YPJ

The thirty million Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Armenia are the largest ethnic group that has not gained its own permanent nation-state (BBC News 2014). Although statelessness generally renders women socioeconomically and politically vulnerable, susceptible to male oppression, gender prejudices, and inequality, the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK) includes one of the largest contingents of armed women militants in the world.

The Kurdish female fighters of the YPJ/ YJA-Star women’s guerrilla units have in recent events gained global recognition as one of the prime group of combatants fighting against the extremist terror group, Isis. The West’s impression of the Kurdish female fighters as a phenomenon has largely brought to light the question of why the idea of a woman as a fighter in war proves to be something sensationalised, and widely perceived as unconventional. The emergence of the Kurdish female fighter thus brings into question the issue of gendered militarization, and the understanding of the ideological field of war as heavily masculinised.

This dissertation is an enquiry into the understanding as to how and why the implementation and preservation of gendered hierarchies exist within the field of war. Through the examining of feminist theories concerning war as gendered, in providing an insight into the ideological and political beliefs of Kurdish movement, and through the studying of testimonials from YPJ/ YJA-Star women combatants, this dissertation aims to illustrate the Kurdish female fighter as challenging gendered militarization.

The findings of this piece of research work can be regarded to substantiate to the idea that gendered militarization results in detrimental consequences such as sexual violence and rape against women in war torn countries. This dissertation also contributes to the understanding of the political views behind many Kurdish female fighters, and the PKK movement, as advocating gender equality.

Monografia apresentada para obtenção do título de bacharela em Relações Internacionais pela Universidade Federal da Paraíba

As mulheres estão adentrando a cada dia lugares mais relevantes na sociedade atual, sobretudo em temáticas que são geralmente relacionadas apenas ao mundo masculinizado, como é o caso de conflitos armados. Quando se pensa em tal cenário, é muito recorrente não associá-lo à presença feminina enquadrando-as como civis, vítimas da guerra, ou apoiadoras de funções designadas para homens. Da mesma forma que a elas são fixados papéis, aos atores não-estatais armados (VNSAs) é frequentemente atribuído a visão de que são grupos operando em oposição ao Estado, sendo ameaças explícitas à segurança e estabilidade, principalmente em Estados frágeis, em que as instituições de governo e a legitimidade geral da nação está enfraquecida. Assim, o presente trabalho tem como pergunta de partida “Como a atuação da Unidade de Defesa das Mulheres (YPJ) no combate ao Estado Islâmico (ISIS) ajuda na quebra de visões tradicionais sobre as mulheres e os atores não-estatais armados no âmbito dos conflitos armados?”. Para responder tal questionamento, será apresentado a visão predominante sobre os atores não-estatais armados e a amplitude de classificação deste, assim como o olhar do gênero como categoria de análise e os debates feministas sobre a área de segurança internacional. Logo após o contexto regional sobre o Curdistão e a luta das mulheres curdas será abordado, seguindo-se para um delineamento sobre o YPJ e o conflito contra o ISIS. Como hipótese, partiu-se da ideia de que a atuação de tal unidade representaria a quebra dos estereótipos que se tem sobre as mulheres e VNSAs. Os resultados demonstram que a Unidade de Defesa das Mulheres é um ator de caráter único e de dinâmica fluida, não se enquadrando nos papéis comumente atribuídos às mulheres e aos atores não-estatais armados.
Palavras-chave: Feminismo; Feminismo e Segurança; Atores Não-Estatais Armados (VNSA); Curdistão; YPJ.

Rojava, medyada ve gündelik siyasette hep jeopolitik satranç tahtasında bir taş veya bir kare gibi anılıyor. Elinizdeki kitap, Rojava’nın iç dünyasını ve toplumsal gerçekliğini anlama niyetiyle yapılmış bir çalışmaya dayanıyor. Suriye’de Efrîn, Kobanî ve Cezîre kantonlarında uygulanan özerk yönetimler sosyo-politik, etnik ve dinî çatışmalara ne tür çözümler öneriyor? Yasin Duman, bu soruyu yanıtlamaya çalışıyor. Rojava’daki özerklik uygulamaları, müzakere ve uzlaşı esasına dayalı veya çatışma sonrası kurulan özerk yönetimlerden farklılar. Rojava, Bir Demokratik Özerklik Deneyimi, milliyetçilik, kimlik politikaları, asimilasyon, politik mücadele ve temsiliyet, demokrasi, adalet ve özgürlük bağlamında, Rojava’da yaşanan sorunları ve bunlar için geliştirilen çözüm arayışlarını inceliyor.

