA YAPIM SÜRECİ: TBMM MECLİS ANAYASA KOMİSYONU’NA YÖNELİK BİR DEĞERLENDİRME

ÖZET: Anayasa ve onun siyasal yansımaları Türkiye gibi  demokratikleşme sürecini henüz tamamlayamamış ülkelerde son derece önemlidir. Türkiye’de siyasal tartışmalar zaman zaman anayasal zemin üzerinden yürütülegelmiştir. Türk siyasi tarihi incelendiği vakit anayasaların herhangi bir toplumsal uzlaşıya dayanmaksızın yağıldığına tanık olunmaktadır. Türkiye’nin bugün hala demokratik ve sivil bir anayasaya sahip olamamasının en temel sebeplerinden bir tanesi budur. Bu anayasal durum Türk siyaseti üzerinde antidemokratik bir baskı oluşturmaktadır. Türkiye’de sivil ve demokratik bir anayasal düzen inşa edilmesi bu nedenle elzemdir.

Bu çalışmanın ana amacı demokratikleşmek adına sivil ve demokratik bir anayasanın Türkiye açısından kaçınılmaz bir zorunluluk olduğunun altını çizmektir. Bu bağlamda 2011 ve 2013 yılları arasında Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi çatısı altında oluşturulan “Meclis Anayasa Uzlaşma Komisyonu” ve bu komisyonun neden bir neticeye ulaşamadığının altı çizilecektir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Sivil Anayasa, Türk Demokrasi Tarihi, Anayasa Uzlaşma Komisyonu

A FAILED PROCESS OF MAKING A NEW CONSTITUTION: AN EVALUATION ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL RECONCILIATION COMMISSION

Abstract: The constitution and its political reflections are very important in the countries in which the democratization process is not completed, such as Turkey. Time to time, the political debates in Turkey were seen on the constitutional area. When Turkish political history was considered, it can be clearly seen that the constitutions of Turkey were not based on a social consensus. It is one of the reasons that Turkey could not reach a democratic and civil constitution. This constitutional situation creates an undemocratic pressure on the Turkish politics. That is why it is necessary to make a civil and democratic constitutional situation in Turkey.

The purpose of this study is to underline of the necessity of a new, democratic and civil constitution for Turkey. Within this scope, the Constitutional Reconciliation Commission that was founded in the Turkish Grand National Assembly and its causes of failure will be underlined.

Key words: Civil Constitution, Turkish Democracy History, Constitutional Reconciliation Commission

The constitution and its political reflections are very important in the countries in which the democratization process is not completed, such as Turkey. Time to time, the political debates in Turkey were seen on the constitutional area. When Turkish political history was considered, it can be clearly seen that the constitutions of Turkey were not based on a social consensus. It is one of the reasons that Turkey could not reach a democratic and civil constitution. This constitutional situation creates an undemocratic pressure on the Turkish politics. That is why it is necessary to make a civil and democratic constitutional situation in Turkey. The purpose of this study is to underline of the necessity of a new, democratic and civil constitution for Turkey. Within this scope, the Constitutional Reconciliation Commission that was founded in the Turkish Grand National Assembly and its causes of failure will be underlined.

Key Words: Civil Constitution, Turkish Democracy History, Constitutional Reconciliation Commission

ÖZET: Anayasa ve onun siyasal yansımaları Türkiye gibi demokratikleşme sürecini henüz tamamlayamamış ülkelerde son derece önemlidir. Türkiye’de siyasal tartışmalar zaman zaman anayasal zemin üzerinden yürütülegelmiştir. Türk siyasi tarihi incelendiği vakit anayasaların herhangi bir toplumsal uzlaşıya dayanmaksızın yağıldığına tanık olunmaktadır. Türkiye’nin bugün hala demokratik ve sivil bir anayasaya sahip olamamasının en temel sebeplerinden bir tanesi budur. Bu anayasal durum Türk siyaseti üzerinde antidemokratik bir baskı oluşturmaktadır. Türkiye’de sivil ve demokratik bir anayasal düzen inşa edilmesi bu nedenle elzemdir. Bu çalışmanın ana amacı demokratikleşmek adına sivil ve demokratik bir anayasanın Türkiye açısından kaçınılmaz bir zorunluluk olduğunun altını çizmektir. Bu bağlamda 2011 ve 2013 yılları arasında Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi çatısı altında oluşturulan “Meclis Anayasa Uzlaşma Komisyonu” ve bu komisyonun neden bir neticeye ulaşamadığının altı çizilecektir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Sivil Anayasa, Türk Demokrasi Tarihi, Anayasa Uzlaşma Komisyonu

