Paul Lovejoy

The concept “second slavery” as applied to the resurgence of slavery as a factor of production in the Americas in the nineteenth century emphasizes radical changes in the economies of the Atlantic world. The expansion of slavery in the southern United States, Cuba and Brazil occurred in the context of the emergence of an independent Haiti, where slavery had once been dominant but was now abolished, and where the British shifted from being the most important nation in the slave trade to the champions of its abolition, ultimately emancipating the slaves in their colonial empire. The comparable expansion in slavery that occurred in Islamic West Africa as a result of jihad in the same era must be placed in the context of other developments in the Atlantic world. Unlike second slavery in the Americas, developments in the jihad states resulted in economic autonomy, not the growth of the global economy.

Le retour de l’appel au djihad dans le monde contemporain conduit a un interet nouveau pour les grands empires qui ont ete construits en Afrique dans le cadre de mouvements djihadistes au xviiie et au xixe siecles. Ces offensives militaires se sont appuyees sur des traditions religieuses plus anciennes, la justification des djihads s’enracinant dans la vie du Prophete et de ses successeurs. Les dirigeants politiques qui lancent ces conquetes mettent en avant la dimension religieuse, mais Paul Lovejoy montre que la dimension ethnique (la domination peule) est egalement forte, ainsi que la dimension economique, la puissance de ces empires etant fondee sur le commerce et l’utilisation des esclaves.

... trans-Saharan trade (1977, 1978, 1980). Baier's analysis is supplemented by Ralph Austen's calculations of the volume of the trans-Saharan slave trade (1979), Marion Johnson's discussion of the Kano-Tripoli trade and ivory ...

Documents relating to accounting in Muslim West Africa are rare.1 In this article, we include the surviving accounts of Captain Hugh Clapperton, who travelled to the Sokoto Caliphate and Bomo, first in 1824 and then to Oyo and the Sokoto Caliphate in 1827 (Appendix A). Clapperton's papers are important in terms of what they reveal about methods of accounting and prices, and mechanisms for recovering outstanding debts. These accounts and related documents from the Clapperton papers provide evidence of the use of Arabic in keeping accounts in the Sokoto Caliphate and Bomo. There is also a budget that reveals the cost of living for a period of three weeks in Sokoto for a household of a visiting dignitary, which is roughly similar to that of a prosperous merchant. There is other material that provides additional evidence of the cost of daily living along the routes into the interior of West Africa in the 1820s. There are also records of a court case in Bomo relating to efforts to recover funds that had been loaned to an official who subsequently died (Appendix B).Clapperton compiled a list of expenditures when he was at Sokoto in March-April 1824, which serves as a useful comparison for prices contained in the materials from Clapperton's second expedition in 1826-27.2 In addition to this list, we include an accounting sheet from the second expedition and miscellaneous price data contained on various slips of paper, in Clapperton's Remark Books, and in the margins of the manuscript journal. As these materials demonstrate, the unit of account in the Sokoto Caliphate and Bomo was cowries, which were exchangeable with silver dollars of various origins, including Spanish, US, and Austrian.3 Clapperton calculated the exchange at a uniform rate of 2,000 cowries per silver dollar, which was the currency that Clapperton actually carried.4 Clapperton also drew upon bills of exchange backed by British Consul Hamner Warrington in Tripoli, through the medium of Arab merchant houses that had agents in the Sokoto Caliphate and Bomo.Clapperton arrived in Sokoto on the evening of 16 March 1824, and left on 4th May. While he was there, he was provided with a house and was generally taken care of in a manner not unusual for any distinguished visitor. His normal requirements were the responsibility of the waziri, 'Uthman b. Abubakar dan Laima, usually known as Gidado dan Laima,5 who generally looked after visitors. The caliph, Muhammad Bello, also sent gifts and otherwise was concerned for Clapperton's welfare, both on the first visit in 1824 and on the second in 1826-27.Clapperton left a 21-page record in his remark book of itemized cash expenditures of some 100,000 cowries for most of the period that he was in Sokoto (Appendix A). He had bought cowries in Kano on his way to Sokoto, at the "standard rate of exchange" of 2,000 for one silver (Spanish) dollar,6 and he kept a supply of cowries in his quarters, drawing on them "from the bag" as necessary, usually some 4,000 cowries at a time. The date on which he started keeping records is not clear - the pages for the first few days are missing, and the first seven of the surviving pages are merely undated running totals - but it was probably one or two days after arrival in the city. From 2 April, however, Clapperton improved his record keeping, and the remaining 14 pages, ending on 3 May 1824 are properly dated. Below is a summary of his cash expenses in those six weeks in Sokoto.Clapperton's total outgoing expenses in cowries during his stay in Sokoto were in the order of 112,800 cowries, including expenditures amounting to 14,800 cowries which were brought forward before the surviving records begin,7 69,000 cowries for cash expenditures by accounts, and 29,000 in wages paid to Absalom. Clapperton's cash payments fell into six broad categories, including payments for special services, payments to hosts, the majority probably for general provisions, wages of his servant Absalom, general household supplies, services and gratuities, and purchases of equipment. …

