Utah History

This is the second edition of the first paper I wrote on the possibilities of the original 1830 Book of Mormon having within its pages complexed cipher. In this revised edition look for the section on "The Rod of Iron" and "coal-train" (19) which you might find interesting. I am once again starting to revise and publish more of my finding in the hope that those of us who understand these types of manuscripts can come together and brake the cypher.

I hope you find this paper as interesting as the last. Thanks for all the feed back on the first paper, and YES the paper needs an editor who can fix the misspellings and grammatical mistakes as there are many.

But on the other hand, writer Hugh Nibley had a fit because an editor went through his work and made a few minor changes which in turn changed the format and word placement in his work. So as bad as it is spelling and grammatical is, it might just be that the paper itself might be a cypher of sort itself.

It is what it is...

And lastly, but not lastly, my work on this subject is, and will forever be, free of charge to those who would like to take the time to read my papers. If it is freedom you seek and ask for then freely you should give. I have decades in the study of the occult.  Its a personal choice and path that each and everyone will address at some point in their lives.

As for myself, I choose writing and poverty. Its more of an obsession than anything. The quest for spiritual light and the freedoms that come with it are not free.  Nothing is really ever free. You pay for this, that, or the other thing, in one way or another. And the ultimate freedom is that of spiritual freedom and let me tell you we are capable of a lot more when it comes to the intellect than you will ever know.

They say we can not explain the unexplainable when it comes to this type of spirituality.  But the truth is a vast majority of it could be explained in simple words.  But... The profane have a book that they explain the unexplainable when it comes to true ritualistic spirituality wherein temples are involved and the book is called "The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders- Fourth Edition" simply put their is no such thing as spiritual manifestation and or the conjuring of real spirits of a tangible kind.  this is perhaps the biggest reason they keep their spirituality closely guarded, fear of being stereotyped as this, that, or the other thing.

If by chance you where to ask a rich and elite such as Mitt Romney: "do you ever hear voices in your head?" you know what the answer would be.     

Feel free to write me if you have any questions in regards to these papers. as you'll always find my in the shelfs of any given library.

And to end this paper I will say that this is just the beginning

The name White Pocket actually refers to two areas. On the topo map there is a tall butte about 500 feet high that can be seen from miles around. I'll refer to this butte as the White Pocket Monolith or Butte. Conversely, photographers use the term White Pocket to refer to the area of white and coral colored cauliflower (aka brain) rock to the east of the White Pocket Butte.

The Paria Plateau is the central geographic feature of Vermillion Cliffs National Monument; a remote, sandy area 20 by 20 miles in size bordered by Buckskin Gulch and the Paria River to the north, the cliffs themselves to the east and south, and House Rock Valley to the west. Some parts are flat, others gently sloping, and the area is crossed only by rough tracks, most requiring a 4WD vehicle due to long stretches of deep, soft sand. Dotted across this generally featureless region are numerous small outcrops of the underlying Navajo sandstone, eroded to form unusually varied shapes, generally colored white or red but mixed with layers of many other shades.

The largest and best known formations are the Coyote Buttes, in the northwest corner of the plateau, including the famous Wave, while the second most visited site is six miles southeast - this is White Pocket, a group of domes and ridges covering an area of one square mile, below a larger mesa lined by similar rocks.
A pocket, in this sense, refers to a relatively small area of land markedly different to its surroundings, which here, like most of the plateau, are sandy plains sparsely covered by bushes and small trees. White, or light grey is the dominant rock color, in contrast to the red of the Coyote Buttes, but the general features are similar - swirling, thin-layered strata, adjacent layers of contrasting color, and curious erosive features. Other colorful pockets are found further south and east on the plateau, some also with an official name but most unrecognized.
There are several dozen locations, all with the potential to have photogenic formations.

Photos and letters written by Lieutenant R. T. Kowallis and his wife Norma Jensen Kowallis while he was stationed in the Pacific during World War II in 1945. A higher resolution version of this book is available from the author upon request.

