Wari

Este artículo presenta los resultados de investigación acerca de las representaciones iconográficas totales y parciales de un decapitador con cuernos de venado de los repertorios Tiwanaku y Wari. Dicho personaje presenta apéndices en su corona que al tratarse de piernas, brazos o cabezas antropomorfas, parecen aludir a una víctima descuartizada representada de forma abstracta en el tema de este personaje. Los contextos y soportes materiales de las representaciones de este personaje lo vinculan con chamanes y grupos de élite que pudieron presidir rituales importantes en la urbe Tiwanaku y otras regiones y culturas.

"Arqueología Boliviana No. 4: Temas iconográficos de la cuenca del Titicaca", es una publicación del Ministerio de Culturas y Turismo de Bolivia y de la Cooperación Técnica Belga en Bolivia. Abarca diferentes artículos de investigadores bolivianos y extranjeros en torno a la iconografía Tiwanaku de decapitadores, lito escultura Tiwanaku, etnografía actual y análisis de colecciones del Museo Nacional de Arqueología de Bolivia (MUNARQ).

"Arqueología Boliviana No. 5, 2019: Convenciones, personajes e historias iconográficas", es una de las últimas publicaciones del Museo Nacional de Arqueología de Bolivia (MUNARQ) y del desaparecido Ministerio de Culturas y Turismo de Bolivia. Abarca diferentes artículos de investigadores bolivianos y extranjeros en torno a la iconografía Tiwanaku, como ser los hombres puma (Chachapumas), el decapitador con turbante de serpiente, el personaje con arcos y flechas de la cerámica Tiwanaku, el Sacrificador Camélido o ser con atributos de camélido y humano, la Mujer Heráldica. Además de dos breves artículos en torno a dos estatuillas prehispánicas del periodo formativo que todavía son objeto de culto por las poblaciones andinas del área del lago Titicaca, mostrando la pervivencia de una continuidad ritual con amplias modificaciones de significado. También contiene breves ensayos sobre la digitalización de las publicaciones del INAR, DINAAR y UNAR, (que están disponibles digitalmente en un CD en el ejemplar físico de este texto) y respecto a la colección de keros de madera Inca-coloniales del MUNARQ. Muchos de los artículos se basan esencialmente en los materiales arqueológicos de colecciones del Museo Nacional de Arqueología de Bolivia (MUNARQ) y de otros museos de Bolivia.

The Central Andes of South America boasts a rich history of complex societies and sophisticated economic networks. Reconstructing patterns of diet across time is important to understanding the relationships between subsistence and food preparation and their roles in mediating consumption and hegemony through time. The region surrounding the city of Cusco in the southern Peruvian highlands is best known as the heartland of the Inca Empire (520-418 BP); however, it has a long history of social complexity and regional exchange, including colonization by the highland Wari Empire (1350-950 BP) and in situ development in earlier periods. Elucidating subsistence and mobility over time in the Cusco region is therefore essential for reconstructing the evolution of complex Andean polities and their effects on local communities. This study presents carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen isotopic data from human bone and tooth enamel at four Cusco-region sites: the hunter-gatherer site of Kasapata (6350-4150 BP, N = 8); the village site of Yuthu (2350-2050 BP, N = 22); the Wari colony of Hatun Cotuyoc (1350-950 BP, N = 9) and the contemporaneous village site of Ak'awillay (N = 22). Key aims are to estimate diachronic shifts in foodways and nutrition, and those related to Wari control. Results indicate nearly-identical isotope values at Kasapata and Yuthu trending toward lower-trophic level C 3 proteins and C 3 energy sources, while values indicate mixed C 3 /C 4 diets at Ak'awillay and diets dominated by terrestrial meat and C 4 foods at Hatun Cotuyoc. Interestingly, oxygen isotope values suggest water source variation consistent with minimal mobility at Kasapata and regional mobility at Yuthu, but possibly with overlapping but divergent foodways at Ak'awillay and Hatun Cotuyoc resulting in differential evaporative pressures on consumed water rather than increased mobility.

Contributors are leading worldwide specialists in Andean prehistory
- Comprehensive in scope: all key aspects of archaeological and linguistic prehistory in the Andes
- Sets the Andean case into the broader context of how to correlate archaeology and linguistics worldwide

The Andes are of unquestioned significance to the human story: a cradle of agriculture and of 'pristine' civilisation with a pedigree of millennia. The Incas were but the culmination of a succession of civilisations that rose and fell to leave one of the richest archaeological records on Earth. By no coincidence, the Andes are home also to our greatest surviving link to the speech of the New World before European conquest: the Quechua language family. For linguists, the native tongues of the Andes make for another rich seam of data on origins, expansions and reversals throughout prehistory. Historians and anthropologists, meanwhile, negotiate many pitfalls to interpret the conflicting mytho-histories of the Andes, recorded for us only through the distorting prism of the conquistadors' world-view.