Don't get me wrong: the question in the title does not refer to people living in European countries with two half nationalities, but on Turks living in Asia Minor and in Istanbul. Or should I write: Constantinople?
(...)
Erdowahn screams in our faces that we should not look away from the extreme nationalism among Turks.

Über die Selbstermächtigung von Frauen, das - emanzipatorische Erbe der Kurden und die Weiterführung der Revolution

Nesrin Abdullah … ist eine der Sprecherinnen der YPJ (Yekineyen Parastina Jin, Frauenverteidigungskräfte von Rojava). Bekannt wurde sie als Kommandantin von Kobani. Im Februar 2015 wurde sie in der Uniform der YPJ von dem damaligen französischen Präsidenten François Hollande in Paris im Élysée-Palast empfangen Wie beurteilen Sie den jetzigen Status der YPJ, also der Frauenverteidigungseinheiten, innerhalb der Revolution von Rojava? Der erreichte Status der YPJ ist das Ergebnis eines sechsjährigen Kampfes. Die offizielle Gründung der YPJ fand zwar erst am 4. April 2013 statt, aber im Grunde existierten sie schon in der Form von Frauengruppen und-einheiten im Juli 2012 während einer früheren Phase der Revolution. Zu Beginn hatten wir nur sehr begrenzte Mittel, aber die Überzeugung und das Selbstvertrauen, das wir aus der Geschichte von Frauenkämpfen weltweit und insbesondere aus dem 40jährigen Frauenbefreiungskampf der PKK gezogen hatten, hat uns darin bestärkt, diesen Weg zu gehen. Frauen müssen in diesen Kämpfen die Vorreiterinnenrolle einnehmen.

El Estado Islámico (ISIS) fue fundado como organización armada en 2004 en Irak y, en ese momento, declaró su alianza con Al Qaeda. Al igual que Al Qaeda, ISIS pronto se convirtió en un centro de atracción para los yihadistas salafistas y los islamistas extremistas de la región y, posteriormente, de todo el mundo. Otro punto en común que hace atractivas a estas dos organizaciones, y aceptadas por la sociedad, es que tienen discursos políticos antiimperialistas y antimodernistas. En 2014, ISIS atacó Mosul, una ciudad iraquí, proclamó el califato y se autodeterminó como Estado Islámico de Irak y Siria. Como califato, declaró la autoridad absoluta sobre todo el mundo musulmán y comenzó las guerras y los actos de violencia extrema en diferentes países de Medio Oriente en busca de la yihad.

2011 yılından bu yana devam eden Suriye İç Savaşı, pek çok bölgesel ve küresel aktörün müdahalesine maruz kalmıştır. Bazı terör örgütleri, bu dönemde ortaya çıkan otorite boşluğu ve kaos ortamından faydalanarak Suriye’de etkin hale gelmiş ve önemli toprak kazanımları elde etmiştir. Bunların başında PKK/YPG terör örgütü gelmektedir. YPG ve özellikle de onun kadınlardan oluşan birimi YPJ, ana akım Batı medyasında epey olumlu bir şekilde tasvir edilmiştir. YPJ bir taraftan terör örgütü DEAŞ’ın antitezi olarak yüceltilmiş; diğer taraftan ütopik bir feminizm kurgusu üzerinden kahramanlaştırılmıştır. Olumlu ve övgü dolu medya çerçevelemesi Batılı aktörlerin YPJ’yle ve onun ana çatısını oluşturan YPG terör örgütüyle iş birliği yapmasını meşrulaştırmıştır. Bu medya çerçevelemesi, aynı zamanda Batı toplumlarının farklı kesimlerinin değişen derecelerde radikalleşmesinde rol oynamıştır. Bazı kesimler sempatizan haline gelmiş; bazıları siyasi ve mali olarak destek vermiş; bazıları ise YPJ’ye gönüllü militan olarak katılacak kadar ileri gidebilmiştir.

