Working-Class History

The paper reports on both methodological and substantive findings. It presents a method for generating simplified representations for regional urban populations, their geographical sub-populations and communities. the method generates greatly simplified high-resolution socio-economic profiles of populated geographical areas from complex large census data sets.

Türkiye, her iki dünya savaşı ertesi köklü dönüşümler geçirdi. İlki 600 yıllık Osmanlı hanedanına son verdi. İkincisi ise Tek Parti döneminin sonu oldu; Türkiye’de siyasi demokrasinin yolunu açtı. İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Türkiye tarafsız kaldı. Ancak, savaşın tüm olumsuzluklarını bilfiil yaşadı. Tek Parti döneminin toplumsal dengeleri büyük ölçüde hasar gördü. Milli Korunma Kanunu, Varlık Vergisi, Toprak Mahsulleri
Vergisi, İş Mükellefiyeti gibi uygulamalar toplumsal katmanları iktidara karşı tavır almaya sevk etti. Devletin savaş içinde kararlarını hayata geçirme konusundaki zaafları belirginleşirken; kitlelerin gündelik yaşamda tepki ve direnişleri de çığ gibi arttı. Gerek çok partili sisteme geçişte, gerekse 1940’ların ikinci yarısında gündeme gelen sosyal politika alanındaki reformlarda toplum tabanında gözlenen yılgınlık ve
tepkiler önemli bir rol oynadı.
Murat Metinsoy’un kitabı işte bu zor yılların toplumsal öyküsünü gündeme getiriyor. Olaylar dizinini tabandan irdeleyerek; kitlelerin yaşam deneyimlerini, serzenişlerini, gündelik yaşamdaki direnişlerini vurgulayarak… Otoriter dönemlerde bile toplumun
gündelik mücadelelerinin ve taleplerinin siyasete etki edebileceğini
ortaya koyarak…
Zafer Toprak, Boğaziçi Üniversitesi

F*ck May 68, Fight Now: Exploring the Uses of the Radical Past from 1968 to Today

Session 1: History is a Weapon

June 8, 2018

Department of History, University of Liverpool

https://archive.discoversociety.org/2018/09/04/circumnavigating-the-past-foreclosing-the-future-commemoration-of-the-radical-past-in-the-amnesiac-present/

“Coolie” is a generic category for the “unskilled” manual labour. The offering of services for hire had various pre-colonial lineages. In the nineteenth century there was an attempt to recast the term in discursive constructions and material practices for “mobilized-immobilized” labour. Coolie labour was often proclaimed as a deliberate compromise straddling the regimes of the past (slave labour) and the future (free labour). It was portrayed as a stage in a promised transition. The tea plantations of Assam, like many other tropical plantations in South Asia, were inaugurated and formalized during this period. They were initially worked by the locals. In the late 1850s, the locals were replaced by labourers imported from outside the province who were unquestioningly designated “coolies” in the historical literature. Qualifying this framework of transition (local to coolie labour) and introduction (of coolie labour), this study makes a case for the “production” of coolie labour in the history of the colonial-capitalist plantations in Assam. The intention of the research is not to suggest an unfettered agency of colonial-capitalism in defining and “producing” coolies, with an emphasis on the attendant contingencies, negotiations, contestations and crises. The study intervenes in the narratives of an abrupt appearance of the archetypical coolie of the tea gardens (i.e., imported and indentured) and situates this archetype’s emergence, sustenance and shifts in the context of material and discursive processes.

In: Forrest, D. & Johnson, B. (eds.), Social Class and Television Drama in Contemporary Britain, Palgrave.

The self-conscious project of the BBC TV series Peaky Blinders (2013-) is apparent from its first episode. It opens amidst grimy tenement streets; a foreboding soundtrack anachronistically cites the ambiance of blues music; Chinese characters, their conversation subtitled, are summoned at the behest of a strikingly handsome and enigmatic man astride a white horse while the people of this abyss watch warily from doorways and behind dustbins and streetlamps. While the peak of a flat cap rather than Stetson shields the rider’s eyes, the aim is to pose a question about where and when this milieu might be. The answer comes in a caption: ‘Birmingham, 1919’.