Covering a wide range of substances, including opium, cocaine, coffee, tobacco, kola, and betelnut, from prehistory to the present day, this new edition has been extensively updated, with an updated bibliography and two new chapters on cannabis and khat. Consuming Habits is the perfect companion for all those interested in how different cultures have defined drugs across the ages. Psychoactive substances have been central to the formation of civilizations, the definition of cultural identities, and the growth of the world economy. The labelling of these substances as 'legal' or 'illegal' has diverted attention away from understanding their important cultural and historical role. This collection explores the rich analytical category of psychoactive substances from challenging historical and anthropological perspectives.

Abstract Whether the author of The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano; or, Gustavus Vassa the African (London, 1789) should be referred to as Equiano or Vassa in part relates to where he was born and how he related to his place of birth. The choice of name also relates to how scholars want to perceive of the author, on the one hand, and how the man himself presented himself at the time, on the other. It is argued here that the author of The Interesting Narrative used his birth name, Olaudah Equiano, as proof of his African background, not as a name by which he wanted to be known, Gustavus Vassa. Hence, the dilemma is why scholars refer to him by his African name, when he chose not to do so. It is suggested that use of the birth name has more to do with the politics of representation and political correctness of later generations of scholarship, not with the intention of the man. The imposition of the birth name as the signifier long after he died, however, has allowed the postulation of a series of dichotomies, such as place of birth being in Africa and/or Carolina, and whether or not the man was self-made, meaning creating his identity and benefiting from that creation, as opposed to being a committed activist motivated by principles and sacrifice. The veneer of interpretation melts away if it is recognized that Vassa consciously operated in a different mode of expression and implementation than subsequent literary scholars and historians have allowed. The dichotomy between evangelical man and crass entrepreneur evaporates. The reason for the debate over his birth has more to do with the present clash between literary scholarship and historical interpretation than over possible misinterpretations and misrepresentations of the past.

Cette étude s'intéresse à la littérature de l'esclavage en Afrique et essaie de fournir une base chronologique en vue d'analyses ultérieures. Le continent africain est divisé en trois régions qui, quoique que plus ou moins entremélées à certaines époques, sont néanmoins considérées suffisamment distinctes pour faciliter une analyse approfondie de ce sujet compliqué. Les régions comprennent la savane du nord,