The constitution and its political reflections are very important in the countries in which the democratization process is still continuing, such as Turkey. Turkey is a country that the political debates are continuing on the bureaucratic grounds like not
only executive legislative and judicial powers but also the militarist powers.

The Turkish constitutions were made under the tutelage of the national struggles or the military coups. For this reason, Turkey could not have a civil constitution since its foundation. But there is no doubt that Turkey must have a civil constitution
to save itself from the undemocratic domination. Just because of this reason, making a civil constitution is very important and could be the milestones of the history of Turkish democracy.

The purpose of this study is to explain the importance of a civil constitution for democratization in Turkey. In the present study, the process of the making a civil constitution under the name of Constitutional Reconciliation Commission will be explored in terms of participation of the civil society, media and professors of law, negotiation process, meeting reports, reconciled and unreconciled issues. Then the main reasons of failure of the Constitutional Reconciliation Commission will be discussed.

Keywords: Civil constitution, History of Turkish Democracy, Constitutional Reconciliation Commission,

ÖZET

Türkiye’nin demokratikleşme sürecinde Kürt sorununun etkilerini araştırmayı amaçlayan bu çalışmanın birinci bölümünde kısaca Kürt sorununun tarihsel gelişimi ve siyaset bilimi açısından tanımlanması ele alınmıştır. Ardından bu sorunun, sosyal, siyasal ve toplumsal etkileri ile ilgili tartışmalara yer verilen çalışmanın son bölümde ise hali hazırda Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’nde grubu bulunan partilerin 2015 Genel Seçimlerine yönelik seçim beyannamelerinde bu sorunun çözümüne ilişkin farklı yaklaşımlar ele alınmıştır. TBMM’de grubu olan partilerin seçim beyannamelerinde de görüldüğü gibi MHP dışındaki tüm partiler bu soruna barışçıl bir çözümü savunmaktadırlar. Kürt sorunu demokratikleşme yolunda değişik boyutları ile ele alındığında ülkedeki politik istikrarı azalttığı ve bu sorun çözülmeden Türkiye’nin istikrarlı bir demokrasiye kavuşamayacağı görülmektedir. Kürt sorununun Çözüm Sürecinin başarıya ulaşması ile toplumda huzur ortamının yaratılması mümkün gözükmektedir.

ABSTRACT

This seminar aims to study the effects of the Kurdish issue on democratization process in Turkey. The first part of our work is based on the summarization of historical process of Kurdish Issue and the description of this issue in the political science. After that discussions about the social and political impact of this issue have been elaborated. The last part of this work studies the different approaches of declaration of all the political parties having their groups in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey about the solution process of this issue. All political parties having a group in the Assembly defend a peaceful solution except MHP. It is clear that the Kurdish Issue is a huge problem for the political stability of Turkey and it seems impossible to have a stable democracy without a peaceful solution for this question in Turkey. It seems that it is possible to have peaceful society in Turkey if solution process for the Kurdish issue will succeed.