Written by Stephen Knight and now in its second series, Peaky Blinders can be set alongside series such as Ripper Street (2012-), which makes the Victorian East End its milieu or, more directly, Downton Abbey (2010-). Katherine Byrne (2014) has argued that Downton Abbey offers a sanitized although insistently ‘authentic’, portrait of a historical period marked by instability and rapid change. The ‘post-heritage’ of this series draws its drama from the familiar iconography of the country home and the interplay of servant and employer, re-treading aspects of the 1970s BBC series Upstairs, Downstairs (1971-75). Peaky Blinders offers a different, and potentially radical political, historical and aesthetic perspective on the same period and nature of class relations, recalling political and social aspects of another 1970s series When the Boat Comes In (1976-81). The eponymous Peaky Blinders for instance comprise an illegal and violent bookmaking gang, tied by family loyalties and Gypsy identity. The central male characters are psychologically scarred by their experience of the Western Front while the women exhibit a strength and independence that comes from not simply being left to manage the home front. The city is akin to an inferno as industrial forges bellow flame into the street, a heat echoed in political reactions to communist agitation and IRA gunrunners managed by a brutal police force.

Peaky Blinders makes much of Birmingham’s place at the centre of a physical modernity as a means of installing it as a site for historical drama. David Stubbs has written in The Guardian that:

‘In 1919, Birmingham was the biggest industrial city in the world. Yet it has always been considered deeply unfashionable when it comes to settings for TV drama, while cities like Liverpool have been consecrated by the likes of Alan Bleasdale. "It is unfashionable," agrees Birmingham-born Knight. "In fact, it's almost invisible.’ (Stubbs, 2013).

The aim of this paper then is to explore the project of Peaky Blinders as one which explores a distinct and insistently regional working-class life, agency and interiority in the context of a largely unexplored industrial environment. It assesses how, in addressing a televisual (and historical) absence, Knight delights in the imaginative possibilities of milieu and character in which fictional characters and historical figures interact. In encompassing a variety of reactions to the series’ historical fidelity and adequacy as a representation of a specific time, place – and class - further questions arise about the ambiguities of representations of working class life on British television.

Two years after the Paris Commune and only five after Fanelli’s arrival in Spain, the “Petrólio” explodes in Alcoi between the 7th and the 12th of July, 1873. For some authors, it was the most important strike in Spain in 19th century. The Spanish Regional Federation of the International Workingmen’s Association organized thousands of workers in arms, killed the mayor, seized power from the Town Hall and extorted the biggest contributors. In the end, the army entered into the city, finding no resistance, and the public health committee established by the leading group of the International in Spain fled. Engels said that it was “the first street battle of the Alliance”. Eleuterio Maisonnave, future Minister of the Government, announced that “we will be relentless and rigorously apply the laws on so wretched murderers”, and so it was. The intent of this text is not limited to relate this passage of history. I pretend to contextualize the facts in the brief and turbulent First Spanish Republic, understand the breeding ground that led to the events, go in depth into the disputes within the workers’ movement and get to know the misadventures of those who suffered reprisals.

Les partis socialistes et sociaux-démocrates laissent peu d’observateurs et de citoyens indifférents. Depuis plusieurs années maintenant, nombre d’acteurs les présentent comme une famille de partis en crise, sans imagination ni tonus, incapable de se renouveler et appelée à dépérir. D’autres, au contraire, la dépeignent comme une famille à l’avenir prometteur sinon radieux. L’objectif du livre n’est pas de confirmer l’une ou l’autre de ces visions. L’ouvrage analyse en profondeur les transformations qui touchent, dans la période contemporaine, la social-démocratie dans ses différentes facettes : évolution des modèles organisationnels, changements dans les performances politiques et électorales, rapports modifiés avec les organisations syndicales et les associations de la société civile, réactions à l’émergence de nouveaux concurrents politiques ou de nouvelles valeurs, réorientations idéologiques et programmatiques. Pour la première fois, le propos n’est pas exclusivement centré sur la partie occidentale de l’Europe mais concerne autant les partis sociaux-démocrates des démocraties consolidées que les organisations se revendiquant du socialisme démocratique en Europe centrale et orientale, et met en évidence les spécificités et les points communs.