Publisher Summary It is generally understood how widespread slavery was in Africa before the colonial era. In many areas, slaves constituted a majority of the population, at least by the end of the nineteenth century. Furthermore, even before that time, slave raiding and kidnapping contributed to insecurity and instability almost everywhere. The extent to which this political situation was a result of the trans-Atlantic, trans-Saharan, and Indian Ocean slave trade is still a matter of debate, and the nature of slavery in African societies is only beginning to be understood. The issue of external influence has been associated most often with the writings of Walter Rodney, who argued that the European slave trade created pressures within African society that led to greater stratification. This is certainly true, although it is argued that African slavery was a response not only to European needs, but to trans-Saharan and Indian Ocean demands as well. Equally important, however, is a perspective that considers the evolution of institutions within African societies for the enslavement of people. This relates particularly to kinship structures that allowed the transfer of rights over people and permitted the development of dependent relationships that in certain situations could lead to slavery.

... Also see Yunusa, 'Slavery in 19th Century Kano', pp. 33-4; and Abdulwahabu Dawaki (b. 1887), Rano, Kano Emirate, 12 Sept. 1975, Aliyu Musa Collection. 26. Abubakar Cindo (born during reign of Sarkin Zazzau Yero), Kaura, Zaria City, 10 Sept. 1975, Maccido Collection. 27. ...

Cet article examine l'importance relative des marchands musulmans dans la traite negriere en Afrique occidentale, incluant a la fois le monde transatlantique et les centres moteurs que constituent les regions islamiques trans-sahariennes. On y soutient l'idee selon laquelle l'implication des Musulmans dans la traite limita l'essor de l'economie atlantique, tout en renforcant un monde islamique demeurant largement autonome. En d'autres termes, l'activite commerciale musulmane pesa sur l'exportation des esclaves par l'Atlantique. Le facteur islamique, et notamment les transformations politiques associees a la jihad, explique le niveau comparativement bas des exportations de captifs vers les Ameriques a partir des regions musulmanes et des regions ou les marchands musulmans etaient presents. Un nombre moins important d'esclaves que celui auquel on aurait pu s'attendre provint ainsi des espaces domines et influences par l'Islam, du fait meme de la large diffusion de l'esclavage dans ces regions et de l'existence d'un "mode de production" integrant reduction en esclavage, traite et usage d'esclaves sur une grande echelle. Du fait de l'existence de ce systeme integre, l'Afrique occidentale interieure ne devint pas une source d'esclaves majeure pour les Ameriques ; defait, elle semble plutot avoir emprunte des voies conduisant a resister a l'incorporation au sein d'un monde atlantique deplus en plus domine par les Europeens au XVIIIe et au debut du XIXe siecle. Cette resistance se mesure : a l'echelle de l'esclavage dans les economies de l'espace musulman d'Afrique occidentale, par comparaison avec le nombre des Africains reduits en esclavage qui furent conduits aux Ameriques avec celui qui aurait pu effectivement l'etre a partir des regions musulmanes d'Afrique occidentale, enfin par comparaison avec l'importance des activites de la classe commercante musulmane qui y dominait le commerce (traite incluse) avec les cotes atlantiques de l'Afrique occidentale. Des facteurs culturels, religieux et politiques expliquent les restrictions apportees au commerce avec le monde atlantique. Il en resulte que les transformations de l'esclavage en pays musulman furent largement impulsees de l'interieur.

... This network closely approximates the com-mercial diasporas analyzed by Abner Cohen, Philip Curtin, and others, but seen within the context of a larger social and economic system, the Tuareg diaspora appears less isolated and more an integral part of a multiethnic Central ...

For the past several years, we have been editing a series of intelligence reports on the Sokoto Caliphate and Borno, all of them prepared by French officials in Tunisia during the 1890s, using information gathered from Muslim pilgrims who were passing through the Regency on their way to or from Mecca. Now that our edition is complete and we have regained a measure of control over our lives, we have been persuaded to jot down some of our reflections on this experience for the benefit of those who might be embarking on collaborative ventures of a similar sort.Scholarly collaboration, at least in History, usually begins in one of two, overlapping, ways. Individual researchers often develop an interest in a particular topic and then seek out one or more collaborators to work on it. The reasons for doing so can be as varied as the individuals concerned—to fill some gap in their own expertise, to lighten the research load, or to ease the loneliness which the more gregarious among us feel ...