SK
Kurdským bojovníčkam v Sýrii sa pozornosti dostalo až po bitke o Kobane. Táto štúdia aktivity v boji proti ISIS a po ňom analyzuje, pričom sa zameriava na ideologické motivátory, ktoré ich zapojenie do ozbrojeného povstaleckého hnutia ovplyvnili. Vďaka diskurzívnej analýze netradičných, miestnych zdrojov, konštatuje, že špecifickosť ideologickej transformácie hnutia, kde sa v čase bojov proti ISIS do centra miestneho diskurzu dostala ženská emancipácia, pretrvala aj po tom, čo sa zmenil primárny cieľ odboja, a preto má potenciál aktivizovať aj naďalej.

ENG
Kurdish female fighters in Syria did not receive attention until after the Battle of Koban. This study analyzes activities during and after the struggle against ISIS, focusing on the ideological motivators that influenced their involvement in the armed insurgent movement. Through a discursive analysis of non-traditional, local sources, it concludes that the specificity of the ideological transformation of the movement, where women's emancipation came to the center of the local discourse, persisted even after the primary goal of the resistance has changed.

As 151 delegates from various northern regions of the Syrian state, including Rojava, proclaimed the "Federation of Northern Syria–Rojava" on March 17, 2016, reactions of regional and international states were almost exclusively negative. Most of the Syrian oppositional groups, too, rejected it or were reluctant to make positive statements. Nonetheless, delegates and the organizations and sections of society standing behind them did not diverge from their intentions and approved the Social Contract which had been prepared over a long period of time. We spoke to Hediye Yûsîf, Co-Chair of the council of the new political structure, about the new structure renamed „Democratic Federation of North Syria“.

Während wir aus dem Irak und Syrien immer wieder
Erfolgsmeldungen des Islamischen Staates IS und
die Niederlagen und Rückzüge der irakischen oder
auch der syrischen Armee zu hören bekommen, können wir
beobachten, wie die Verteidigungskräfte von Rojava Schritt
für Schritt die Belagerung durch die Jihadist_innen sprengen;
nicht nur das, auch der Aufbau der demokratisch-autonomen
Strukturen geht offensichtlich voran. Überall entstehen neue
Kommunen, Kooperativen und Räte. Der Wiederaufbau von
Kobanê hat begonnen. Dennoch sind gerade die infrastrukturellen
Probleme und Versorgungsprobleme gravierend, da nach
Rojava immer noch, wenn überhaupt, dann sporadisch Hilfsgüter
gelassen werden. In diesem Artikel soll versucht werden,
die aktuelle Lage der drei Kantone zu charakterisieren.

ABSTRACT
This paper aims to provide a critical review of the popular forms of representation of the Revolution in Rojava and provide a departure from the Eurocentric perception of anti-capitalist/feminist movements, as well as to present possible forms of effective international cooperation devoid of the domination of the privileged Western views. Over the past years, the phenomenon of the Women’s Revolution in Rojava – officially known as the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria – has, thanks to its unique structure in the context of contemporary revolutionary movements and above all the specific theoretical background based on feminism, Democratic Confederalism and ecology, captured the attention of many Western left-wing movements and groups. But, while popularity among the Western left is unquestionable, what needs addressing, in the context of the aforementioned popularity, is a worrying level of orientalization and fetishization of the revolutionary struggle itself, as well as all of its participants – such as the members of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) who have often been depicted inadequately and superficially, viewed through a Western, patriarchal lens that portrays women solely as objects intended for male enjoyment and subjects Middle Eastern women to the so-called ‘Western gaze’ even within ‘alternative’ spaces. It is possible to argue that the Revolution in Rojava is therefore mostly presented in two ways the interaction of which is most evident on the example of its female participants – which will be the focus of this paper. On the one hand, it became the revolution of stereotypical ‘beauties with guns’ whose beauty and gentleness represent a counterbalance to the barbarism of ISIS fighters, while their weapon wielding skills allow them to depart from the patriarchal norms only to the extent that is sufficient to fulfil the male fantasy of a ‘warrior woman’. On the other hand, the ‘Western gaze’ aims to reduce this truly innovative revolutionary social movement to an ‘exotic experiment’ which, though interesting, cannot be accepted as equal to the civilizational successes of the capitalist West and the privileged view of a large part of the left that operates within its framework, due to the West’s perceived superiority over ‘others’. By failing to rid the anti-capitalist feminist movements such as that in Rojava of the Western framework, the two previously mentioned narratives of the revolution contribute to the ‘perpetual otherness’ of many anti-capitalist feminist struggles, thus weakening and disunifying both women’s and left-wing movements. The constant perpetuation of the non-legitimate dichotomy between the ‘superior us’ (Western feminism / left) and the ‘inferior them’ (non-Western feminism / left) imposed by the hierarchical nature of Western capitalist societies –  which results in a deepening of the division among related movements – renders cooperation and international action more difficult, while simultaneously enforcing the foundations of the existing patriarchal-capitalist status quo.