A l’aube du XXIe siècle, ce sont donc les défis et les manières d’y répondre qui sont décortiqués par plusieurs des meilleurs spécialistes européens des partis sociaux-démocrates en Europe.

Socialist and Social Democratic parties leave few political observers and citizens indifferent. For several years, a certain number of actors on the political scene have presented it as a political family in crisis, lacking in imagination and dynamism, incapable of renewal and doomed to fade into insignificance. Others, on the contrary, describe it as a grouping with a promising, even brilliant future. 

This book does not set out to confirm either of those two visions. Its aim is to analyse in-depth the transformations which are affecting, at the current time, the different aspects of Social Democracy: new organisational models, changes in political and electoral performance, changing relations with the trade unions and civil society associations, reactions to the emergence of new political rivais and new values, new ideological trends and political programmes, etc.

For the first time, the analysis does not concern exclusively Western Europe, but also deals with the Social Democratic parties of the consolidated democracies and the organisations that claim to be part of democratic socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, and highlights the specific characteristics and points in common. At the dawn of the 21st century, it is therefore the challenges and the different responses to those challenges that are analysed by several of the leading European specialists in Social Democratic parties in Europe. "

Parts of this have since appeared in publications elsewhere. Posting the file because it contains additional detail/ ideas/ correspondence on various topics. Discussion of Lennon, McCartney, Duchamp & Stockhausen is unique to this, though selections from sections on 'Norwegian Wood' appear in the articles 'Where You Once Belonged' & 'The Beatles' Uses of Literacy'. Discussion on Hoggart & Melly appear in my review of Hoggart (1957/2009). The rest is fresh.

Edited version of published paper presented at 'Is Black and Red Dead?' Conference, Centre for the Study of Social and Global and Justice (CSSGJ) University of Nottingham, 7-8 September, 2009

https://socialhistoryportal.org/news/articles/110943

Eighteenth-century Britain saw the emergence of a new poetic genre, the “work” poem which took various forms of labor as its subject and was often written by laborers themselves. Several of these working class poets found their lives transformed due to the success of their verse (Stephen Duck most famously), but most faded into literary obscurity. However, a substantial body of “work” poems was produced by a diverse group of poets throughout the century, each manifesting divergent concerns and attitudes about the experience of work. This chapter assesses the formal connections uniting this poetic genre, particularly the frequent use of such literary devices as ironic distancing, litotes, and mock-georgic description. Instead of solely classifying “work” poems on the basis of their subject matter, this chapter demonstrates that such poetry (indeed the genre itself) lends itself to sophisticated literary techniques often associated with other poetic genres. In this fashion the full measure of eighteenth-century working class poetry can be evaluated more fairly, particularly by analyzing the formation of a new genre designed expressly by the poets themselves. The chapter ultimately seeks to demonstrate the connectedness, rather than the alienation, of working class poetry to the eighteenth-century British poetic tradition.

"işçi sınıfı tarihini yazarken temel tespitlerden önce hangi kavramın nasıl bir içerikle kullanıldığının açıklanması iktiza eder. Literatürdeki temel belirsizlikler daha çok bu konudaki anlaşmazlıktan neşet ediyor. Bu makalede ayrıntılı bir şekilde üstünde durulacağı gibi, toplumsal sınıfları teknolojik gelişmelerin bir sonucu olarak görmek yerine birer toplumsal ilişkiler yumağı olarak tanımlamak gerekir. Üretim ilişkisi bu konuda temel bir başlangıç olabilir."