Each of these disciplines opens up its own partial window on the past: very different perspectives, to be sure, but all the more complementary for it. Frustratingly though, specialists in each field have all too long proceeded largely in ignorance of great strides being taken in the others. This book is a long overdue meeting of minds, bringing together a worldwide cast of pre-eminent scholars from each discipline. Here they at last converge their disparate perspectives into a true cross-disciplinary focus, to weave together a more coherent account of what was, after all, one and the same prehistory.

The result, instructive also far beyond the Andes, is a rich case-study in the pursuit of a more holistic vision of the human past.

Readership: archaeologists, linguists, others interested in the prehistory of the Andes, particularly anthropologists, geneticists, historians.

(RESUMEN EN CASTELLANO MÁS ABAJO)

ABSTRACT (IN ENGLISH)

This book emerges from the conference 'Lenguas y sociedades en el antiguo Perú: hacia un enfoque interdisciplinario', a gathering of linguists, archaeologists and anthropologists at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú in August 2009. This chapter sets out first the raison d’être of our enterprise: why it seemed so important to foster a meeting of minds between these disciplines, to converge their disparate but complementary perspectives into a more coherent Andean prehistory.

Next, it is asked how linguistics can inform us about prehistory at all, exploring some general methodological principles and how they might be applied specifically in the case of the Andes. The ‘traditional model’ for associating the linguistic and archaeological records in the Andes is then reviewed — but pointing also to various inherent infelicities, which duly call for a far reaching, interdisciplinary reconsideration of the Andean past.

Here, therefore, we attempt to sum up the new state of the cross-disciplinary art in Andean prehistory, as collectively represented by the papers that emerged both from the Lima conference and from the symposium that preceded it, held at the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research at the University of Cambridge in September 2008. Progress and new perspectives are explored first on key individual questions. Who, for instance, were the Incas, and whence and when did they come to Cuzco? How and when did Quechua, too, reach Cuzco, as well as its furthest flung outposts in north-west Argentina, Ecuador and northern Peru?

Finally, the scope is broadened to overall scenarios for how the main Andean language families might correlate in time and space with the archaeological horizons that in principle might best account for their dispersals. Four basic hypotheses have emerged, whose respective strengths and weaknesses are assessed in turn: a traditional ‘Wari as Aymara’ model, revised and defended; alternative proposals of ‘Wari as both Aymara and Quechua’, a suggestion of ‘both Chavín and Wari as Quechua’; and the most radical new departure, ‘Wari as Quechua, Chavín as Aymara’."


RESUMEN (EN CASTELLANO)

Arqueología, lenguas y el pasado andino: principios, metodología y el nuevo estado de la cuestión

El presente volumen resulta del simposio «Lenguas y sociedades en el antiguo Perú: hacia un enfoque interdisciplinario», una reunión de lingüistas, arqueólogos y antropólogos realizada en la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú en agosto de 2009. La presente contribución expone primero la razón de ser de nuestra iniciativa: el por qué nos parecía tan importante promover un encuentro entre estas disciplinas, con el objeto de hacer converger sus perspectivas dispares —pero, por lo tanto, complementarias— para avanzar hacia una prehistoria andina más coherente.

Seguidamente, preguntamos cómo es que la lingüística está en condiciones de proveernos datos sobre la prehistoria. Primero examinamos algunos principios metodológicos generales a tal fin, antes de examinar cómo estos se dejan aplicar mejor en el caso específico de los Andes. A continuación, pasamos revista al «modelo tradicional» de las supuestas asociaciones entre los registros lingüísticos y arqueológicos en la región, señalando al paso varios desaciertos inherentes, los mismos que claman por una reconsideración profunda e interdisciplinaria del pasado andino.

Por lo tanto, este artículo prosigue con el propósito de resumir el nuevo estado interdisciplinario de la cuestión de la prehistoria andina, tal como lo representan los artículos que resultaron tanto del encuentro de Lima como del simposio que le precedió, llevado a cabo en el McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research de la University of Cambridge en septiembre de 2008. Se analizan, en primer lugar, los avances y nuevas perspectivas sobre algunos temas específicos, entre ellos: ¿quiénes fueron los incas, de dónde procedían y cuándo llegaron al Cuzco?, ¿cómo y cuándo alcanzó el quechua el Cuzco, así como sus más alejados puestos de avanzada en el noroeste de Argentina, Ecuador y el norte del Perú?