Key words: Rojava Revolution, YPJ, orientalization, objectification, Western gaze, anticapitalist feminism, eurocentrism

De brujas con escobas a brujas con Kaláshnikov. El presente texto es un ensayo sobre la figura de la bruja, su persecución y resignificación en la historia, como icono representativa del feminismo. Un 5 de diciembre del año 1484, es promulgada la bula Summis desiderantes affectibus como reacción de un preocupado Papa Inocencio VIII ante algunas situaciones alarmantes que estaban ocurriendo en las provincias, municipios, territorios, distritos y diócesis de Magancia, Colonia, Tréveris, Salzburgo y Bremen. En estas zonas " muchas personas de uno y otro sexo, despreocupadas de su salvación y apartadas de la Fe Católica, se abandonaron a demonios, íncubos y súcubos….. ". Debemos hacer un alto aquí, ya que se nos hace mención de " personas de uno y otro sexo " , por lo que se reconoce la participación masculina en estos hechos que involucraban a íncubos y súcubos, (demonios sexuales cuyo fin era lograr que sacerdotes y monjas se rindieran al pecado de la carne, algo que a quien escribe trae recuerdos de la película de clase B " Satanico Pandemonium: la sexorcista ") pero aún así, reconociéndose participación masculinas, la imagen de la brujería es algo preponderantemente femenina, por lo cual nos preguntamos el porqué de esta relación, siendo posible hallar algún atisbo en lo siguiente: " y con sus encantamientos, hechizos, conjuraciones y otros execrables embrujos y artificios, enormidades y horrendas ofensas, han matado niños que estaban aún en el útero materno, lo cual también hicieron con las crías de los ganados ; que arruinaron los productos de la tierra, las uvas de la vid, los frutos de los árboles; más aún, a hombres Y mujeres, animales de carga, rebaños y animales de otras clases, viñedos, huertos, praderas, campos de pastoreo, trigo, cebada Y todo otro cereal; estos desdichados, además, acosan y atormentan a hombres Y mujeres, animales de carga, rebaños y animales de otras clases, con terribles dolores Y penosas enfermedades, tanto internas como exteriores; impiden a los hombres realizar el acto sexual y a las mujeres concebir ". Del texto reconocemos los males que supuestamente provocaban estas personas sobre la población, practicas tales como el aborto, tanto en humanos como en animales, la destrucción en la producción agrícola, el provocar dolores y enfermedades, la impotencia sexual en hombres y la anticoncepción en mujeres. Esto va relacionado no solo con el acto de dañar, sino con el de curar, porque alguien que posee conocimientos especiales sobre métodos curativos por medio de hierbas puede, al fin y al cabo, conocer las hierbas que pueden provocar la enfermedad y la muerte (Kieckhefer, 1989) por lo que la intención de quien posee el conocimiento es importante, el deseo de curar o sanar, así como el deseo de provocar un daño como puede ser un error también, traer distintas consecuencias que en la época pudieron ser interpretadas como brujería.