Garland, C. (2014) ‘As Barriers Fall, Contingency Becomes Possibility: Protest Resisting and Escaping Containment and Categorization’, Part II Identity, Embodiment and Categorisation in Eds. Lamond, I. and Spracklen, K. 'Protests as Events: Politics, Activism and Leisure (London: Rowman & Littlefield International) Hardback ISBN/9781783480760 Paperback ISBN/978-1-78348-077-7 eBook ISBN/978-1-78348-078-4 

https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781783480760

ABSTRACT
The Jacobean era's infamous witchcraft trials are recalled after reservoir repairs close to Pendle Hill reveal a buried cottage with bricked‐up cat. Interpretations of the building as the site of Malkin Tower, recorded in court records as the venue of a witches coven are critically evaluated in the light of archaeological and historical evidence.

KEYWORDS
WITCH, PENDLE WITCH TRIALS, PENDLE HILL, MALKIN TOWER, FOLK BELIEF, MAGIC, LANCASTER ASSIZES, WISE WOMEN, CUNNING FOLK, ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, SEVENTEENTHCENTURY, ALIZON DEVICE, SALEM WITCHES, THOMAS POTTS, LOWER BLACK MOSS, ELIZABETH SOUTHERNS, DEMDIKE, ELIZABETH DEVICE, JAMES DEVICE, ANNE WHITTLE, CHATTOX, ANNE REDFERNE, JANE BULCOCK, JOHN BULCOCK, ALICE NUTTER, KATHERINE HEWITT, ALICE GRAY, JENNET PRESTON, GUNPOWDER PLOT, CAT

ENGLISH 
The book analyzes the birth of the workers’ associations in the province of Naples and follows their development until the crisis of the end of the XIX century. Mainly based on sources of the State Archive of Naples and on daily newspapers, it focuses on mutual aid societies, which after Italian unification were the most common form of workers’ organization and had several functions, from social security to trade union representation. The book examines the social and political function of these associations, highlighting how they participated in the conflicts between capital and labour and how they were involved in the electoral disputes. Individual chapters are dedicated to socialist and catholic organizations, as well as to the management of the associations, analyzing the origin and the use of the social funds, the main activities of the mutual aid societies and the distortions which hindered their development. The book aims both at narrating the story of organizations and social movements and at proposing an interpretation of their role in the process of modernization of Naples and in its inclusion in the unitary state. Two questions are at the heart of the book: what role was plaid by organization within social conflicts; which part associations had in the life of the workers and in the Neapolitan society, mainly as regards the insertion of the poorer social classes in political life. 

ITALIAN 
Il volume esamina la nascita delle associazioni operaie nella provincia di Napoli e ne segue lo sviluppo fino alla crisi di fine Ottocento. Basato in prevalenza su fonti dell’Archivio di Stato di Napoli e sulla stampa quotidiana, dedica l’attenzione maggiore alle società di mutuo soccorso, che nei primi decenni postunitari rappresentavano la più diffusa forma di organizzazione dei lavoratori e avevano funzioni che spaziavano dalla previdenza sociale alla rappresentanza sindacale. Delle mutue sono studiate sia la funzione previdenziale sia quella politica, evidenziando come si sono inserite nei conflitti tra capitale e lavoro e in quali forme sono state coinvolte nelle dispute elettorali. Singoli capitoli sono dedicati alle organizzazioni di ispirazione socialista e cattolica e alla gestione delle associazioni, prendendo in esame la provenienza e l’utilizzo dei fondi sociali, le principali attività e le distorsioni che ne hanno inficiato lo sviluppo. Il volume intende sia narrare la storia delle organizzazioni e dei movimenti sociali nei quali furono coinvolte, sia proporre un’interpretazione della funzione che hanno avuto nel processo di modernizzazione di Napoli e nel suo ingresso nello Stato unitario. Alla base vi sono due interrogativi: quale fu il ruolo dell’organizzazione nei conflitti sociali; che importanza ebbero le associazioni nella vita dei lavoratori e nella società napoletana del tempo, soprattutto per quanto concerne l’inserimento dei ceti subalterni nella vita politica.