Tie Cutting in the Uinta Mountains of Utah left a unique and temporally changing imprint upon the landscape between 1867 and 1939. This paper analyzes some trends in the architectural changes over two distinct periods in the industry's history.

The prevailing belief among historians is that the settlement of early Utah’s towns and villages was chiefly a result of hiving off from the mother settlement in “Great Salt Lake City, Great Basin, North America.”  As it turns out, the actual cause of the early diaspora of settlements in Utah had not so much to do with the natural process of growth as it did with other factors which caused that settlement process to begin far earlier than it otherwise would have done.
A half-century after that initial colonization of the geography of Deseret, there was another major colonization process in Utah — at least in Box Elder County, located in the far Northwestern corner of the state.
This paper, based in the research of the author for his 1999 book, A History of Box Elder County discusses those two colonizations, particularly as they relate to the settlement and growth of Box Elder County.
The original edition, published by the Utah State Historical Society, was heavily edited — due in large part to requirements that the volumes not exceed 450 pages — and was significantly truncated from the author’s original submitted manuscript.  The project was actually a first in the United States. It was the first time that any state had authorized and published a series of book-length volumes on every county in the state, at one time.
That original volume is out-of-print, now, seventeen years after its publication.  A new edition, bearing the title, Box Elder County: a History, is subtitled “author’s original text edition.”  The new addition contains the entire, unedited text of the author’s original manuscript, as written. As such, it contains material which did not find its way into the 1999 published volume.
The material covered in this paper is taken from that larger manuscript.

Vermilion is both a brilliant red or scarlet pigment, originally made from the powdered mineral cinnabar, and the corresponding color. It is commonly used in Hindu culture, primarily by women, and was widely used in the art and decoration of Ancient Rome, in the illuminated manuscripts of the Middle Ages, in the paintings of the Renaissance, and in the art and lacquerware of China, during the time it was said that China was the home land of Dragons.

The word vermilion came from the Old French word vermeillon, which was derived from vermeil, from the Latin vermiculus, the diminutive of the Latin word vermis or worm, wormlike creature like a snake or winged and flying serpent, as a dragon.
The name originated because it had a similar color to the natural red dye made from an insect, Kermes vermilio, which was widely used in Europe. The first recorded use of "vermilion" as a color name in English was in 1289.
The term cinnabar was used interchangeably with vermilion until the 17th century, when vermilion became the more common name. Now the term "cinnabar" is used in mineralogy and crystallography for the red crystalline form of mercury sulfide HgS. Thus, the natural mineral pigment is called "cinnabar", and its synthetic form is called "vermilion". In ancient times, the term "cinnabar" could also be applied to red lead.

Among the petroglyph figures of faceless men within Horseshoe Canyon in Utah, the Holy Ghost stands seven feet high and dominates the others. It is the only figure that is a rebus, whose details comprise syllabic letters from Old European, a Finnish script. The figures date from 9000 to 7100 BC, when Folsom tribes populated the region. The inscription is an epitaph that says, “From his circle in the ground, eternal peace. Eheys and the fine spark of wizards disposed together in a hole.”

In 1917, Charles G. Patterson, a Utah attorney, spearheaded the organization of the Intermountain Association of Sugar Beet Growers (IASBG) to serve as an advocate for beet farmers in the Intermountain West. With the advent of the First World War, the price of sugar had gone up, but Patterson believed that sugar companies were not passing the increased profits on to farmers and that someone needed to look out for the growers' interests. He had previously published pamphlets castigating leaders of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, many of whom were also high leaders in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which held a large amount of stock in the company. Believing that Utah-Idaho Sugar leaders were using their ecclesiastical connections to force Latter-day Saint farmers into growing beets for the company for whatever price the corporation dictated, Patterson wanted the IASBG to fight for fairer beet prices. Although other organizations such as the U.S. Farm Bureau already represented farmers' interests in matters such as beet prices, Patterson believe they had largely been co-opted by sugar interests and that an independent organization was necessary. Born in the midst of a battle over beet prices in 1918, the IASBG lasted only a few years before folding. This was in part because it was painted by ecclesiastical and business leaders as a radical socialistic organization--a depiction that prevented it from ever gaining much influence over farmers. Yet even though it operated for only a brief period of time, the agitation the organization made over beet prices pushed Utah-Idaho Sugar to increase the amount it paid farmers for the crop. Its brief history thus provides a window into power relationships between farmers and industry in the 1910s and 1920s--relationships that were complicated in Utah and Idaho by the influence of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the sugar industry. It also suggests that even farmers' organizations not heavily supported because of their "radicalism" could have an impact on the well-being of agrarians.