Por último, ampliamos nuestro alcance a escenarios generales que buscan correlacionar, en el tiempo y el espacio, las principales familias lingüísticas de los Andes con los horizontes arqueológicos que, en principio, mejor podrían explicar sus dispersiones. Han surgido cuatro hipótesis básicas, cuyos respectivos puntos fuertes y débiles pasamos a evaluar: el modelo tradicional, ahora revisado y defendido, de «Wari como aimara»; y propuestas alternativas de «Wari como aimara y quechua a la vez», «Chavín y Wari como quechua», y —más radical aún respecto al modelo tradicional— «Wari como quechua, Chavín como aimara».

Just as ‘cultures’ and ‘peoples’ have fallen from grace in archaeological theory, so too have simplistic attempts to associate them uniquely with any particular language — witness the furore surrounding ‘The Celts’.  Rightly so;  but equally, we should beware of throwing out with this bathwater the great potential of language prehistory to inform other disciplines of the human past, not least our own.  Archaeology can only be the poorer for passing over the impressive degree of certainty that linguistic data and methodology can so often provide on one core component of human ‘cultural’ make-up across time and space.  Properly understood, language relationships can make for incontrovertibly clear evidence of provenience, continuity, and complex social interactions.

Above all, languages do not diverge into great families at whim.  On the contrary, they do so only for very good reasons in the real-world context in which their speakers lived.  The very existence of language families with vast geographical distributions is no historical accident.  Indeed, they demand to be accounted for, and can be only in terms of whatever powerful, expansive forces lie behind them.  These, of course, are the same driving forces that archaeology seeks to uncover and explain through its own, independent material culture record.

In this article we propose a new, principled methodology by which to converge archaeologists’ and linguists’ independent scenarios into a coherent cross-disciplinary tale of the human past.  We discard facile associations between ‘culture’ and ‘language’, but instead seek to link archaeological and linguistic data through commensurate driving forces.  We illustrate this new methodology by a case-study in one of humanity’s rare hearths of pristine civilisation development, but where precious little inter-disciplinary progress has been made hitherto:  the Central Andes.  The scenario that emerges turns on its head the traditional thinking on associations between the archaeology and languages of the region.  And it duly offers archaeologists a new strand of independent data to contribute to their interpretation of precisely what the ‘cultural’ Horizons they identify in the region really were.

ABSTRACT

Just as ‘cultures’ and ‘peoples’ have fallen from grace in archaeological theory, so too have simplistic attempts to associate them uniquely with any particular language — witness the furore surrounding ‘The Celts’. Rightly so; but equally, we should beware of throwing out with this bathwater the great potential of language prehistory to inform other disciplines of the human past, not least our own. Archaeology can only be the poorer for passing over the impressive degree of certainty that linguistic data and methodology can so often provide on one core component of human ‘cultural’ make-up across time and space. Properly understood, language relationships can make for incontrovertibly clear evidence of provenience, continuity, and complex social interactions.

Above all, languages do not diverge into great families at whim. On the contrary, they do so only for very good reasons in the real-world context in which their speakers lived. The very existence of language families with vast geographical distributions is no historical accident. Indeed, they *demand* to be accounted for, and can be only in terms of whatever powerful, expansive forces lie behind them. These, of course, are the same driving forces that archaeology seeks to uncover and explain through its own, independent material culture record.

So it is not a question of *whether* any particular expansive forces in the archaeological record might have driven language expansions, provided we can find a perfect match — and if we cannot then safely pretending that they never happened. Linguistics establishes without question that they did. For us to shy away from this linguistic reality is nothing less than an abnegation of our duty as prehistorians. The task, rather, is to identify *which* of the forces that archaeologists can detect provide that explanation *most plausibly* — and indeed to work out a methodology for how to judge that plausibility.

In this article, then, we propose a new, principled methodology by which to converge archaeologists’ and linguists’ independent scenarios into a coherent cross-disciplinary tale of the human past. We discard facile associations between ‘culture’ and ‘language’, but instead seek to link archaeological and linguistic data through *commensurate driving forces*. We illustrate this new methodology by a case-study in one of humanity’s rare hearths of pristine civilisation development, but where precious little inter-disciplinary progress has been made hitherto: the Central Andes. The scenario that emerges turns on its head the traditional thinking on associations between the archaeology and languages of the region. And it duly offers archaeologists a new strand of independent data to contribute to their interpretation of precisely what the ‘cultural’ Horizons they identify in the region really were.

(RESUMEN EN CASTELLANO MÁS ABAJO)

ABSTRACT (IN ENGLISH)

This chapter sets out a new proposal for a coherent interdisciplinary prehistory of the Andes, based firstly on a long overdue reexamination of the relationships between the various regional ‘dialects’ within the Quechua language family; and secondly on the search for a far more satisfactory correlation with the archaeological record.