L'analyse du texte de l'Onirocriticon d'Artémidore de la deuxième moitié du IIe siècle ap. J.-C., de sa partie théorique ainsi que du catalogue des rêves, montre assez le grand intérêt que les chercheurs peuvent y trouver. C'est un texte qui ouvre de nouvelles voies aux historiens et particulièrement aux historiens de mentalité, aux spécialistes de l'iconographie, de la symbolique, ou de l'anatomie et à tous ceux qui s'intéressent à la flore ou à la faune, à la cuisine ou à la médecine. Il est indispensable de l'étudier dans son intégralité et non d'une façon fragmentaire, puisqu'il nous donne l'image de la société dans toute sa complexité. Nous avons réuni 3421 rêves racontés par des hommes, femmes ou enfants de toutes couches sociales, que nous analysons en utilisant le logiciel Excel. Ce sont des Grecs en majorité, mais aussi des Romains, citoyens d'Ephèse ou d'autres cités de l'Orient grec. Nous parlons de toutes les occupations et de tous les métiers de cette société ancienne de l’Orient romain. Nous nous intéressons plus particulièrement à la société, à sa structure et son image. Il nous semble que cette source, souvent méprisée, devrait attirer davantage l'attention des chercheurs.
Onirocriticon metninin, hem teorik kısmınin hem de rüyalarin kataloğunun analizi, araştırmacılarin büyük ilgisini çekmektedir. Burada bahsedilen metin, tarihçilere, sosyal bilimcilere, ikonografi uzmanlarina ve de hayvanlar, bitkiler, mutfak ve tipla ilgilenen herkese, semboller ve anatomi ile ilgili yeni yollar açmaktadir.
Bu metni, bütün olarak incelemek mümkün değildir, çünklü bize toplumu bir bütün olarak tanitmaktadir. Bilgisayar yardimiyla, eserde incelediğimiz 3.421 rüyayi biraraya getirdik.
Burada, Artemidor ile ilgili olan çalişmalarimizin bir kismini sunuyoruz. En çok ilgilendiğimiz şey, toplum, toplumum yapisi ve görünümüydü. Araştırmacıların, çok kez eleştirilen bu kaynakla daha çok ilgilenmeleri gerektiği kanaatindeyiz.
Αρτεμίδωρος ο Εφέσιος  (ή Αρτεμίδωρος ο Δαλδιανός): ή Ονειροκριτικός

En este artículo reconstruimos y analizamos la experiencia de la “CGT clasista de Salta” nacida el 15 de junio de 1973, durante el gobierno provincial de Miguel Ragone. Para ello, abordamos el panorama del movimiento obrero y la política salteña y en particular la coyuntura de junio y julio de 1973 en que tuvo lugar el núcleo de la experiencia. Analizamos las circunstancias de su emergencia y declive, sus definiciones político-sindicales, el rol del Frente Revolucionario Peronista de Armando Jaime y de otras fuerzas políticas, y los lazos que tendió con los sectores combativos y clasistas del sindicalismo nacional. Finalmente, la relacionamos con el proceso de radicalización política y sindical de los años '70 y los debates sobre la caracterización del sindicalismo clasista y sobre la participación obrera en la lucha entre fuerzas sociales.

In this paper we reconstruct and analyze the experience of the "CGT clasista of Salta" born on June 15, 1973, during the provincial government of Miguel Ragone. For that purpose, we observe the panorama of the workers' movement and the political situation of Salta and mainly the juncture of June and July of 1973 when the main part of the experience was developed. We analyze the circumstances of its emergence and decline, its political and trade union definitions, the role of the Revolutionary Peronist Front of Armando Jaime and other political organizations, and the links it established with the combative and clasista fractions of national unionism. Finally, we relate it to the political and union radicalization of the 1970s and the discussion about the definition of clasista unionism and on worker participation in the struggle between social forces.