ordinary people in western Africa during the era of slavery would require an examination of the whole of African history over the past five hundred years and more.’ And in Africa, as in Europe and the Americas, there was tremendous change over this period and extensive variation at any point in time. Life in 1807, when Britain and the United States outlawed the slave trade, was considerably different than in 1492, when Columbus first sailed to the Caribbean. Hence to give an inapression of how people in Africa lived during the era of transatlantic slavery is also to understand how the lives of people changed over the course of the slave trade. In 1492, a coup d’8tat brought a Muslim ruler, Askia Muhammad, to the throne of the great empire of Songhay, and for the next hundred years, Songhay ruled much of West Africa. As empires have always done, Songhay’s influence

... paul e. lovejoy In addition, the origins of almost three-quarters of those known to have arrived in Cuba are not known, and ... 47115), although both figures are seriously distorted because of the large unspecified categories discussed above which particularly affect the Bahian data ...

... xii, 1971, 61-77; Muhammad A. Al-Hajj, 'Hayatu B. Sa'id: a revolutionary Mahdist in the Western Sudan', in Yusuf Fadl Hasan (ed.), Sudan in Africa, Khartoum 1971, 128-41; RA Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804-1906, London 1971, 103-9; Alhaji Garba A ...

were revalued by the latter part of the century, in conjunction with industrialization, neo-Puritanism and the Protestant ethic in Europe, and colonialism in Africa, to give rise to the image of the lazy native, indolent and without ambition in the midst of plenty' (p. 91). The trouble with this sort of causal argument is that it is hard to prove when one also acknowledges, as the author does on the same page, that the myth of the lazy native has long been a justification of colonialism and capitalist expansion. Since the author himself refers to the development of the idea in the eighteenth century (and it may be traced back to long before then), the relationship between the psychological and cultural bases of the enduring stereotype on the one hand and the specific political or social circumstances that lead to its renewal at particular times on the other is never satisfactorily explained. Of course, one of the things that makes White on Black so interesting is that the contradictions and tensions evident in it are inherent in the very nature of the subject. The book's conclusion flattens out into an identification of racism with sexism, class prejudice and other forms of discrimination that arise from hierarchies and from the anxious attempts to preserve these inequalities of power. Thus the construction and transmission of stereotypes involve everyone in their circulation. For Nederveen Pieterse it is 'not ethnicity or "race" that governs imagery and discourse, but rather, the nature of the political relationship between peoples which causes a people to be viewed in a particular light' (p. 217). This conclusion has the merit of concentrating on the material aspects of inequality and also helpfully reminds us that there can be no stable 'other', just as there is no stable 'we' (p. 233). Here as elsewhere one may regret that White on Black offers such a large overview and does not give its author room for the kind of sharply focused examination that would support his central argument. One cannot help feeling the tension between the particular and the general, but in this, too, one finds the nature of the subject reflected.

Regionalizing pre-colonial Africa aids in the collection and interpretation of primary sources as data for further analysis. This article includes a map with six broad regions and 34 sub-regions, which form a controlled vocabulary within which researchers may geographically organize and classify disparate pieces of information related to Africa’s past. In computational terms, the proposed African regions serve as data containers in order to consolidate, link, and disseminate research among a growing trend in digital humanities projects related to the history of the African diasporas before c. 1900. Our naming of regions aims to avoid terminologies derived from European slave traders, colonialism, and modern-day countries.

The use of people as pawns to underpin credit was widespread in western Africa during the era of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. This study examines where and when pawns were used in commercial transactions involving European slave merchants in the period c. 1600–1810. It is shown that European merchants relied on pawnship as an instrument of credit protection in many places, though not everywhere. Europeans apparently did not hold pawns at Ouidah (after 1727), at Bonny or on the Angolan coast. Nonetheless, the reliance on pawnship elsewhere highlights the influence of African institutions on the development of the slave trade.