"“Individualism and Democracy in Turkey” is a study that tries to capture the dynamic relationship between individualism and superstructure (the culture, institutions, power structures) in Turkey as well as a critique of the direction of this influence and its consequences, with the outlook and methodology of the “Critical Theory”. Individualism here is not used in the economic sense endorsed by liberalism, but in social, political and psychological sense with clearly defined parameters, verified by worldwide research on the values. The definition of individualism in modern democracy embodies pluralism, a precious element of contemporary democracy, which is described as “Aesthetic Individualism”, that ensures the protection of individual differences in ethnic, racial, sexual, political and religious sense. We will try to analyse the nature of the political regime and its ideological devices like education through their impact on the development of individualism in Turkey.
The political, cultural and economic factors present in the country only partially define the way an individual interacts with the superstructure in a quest to pursue hi/her own vision of life. It is mainly the way state organizes its ideology that makes the main impact. The hypothesis here is that the lack of liberal democracy and its institutions to ensure freedom and rights hinder individual development, which is essential for the welfare and dignity of the people. The outlook of individualism upon the foundation of the Turkish Republic was not inclusive of pluralist principles, which did not change since. Coupled with formal rationalism, this leaves the political system vulnerable to the dangers of authoritarianism, which was closely examined by social scientists of the Frankfurt School after the Second World War and the Holocaust.
The research conducted for this study demonstrated the importance of superstructure in the growth of individualism. The ideology of the state with all its boundaries and limitations towards creating a monotype and submissive citizenship model exerts a considerable pressure against opposing ideologies, identities, behaviour, life-style and diversification which inevitably takes its toll on individualism by limiting freedom of expression and choice.
The effects of this are evident in the expression of identity where the survey shows nationality and religion top the list for 47 % of the population, which alone indicates the inaccessibility, and limitation of diverse identity characteristics. This means nearly half the population define themselves with the “ready made, dominant ideology-imposed” identity pattern. It seems that dominant ideology doesn’t allow much room for versatile and unique identity expressions, which are viewed as a threat for the order and unity by spoiling the ‘safe’ citizenship model. One of the most important findings of the Survey is that 37.5 % of the people are ready to abandon one of the collective identity elements in order to pursue their dreams. This is an indication for the involuntary acceptance of identity elements, which can be translated into a potential for the development of individualism for these people."

PREFACE

This book has not been written as part of a planned project, but came into being in a matter of three months as a result of the collection of the columns that I had written for various think-tanks, news portals and research centers. It is thus composed of about twenty small articles that I have written previously on various themes of Turkish politics, Turkish foreign policy, and political science in general. While writing these small articles, a major purpose was to develop the intellectual and academic skills of the students whom I was lecturing at various universities in the way to their academic and career life. They were not penned as part of a planned book project, but are collected into a book hereby thanks to the recommendations of some academic fellows.

The columns that constitute the parts of this book are generally associated with Turkish politics, but there are some critical columns written on politics as a science in general too. And some of the columns that constitute the book are written in English while the rest is in Turkish as an interesting and unique part of this book. I must deliver special thanks to Lambert Publishing for they agreed to publish the book in this unique form. The columns that are written on Turkish politics often revolve around the topics of the history and the development of democratic norms and practices in Turkey starting with the Ottoman period and extending to various recent themes and events. They are not solely descriptive columns but often discuss the periods from a democratic and rights point of view. And the columns written on political science often discuss the notion of politics, the links of political science with the economy, political ideologies and methodology in political science in general. These columns are also not descriptive ones, but rather discuss the subjects with an analytical perspective. 