Intervención de las izquierdas y politización obrera en SITRAC-SITRAM, la experiencia paradigmática del sindicalismo clasista de los '70

Role of the left-wing groups and worker politicization in SITRAC-SITRAM, the paradigmatic experience of the clasista unionism of the '70s

Resumen: En este trabajo reconstruimos la intervención de las izquierdas en la experiencia de SITRAC-SITRAM, paradigma del sindicalismo clasista en la Argentina de los '70. Puntualizamos cuáles fueron las fuerzas políticas que lograron fuerza propia en la nueva dirección sindical (POT, FAL, VC, PRT-ERP, PB-FAP y PCR), sus principales orientaciones políticas y sindicales y su rol en la politización obrera y en las definiciones de los nuevos sindicatos de Fiat.

Abstract: In this paper, we reconstruct the intervention of the of the left-wing groups in the SITRAC-SITRAM experience, a paradigm of clasista unionism in Argentina in the '70s. We specify which were the organizations that achieved militants in the new union leadership (POT, FAL, VC, PRT-ERP, PB-FAP and PCR), their main political and trade union orientations and their role in workers' politicization and in decisions of the new unions of Fiat.

Gramscian IPE scholarship has predominantly focused on studying capital’s power to subsume labour under different hegemonic projects. Various autonomist Marxists have recently sought to ‘voice labour’ by proposing a disruption-oriented IPE. However, this article argues that such an approach mirrors domination-oriented IPE approaches by overemphasising labour’s disruptive potentiality and by paying little attention to the historical limitations that labour faces in its own empowerment. To escape from the unilateralism of these two mutually exclusive perspectives, Gramsci’s ‘Methodology of the Subaltern’ is reviewed in order to propose a Gramscian or strategic International Political Economy of Labour. Hence, this article shows that it is possible for IPE scholars to study uneven capitalist development as the result of the agency of (dis)organised labour and thereby, to better account for the emancipatory potentiality of working class strategies in specific contexts.

Since the end of its civil war, Lebanon has been ruled by a political elite that maintains a sectarian clientelist hegemony characterised by corruption and public services deterioration. The 2015 protest movement (Harak) was provoked by a waste-management crisis but soon evolved to challenge the totality of this order. This research was motivated by the movement’s failure to impose immediate compromise on the elite. Going beyond the reactionary role of the ruling elite, this analysis focuses on the structural aspects impeding protest movements. Linking Piven’s concepts of disruption and interdependence (2006) to Wright’s understanding of structural power (2000), it investigates how the class composition of the Harak’s leadership impacted the disruptive capacities and therefore limited the potential of the movement. It begins by exploring how the context of post-war neoliberal transformation has weakened the forces of organised labour, which explains the relative absence of working-class representatives from the Harak’s leadership. Based on semi-structured interviews and recent literature, it then analyses the ensuing dominance of ‘middle-class’ actors over the movement, focusing on implications for priorities, dynamics, strategies and disruptive  capacities. By examining the impact of capitalism’s transformation on working class power (chapter 3) and the limited disruptive power of middle-class activism (chapter 4), this study joins the recent academic call for ‘bringing back capitalism’ (Della Porta, 2015) into the analysis of social movements, linking class and the economy to the potential and limitations of protest.

Following recent calls for a more self-aware and historically sensitive sociology this article reflects on the concept of deindustrialisation and industrial change in this spirit. Using EP Thompson's classic The Making of the English Working Class and his examination of industrialising culture with its stress on experience, the article asks how these insights might be of value in understanding contemporary processes of deindustrialisation and work. Drawing on a range of sociological, cultural and literary studies it conceptualises the differences and similarities between two historic moments of industrial change and loss. In particular it draws on the literary concept of the 'half-life of deindustrialisation' to explore these periods. The article has important implications for how we think about contemporary and historical industrial decline.