:In recent years, an increasing number of online archival databases of primary sources related to the history of the African diaspora and slavery have become freely and readily accessible for scholarly and public consumption. This proliferation of digital projects and databases presents a number of challenges related to aggregating data geographically according to the movement of people in and out of Africa across time and space. As a requirement to linking data of open-source digital projects, it has become necessary to delimit the entire continent of precolonial Africa during the era of the slave trade into broad regions and sub-regions that can allow the grouping of data effectively and meaningfully.

Since 1956, when Dike argued that abolition involved ‘a drastic change’ for Africa, with Britain's withdrawal from slaving in 1807 precipitating ‘an economic crisis among African traders’, the impact of British abolition on Africa has been the subject of controversy. What impact, if any, did British abolition have on the economies of West Africa? Most historians now agree that the transition from the export trade in slaves to the export of primary products such as palm oil, peanuts and gum arabic, was a major transformation in West Africa, which Hopkins equates with the emergence of the modern economy of West Africa. There is, however, considerable disagreement over the timing and nature of economic change that was associated with this transition. Much of the recent scholarly literature has tended to agree with Dike that there were significant adjustments after 1807, but there is considerable doubt about the extent and timing of these adjustments. Whether or not they constitute a ‘crisis’ is another matter. Much of this debate depends upon an analysis of the volume and value of the slave trade in the first half of the nineteenth century. It is now generally recognized that there was a sharp drop in the number of enslaved Africans leaving West Africa in the decade or two after 1807 and that the price for slaves at the Atlantic coast of Africa experienced a sudden drop in nominal and real terms during the same period.

Fazendo uso de fontes diversificadas, especialmente relatos de viajantes, o artigo descreve o comércio das caravanas no Sudão Central, enfocando principalmente a presença haussá. O autor analisa o papel de seus integrantes (mercadores, carregadores e pequenos comerciantes), assim como a organização e o financiamento desta atividade que é um dos pilares do mundo muçulmano, não apenas por sua importância econômica, mas pela plêiade de pessoas e relações sociais nela envolvidas.

A CONFIGURAÇÃO ÉTNICA da população baiana modificou-se bastante de fins do século XVIII para o século seguinte, quando povos islâmicos africanos tornaram-se comuns entre os escravos, em especial a partir dos grandes desembarques de cativos de fala Ioruba. As origens desses muçulmanos podem estar relacionadas ao contexto próprio das áreas interioranas da Baía de Benin e à jihad do Xeque Usman dan Fodio, fundador do Califado de Sokoto. Este estudo examina o material biográfico disponível, procurando oferecer subsídios adicionais acerca da comunidade muçulmana para, assim, estabelecer mais claramente as ligações entre os padrões de resistência à escravidão na Bahia, que culminaram na insurreição Malê de 1835, e o movimento da jihad no interior da Baía de Benin.

Este artigo trata das relações entre movimentos sociais e políticos ocorridos na África Ocidental em fins do século XVIII e início do século XIX, em especial o jihad sudanês, e os processos de transformação global do Ocidente nesse mesmo período. Abre-se um diálogo com os trabalhos de Erick Hobsbawm e Eugene Genovese, analisando criticamente suas abordagens sobre a influência das sociedades do oeste africano nos eventos que têm lugar no mundo atlântico durante a chamada "era das revoluções". O artigo discute, ainda, a perspectiva a partir da qual vêm sendo estudadas as rebeliões escravas nas Américas, que pouco considera o contexto africano e ressalta apenas as influências das mudanças revolucionárias na Europa Ocidental. Nesse sentido, também questiona a historiografia que analisa o surgimento do "Atlântico Negro", a qual não atribui a devida importância aos determinantes originados no interior da África, fundamentais nesse processo.