İstanbul Rumeli University             Hakan Köni
Silivri

ABSTRACT

This article tackles with the question of Europeanization in Turkey’s civil-military relations and the extent and content of democratization that the EU as a factor or an anchor serves in the civilian control over the Turkish Armed Forces. We argue that: the EU membership process has necessitated democratization in civil-military relations and has served as an external stimulus in empowering the civilian voices for the civilianization of the 1982 Constitution and the political elite’s standing vis-à-vis the military elite; this external support was not sufficient for a fully integrated democratic control of the armed forces (DECAF) as there are still problems in the democratization of civil-military relations; since the 2000s, there has been  a DECAF reform process continuing; but due to historical deficiencies in Turkish polity like the civilian incapacity to change the priority given to the military’s role in the making of the security culture, the European norms of DECAF is formal. The article has four parts. In the first part, we aim to give background information to DECAF reforms in Turkey. We focus on the harmonization packages that Turkey has adopted as part of the requirements for EU membership which pinpoint how close Turkey gets to the norms and values of the EU or in a similar vein how far Turkey deviates from general understandings of DECAF as there are still issues awaiting Turkey’s Europeanization.  The second part carries the discussion to the Justice and Development Party (JDP) – Turkish General Staff (TGS) relations between 2002-2007. The first JDP governmental term is significant for DECAF as most of the reforms occurred in this period. Yet, it is the same period when the tension between the JDP and the TGS reached levels that were hard to govern by the politicians.  The third part makes an assessment on the civil-military relations in the period since 2007. This part is a political mapping of the contemporary situation as it makes an elaboration of key issues that dominate the agenda of Turkish politics recently. The last section draws a conclusion and identifies the boundaries as well as the shortcomings of DECAF in Turkey. The concluding remarks pay special attention to the significance of the question of a Turkish way to Europeanization especially in the field of civil- military relations.

Erdoğan’s chances of being reelected are decreasing due to severe economic downturn and the emergence of credible and able challengers to his rule. Nonetheless, a post-Erdoğan era would not automatically spell democracy for Turkey, especially when observing the country’s authoritarian practices even before Erdoğan came onto the scene. Thus, Turkish opposition not only has to be successful in the upcoming elections but also make deliberate efforts aimed at overcoming the country’s democratic challenges embodied in the strong state structure and elite resistance to pluralism, both of which operate at the expense of individual rights for a consolidated democracy in the country.

The article discusses the end of democracy if the Turkish people elect to change from a parliamentary regime to presidential system "Ala Turka" style through the upcoming referendum. That the end of democracy, in no fewer terms, would have been brought about using the democratic process itself. In doing so, Turkey may soon become one of the few countries in the history of democracy to vote for the death of democracy.

This article is part of the Democracy Futures series, a joint global initiative between The Conversation and the Sydney Democracy Network.

Anayasa ve onun siyasal yansimalari Turkiye gibi demokratiklesme surecini henuz tamamlayamamis ulkelerde son derece onemlidir. Turkiye’de siyasal tartismalar zaman zaman anayasal zemin uzerinden yurutulegelmistir. Turk siyasi tarihi incelendigi vakit anayasalarin herhangi bir toplumsal uzlasiya dayanmaksizin yagildigina tanik olunmaktadir. Turkiye’nin bugun hala demokratik ve sivil bir anayasaya sahip olamamasinin en temel sebeplerinden bir tanesi budur. Bu anayasal durum Turk siyaseti uzerinde antidemokratik bir baski olusturmaktadir. Turkiye’de sivil ve demokratik bir anayasal duzen insa edilmesi bu nedenle elzemdir. Bu calismanin ana amaci demokratiklesmek adina sivil ve demokratik bir anayasanin Turkiye acisindan kacinilmaz bir zorunluluk oldugunun altini cizmektir. Bu baglamda 2011 ve 2013 yillari arasinda Turkiye Buyuk Millet Meclisi catisi altinda olusturulan “Meclis Anayasa Uzlasma Komisyonu” ve bu komisyonun neden bir neticeye ulasamadiginin alti cizilecektir.

Erdogan is not a conciliatory statesman who attempts to bridge political and social divisions. His in your-face rhetorical swagger is what won him popularity among the conservative section of the Turkish society in the first place and it is too precious political capital for him to tone down. He fought tooth and nail to rearrange the deck of the political cards to ensure his tight control of the Turkish state to budge on his authoritarian pursuits. The chronically weak opposition is too anemic to effectively stop the Erdogan train. So what we are most likely to witness in the future is the country sliding to dramatically opposite tendencies: a strong state and a weak civil society.  The discursive fusillades vociferously fired by all parties in the run-up to and after the referendum portends the difficult time ahead for the country.  But a caveat is in order here.