Los estudios históricos y sociales en la Argentina relativos al vínculo entre peronismo y clase obrera han experimentado un renacimiento durante la última década. Nuevos objetos de indagación, nuevas escalas de análisis, nuevos sujetos de la acción, han complejizado la descripción de esa relación que fue
fundamental en las primeras investigaciones dedicadas a explicar la emergencia del peronismo y su perdurable influencia en la clase obrera argentina. La hipótesis de esta revisión bibliográfica sostiene que las nuevas investigaciones descansan en un paradigma implícito que hace la “lucha” y la “organización” los pilares de un enfoque conflictivista. Ese enfoque, paradójicamente, disminuye el alcance de las nuevas
investigaciones. A propósito de un dossier destinado a presentar un panorama de las pesquisas recientes se llama la atención sobre las limitaciones del enfoque de “lucha y organización” y los desafíos conducentes hacia una renovación real en la investigación sobre un tema crucial para entender la realidad histórica argentina.

Sınıf çalışmalarının genel kapsamına dair iki temel yaklaşımdan bahsedilebilir: Birincisi; toplumsal yarılmanın; üretim sürecinden başlayarak tüm toplumu kapsayan, üretim araçları üzerindeki özel mülkiyet ve sömürü ilişkilerine dayanan sınıflar temelinde gerçekleştiğini savlayan Marksist yaklaşım. Marksizmde, sınıflar ve ona içkin olan sınıf mücadelesi, toplumsal hareketin temel dinamiği olmakla birlikte, diğer eşitsizlik biçimlerini şu veya bu ölçüde etkilemekte, güçler ilişkisi çerçevesinde bu mücadeleye bağımlı kılmaktadır.

Drawing on social histories of rumour, this article challenges notions of white and Afrikaner homogeneity which persist in the scholarship on late and post-apartheid South Africa. In so doing, it demonstrates the revisionist potential of rumour as a historical source, while reinserting class in a scholarship which privileges race as salient historical feature. The article focuses on Arrie Paulus, apartheid South Africa’s most prominent white trade unionist, infamous as the personification of working-class racism. Yet this defender of race-based privilege and staunch Afrikaner nationalist was haunted by a rumour: Paulus, it was
whispered, was not actually white. The rumour circulated in reform-era South Africa and persists in the post-apartheid present. By examining the rumour surrounding Paulus’s racial and ethnic origins in terms of the functions it fulfilled within the particular contexts in which it appeared, this article exposes longstanding tensions around the politics of class characterizing Afrikaner society since the 1970s.

The study shows how communal baking practices were used to establish a sense of community, and to establish and maintain feelings of mutual solidarity during the first half of the nineteenth century in the mill towns of northern England, taking the case of the Maudlands in Preston, Lancashire as an example. Two excavations of communal bakehouses set within terraced dwelling houses are presented, believed to be the first reported examples of this form of architecture. Combined with documentary evidence the study shows how food, and in particular baked bread, was deployed to ease the passage from rural to industrial life.
KEYWORDS
INDUSTRIAL ARCHAEOLOGY, FOOD, BREAD, COMMUNITY, IDENTITY, COTTON MILLS, BAKEHOUSE, OVEN, SOCIAL HISTORY

L'ouvrier héroïque ou alcoolique ? l'ouvrière impie ou révoltée ? La classe « fidèle à la France profanée », comme le disait Mauriac ? Ces assertions résument des représentations sommaires du monde ouvrier, des clichés qui ont abondamment circulé dans des textes et des images. Il s'agit d'en analyser les grandes évolutions depuis les stigmatisations du premier XIX e siècle jusqu'à aujourd'hui, en circulant à travers différentes figures ouvrières