The Commodity Flow Model is an effective method for predicting the composition of late nineteenth and early twentieth century household assemblages. By utilizing a supply-side economic perspective, observed archaeological patterns are firmly linked to the culturally derived variable of market access, increasing our understanding of the spatial distribution of household consumer goods. Through an alternate application of the model, a new and successful method for determining changes in consumerpreference for locally manufactured household goods is demonstrated. By way of intersite comparisons, a new pattern of changes in the national market is revealed. Primary data come from two early twentieth century trash deposits located in Salt Lake County, Utah (Seddon 2001).

From 1889 to 1917, Pacific Islander (mostly Hawaiian) converts to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints lived, worked, and worshipped at Iosepa, a remote desert settlement in Utah’s Skull Val- ley. An examination of the settlement’s design and layout, together with an analysis of petroglyphs at the site, reveals ways this religious community actively negotiated traditional Hawaiian cultural practices and newly adopted Latter-day Saint beliefs in shaping and maintaining their unique religious identities; a process that continues among their descendants today.

Webb, Ashley Anderson, and Jay H. Buckley. “Mormon Women Connected Suffrage Directly to Joseph Smith’s First Vision and the Restoration of the Gospel: Reflections from the 1920 Relief Society Magazine.” Journal of Mormon History 46, no. 4 (October 2020): 130-38.

Webb, Ashley Anderson, and Jay H. Buckley. “Mormon Women Connected Suffrage Directly to Joseph Smith’s First Vision and the Restoration of the Gospel: Reflections from the 1920 Relief Society Magazine.” Journal of Mormon History 46, no. 4 (October 2020): 130-38. Equal Author. # BYU undergraduate Ashley Anderson Webb

Jorge Iber's debut, Hispanics in the Mormon Zion, earned the impressive honor of the Mormon History Association's 2001 Best First Book Award. Iber brings the intellectual tools and fresh insights of ethnic studies into the field of Mormon history in an examination of the experience of Spanish-speaking populations of northern Utah. Through the richness of oral histories combined with prodigious archival and demographic research, Iber tells the fascinating sotry of Utah's largest ethnic minority, people whom Mormons often identify with the Others from the Book of Mormon, the Lamanites.

Throughout the early twentieth century, Utah's economy was based on two major industries--agriculture and mining. The Mormon Church and the local sugar companies encouraged farmers to raise sugar beets as a cash crop. Utah representatives in Congress, especially Mormon Apostle and Senator Reed Smoot, supported a high tariff to protect the sugar beet industry in the state. Using newspapers, congressional records, and Smoot's diaries, this article documents the arguments to prevent the elimination of the sugar tariff in 1913. Because of a Democratic Congress, the Underwood Bill passed, reducing the tariff on imported sugar. This article shows that the sugar beet industry was affected but not completely destroyed.

Providers of childbirth health care services have been described as having tensions between those who offer holistic birth care in out-of-hospital settings (lay-midwives), and those who provide biomedicalized births at the hospital in Cache Valley, Utah (OBGYNs). While researching these tensions I discovered that this has not always been the case in Cache Valley and that midwifery was a Latter Day Saint (LDS) church calling from the late nineteenth century through the early twentieth century. By conducting research at the Utah State University Special Collections archives, historical documents and literature emerged that paints a different picture of the childbirth community in the past. This study is an examination of the unique ethnohistory of the childbirth community in Cache Valley as well as the roles of women in the early LDS community.