Our founding principle is that language expansions do not ‘just happen’. Rather, they happen only for those very same reasons of socio-cultural change that archaeology seeks to describe through its own, independent data. Here is the true link between our disciplines, so we discard outdated, facile equations of ‘language equals culture equals genes’, in favour of the real correlation: that language families necessarily reflect past expansive processes, whose traces should also be clear in the material culture record. This principle is one that we can make use of to identify and assess correspondences between archaeological and linguistic patterns, on three levels: chronology, geography, and above all, causation. Or in other words: when, where and why did particular language expansions occur?

In the Andes, in principle this entails that we should look to the Horizons, not the Intermediate Periods, as offering the most natural explanations for the major Quechua and Aymara dispersals. With the Incas too late to account for the time-depth of either family, the most plausible candidate for the first major expansion of Quechua turns out in our view to be the Wari Middle Horizon, with the Chavín Early Horizon more tentatively suggested as behind the earlier spread of the Aymara family. This effectively both upturns the traditional Torero hypothesis, and bears clear implications for the long debate in archaeology as to the nature, duration and extent of ‘Horizons’.


RESUMEN (EN CASTELLANO)

Ampliando nuestros horizontes: hacia una prehistoria interdisciplinaria de los Andes

Este artículo propone una nueva visión de la prehistoria andina, que busca tejer un conjunto más coherente entre las varias disciplinas que intentan entender el pasado precolombino. Se fundamenta, en primer lugar, en una reexaminación, pendiente ya desde décadas, de la clasificación tradicional de las relaciones entre los diversos «dialectos» regionales al interior de la familia lingüística quechua; y, en segundo lugar, en la búsqueda de una correlación mucho más satisfactoria con el registro arqueológico.

El nuevo enfoque que aquí proponemos se enraíza en el principio fundamental que si algunas lenguas mayores han logrado dispersarse de manera espectacular, esto no pudo haber ocurrido sin ningún motivo. Más bien, tales expansiones lingüísticas se deben a las mismas razones —es decir, los mismos cambios socioculturales— que la arqueología también busca describir por medio de sus propios datos independientes. Allí radica el auténtico vínculo entre nuestras disciplinas, de manera que podemos descartar las ecuaciones simplistas y obsoletas del estilo «lengua=cultura=genes», en favor de la correlación verdadera: las familias de lenguas reflejan procesos expansivos pasados, cuyos indicios deberían quedar claros también en el registro de la cultura material. Este principio se aprovecha para identificar y evaluar las correspondencias entre los patrones arqueológicos y lingüísticos, y así en tres niveles: la cronología, la geografía y, sobre todo, la causalidad. En otras palabras: ¿cuándo, dónde y porqué se difundieron determinadas lenguas?

En los Andes esto implica que en principio debemos ver a los horizontes, y no a los períodos intermedios, como los que ofrecen las explicaciones más naturales para las dispersiones mayores del quechua y el aimara. Ya que el Imperio incaico remonta a una época demasiado tardía las explicaciones de la profundidad temporal de cada familia, es más bien el Horizonte Medio Wari el que se vuelve el candidato más verosímil para haber vehiculizado la primera gran expansión del quechua, según nuestro parecer. Asimismo, aunque de manera más tentativa, se sugiere que el Horizonte Temprano Chavín pudo haber impulsado la dispersión más temprana de la familia aimara. Esto, en efecto, trastoca la hipótesis tradicional de Torero, además de conllevar claras implicancias para el largo debate arqueológico acerca de la naturaleza, duración y extensión de los «horizontes».

To date, most obsidian sourcing studies in the Andes have concentrated on the highlands and Titicaca Basin of far southern Peru and northern Bolivia. Toward achieving a more complete understanding of the region, this paper offers new data on the long-term prehistoric obsidian procurement and consumption patterns in the Andahuaylas region of the south-central Peruvian highlands. Obsidian sourcing data from Andahuaylas are particularly interesting since the area is centrally located among several important regional obsidian sources. A total of 94 obsidian samples from a range of sites of different temporal periods were chemically analyzed using portable X-ray fluorescence (PXRF), as well as laser ablation-inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS). The results demonstrate a number of interesting trends, the first of which is the long-term importance of the Potreropampa obsidian source to populations of the Andahuaylas region from at least the early Formative period (∼2500 BCE). Secondly, the results indicate that procurement strategies by local populations in Andahuaylas were primarily reliant on nearby (<150 km) obsidian sources. Finally, the paucity of more distant, yet widely exchanged, high quality obsidian (i.e., Chivay, Alca) confirm that as a region, Andahuaylas was more heavily connected economically (and likely culturally) with local areas to the south (Apurímac) and to the west (Ayacucho).► PXRF and LA-ICP-MS analysis of archaeological obsidian from Andahuaylas, Peru. ► Results reflect a long-term dependence on local (<150 km away) obsidian sources. ► Results indicate the long-term dependence on Potreropampa obsidian. ► Local populations in Andahuaylas procured very little, high quality, distant obsidian.