Il presente lavoro, incentrato sulla storia del lavoro e dei lavoratori nel mondo romano, si propone di ricostruire, attraverso l'epigrafia monumentale, l'identità e il profilo socio-economico di alcuni individui vissuti a Mutina o nel suo ager in età tardorepubblicana e altoimperiale. Si tratta di alcuni uomini e una donna le cui iscrizioni, di natura prevalentemente funeraria, ricordano diverse figure professionali: un aurifex, un copo,  un medicus, un negotians lanarius, un praeceptor, un tonsor, diversi vestiarii, un vicesimarius, un possibile unctor e una vilica. Nel testo si formulano inoltre alcune ipotesi in merito alle funzioni esercitate in ambito domestico dai cosiddetti "delicia" o "pueri delicati"; vengono infine analizzati i tre gentilizi di derivazione professionale finora attestati nel Modenese: Aerarius, Aurarius e Purpurarius. Quest'ultimo nome, in particolare, fino a oggi sembrerebbe attestato esclusivamente nella colonia di Mutina e nel suo ager.

[ESPAÑOL] Luis Emilio Recabarren es una figura fundamental en la historia política nacional, llegando a ser denominado “padre del movimiento obrero chileno”. Tipógrafo y periodista autodidacta, es una pieza clave para conocer la prensa obrera y su cultura, desarrollada a principios del siglo XX en Chile. Impulsó la “propaganda obrera”, es decir, difundir las herramientas para la emancipación de los trabajadores a través de todos los medios posibles: periódicos, libros, poesía, conferencias, cooperativas, obras teatrales, música, recreación, asambleas, mítines. A través de estas instancias de propaganda, trabajadoras y trabajadores iban a ser “civilizados”, o sea, “ilustrados”. Todo este proceso de transformación generó lo que ha sido denominado la “cultura obrera ilustrada”. El diseño tiene una estrecha relación con la cultura, en el terreno de la comunicación visual. No obstante, la visualidad de esta cultura de trabajadores y sus características no ha sido estudiada desde el diseño. Esta investigación propone examinar los elementos visuales de la cultura obrera ilustrada a través de un catálogo razonado, cuya muestra representativa recoge material de propaganda de Recabarren encontrado en cuatro archivos y bibliotecas públicas: hojas volantes, folletos, libros y periódicos. Se busca aportar una dimensión histórica más amplia sobre el diseño y la comunicación visual en Chile.

PALABRAS CLAVE: cultura obrera ilustrada, propaganda, diseño.

[ENGLISH] Luis Emilio Recabarren is a fundamental figure in the history of national politics, managing to be named as "father of the Chilean labor movement". Self-taught typographer and journalist, is a key piece towards know the working class press and its culture, developed at the beginning of the 20th century in Chile. He stimulated the "working class propaganda", that is, to spread the tools for the worker’s emancipation through all possible means: newspapers, books, poetry, conferences, cooperatives, theatre, music, recreation, assemblies, political meetings. Across these instances of propaganda, workers were going to be "civilized", or, "illustrated". All this process of transformation generated what has been named the "illustrated working class culture". Design has a narrow relation with culture, in the area of the visual communication. Nevertheless, the visual of this worker’s culture and its characteristics has not been studied from design. This investigation proposes to examine the visual elements of the illustrated working class culture across a reasoned catalogue, which representative sample gathers Recabarren's propaganda material found in four public libraries and files: handbills, pamphlets, books and newspapers. We seek to contribute a wider historical dimension on design and visual communication in Chile.

KEY WORDS: illustrated working class culture, propaganda, design.

Il saggio è dedicato ad alcune figure professionali del mondo romano legate alla lavorazione e alla vendita dell'oro e di manufatti realizzati con questo metallo prezioso. Nel testo si analizzano in particolare le testimonianze epigrafiche di Roma e quelle di Mutina nel cui territorio, secondo un'antica tradizione popolare, sarebbe stato possibile estrarre masse aurifere.