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Matfyzpress, Praha, 2011, 134 s. ISBN 978-80-7378-150-7. (co-authored with Karásková, Ivana - Kulhánek, Jakub – Litera, Bohuslav)
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Srovnávací studie přibližuje vývoj politických vztahů jednotlivých středoasijských států k Rusku po rozpadu Sovětského svazu.
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Bezmála třicet let trvají boje v této hornaté, mnohonárodnostní zemi ve střední Asii. Neexistuje jednoduchá či jednoznačná příčina zdejších válek, konfliktů a šarvátek. Vzájemně se prolínají a mísí faktory sociální, ekonomické, etnické,... more
Bezmála třicet let trvají boje v této hornaté, mnohonárodnostní zemi ve střední Asii. Neexistuje jednoduchá či jednoznačná příčina zdejších válek, konfliktů a šarvátek. Vzájemně se prolínají a mísí faktory sociální, ekonomické, etnické, náboženské. Významnou roli sehrály a mají i nadále zájmy sousedních zemí či velmocí (Pákistán, Indie, Rusko, Spojené státy). Autor se pokusil rozplést velmi komplikované, až nepřehledné vzájemné vztahy a vazby jednotlivých kmenových společenství, kmenů, rodů, klanů. Velmi zasvěceně popisuje klíčové okamžiky a etapy v historii a zejména současnosti, poznáme výrazné afghánské osobnosti, vojenské velitele i oficiální politické představitele . Poznámky, přehledy, mapky, fotografie, seznam literatury, internetové odkazy.
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Autor rozebírá politické systémy a sociální struktury čtyř států Střední Asie (Uzbekistán, Turkmenistán, Tádžikistán, Kyrgyzstán), shrnuje jejich historii i dějiny celé oblasti a seznamuje s možnostmi dalšího vývoje. Po rozpadu Sovětského... more
Autor rozebírá politické systémy a sociální struktury čtyř států Střední Asie (Uzbekistán, Turkmenistán, Tádžikistán, Kyrgyzstán), shrnuje jejich historii i dějiny celé oblasti a seznamuje s možnostmi dalšího vývoje. Po rozpadu Sovětského svazu ve Střední Asii vznikly autoritářské režimy se silnými pravomocemi prezidenta, role ostatních složek politického systému byla zatlačena do pozadí. To umožnilo alespoň dočasně stabilizovat situaci v oblasti a zabránit vypuknutí chaosu. Publikace též analyzuje zájmy velmocí (USA, Číny, Ruska) ve strategicky důležitém regionu.
Obsahuje geopolitické charakteristiky Uzbekistánu, Turkmenistánu, Tádžikistánu a Kyrgyzstánu a perspektivy dalšího vývoje těchto států.
Obsahuje geopolitické charakteristiky Uzbekistánu, Turkmenistánu, Tádžikistánu a Kyrgyzstánu a perspektivy dalšího vývoje těchto států.
Research Interests: Politics and Central Asia
Central Asian railways are usually discussed in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative, and most studies deal with the main railway line at the heart of this grandiose China-backed project. Turkmenistan represents a somewhat... more
Central Asian railways are usually discussed in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative, and most studies deal with the main railway line at the heart of this grandiose China-backed project. Turkmenistan represents a somewhat extraordinary example due to the state's massive investments in railways, which have almost doubled the length of the country's rail network in recent decades. The building of the new railways was aimed at linking Turkmen regions together with direct internal connections instead of relying on complicated cross-border passages. It was also intended to make Turkmenistan a transport hub of the Eurasian transport system. Based on the landlocked countries concept and using the analysis of available statistics and transport flows along the two main rail corridors passing through Turkmenistan (east-west and north-south), the paper investigates the gap between these ambitious goals and the actual results, including the reasons for these processes. The emergence of strong competition in the form of other (more efficient) routes has signified a setback for the expansion of Turkmenistan's railway network.
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Turkmenistan educational system has gone through substantial changes in the years following the death of the first president, Niyazow. The second president, Berdimuhamedow, initially seemed to pay extensive attention to this sphere and... more
Turkmenistan educational system has gone through substantial changes in the years following the death of the first president, Niyazow. The second president, Berdimuhamedow, initially seemed to pay extensive attention to this sphere and launched several reforms abolishing the most bizarre measures introduced by his predecessor. However, it rapidly became clear that the real problems of Turkmen education—corruption and kinship, ideology, or lack of qualified cadres—would not be eventually solved; the system has even further deteriorated in many aspects. The president prefers to promote his own image rather than real reforms, and he also fears to be deprived of his control over the country and of his wide family assets. In this regard, the educational system mirrors Turkmenistan general social environment and political culture. Without substantial changes in these two domains, which currently seems hardly probable, Turkmen education is headed for even deeper downgrading. The most motivated, privately trained, and wealthy enough students will be the only ones capable to become successful in the global labor market; others will be forced to keep as staff for corrupted Turkmen society and politics.
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... 38 This was the case with Mämmetgeldiýew, who had been a medical colleague of Berdymukhammedov and was “only” retired. Kadyrov, Elitnye klany, p. 35. ... Ata Serdarow, a cousin of the president, has managed to hold onto the position... more
... 38 This was the case with Mämmetgeldiýew, who had been a medical colleague of Berdymukhammedov and was “only” retired. Kadyrov, Elitnye klany, p. 35. ... Ata Serdarow, a cousin of the president, has managed to hold onto the position of Minister of Health. ...
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The Changing Geopolitics of Turkmenistan between 2009 and 2011. Opportunities and Limits. The European Perspective. This paper critically examines the export potential of the Turkmen gas in the short- and medium run. It explores to what... more
The Changing Geopolitics of Turkmenistan between 2009 and 2011. Opportunities and Limits. The European Perspective. This paper critically examines the export potential of the Turkmen gas in the short- and medium run. It explores to what extent is it feasible for Europe to join the increasing competition for the Turkmen gas. Although the paper argues that European customers might benefit from securing as imports from Turkmenistan, serious geopolitical obstacles are likely to hamper Europe’s efforts to open up new gas supply routes. For Europeans, the biggest challenge comes in the form of assertive policies pursued by regional powers, such as China, Russia, Iran, and India, who enjoy an advantage of geographic proximity to Turkmenistan. Keywords: Turkmenistan, Europe, geopolitics, natural gas, pipelines
Research Interests: Geography and Geopolitics
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The 2020 war in Nagorny Karabakh brought not merely a shift in the actual borders in the southern Caucasus; it also led to a change in control over several religious buildings or places that had become sacralized as symbols for one or the... more
The 2020 war in Nagorny Karabakh brought not merely a shift in the actual borders in the southern Caucasus; it also led to a change in control over several religious buildings or places that had become sacralized as symbols for one or the other side. Using selected examples of sacred places associated with Armenian or Azerbaijani historical memory, this article seeks to cast light on the fate of cultural monuments in war and its aftermath. In connection with the long-lasting conflict, these monuments are forced to undergo a cycle of sacralization, desacralization and reinterpretation of their origins and functions, depending on the approach taken by the winning side. Churches, monasteries and mosques in Nagorny Karabakh thus serve as sad examples of unsuccessful conflict transformation.
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Central Asian railways are usually discussed in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative, and most studies deal with the main railway line at the heart of this grandiose China-backed project. Turkmenistan represents a somewhat... more
Central Asian railways are usually discussed in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative, and most studies deal with the main railway line at the heart of this grandiose China-backed project. Turkmenistan represents a somewhat extraordinary example due to the state's massive investments in railways, which have almost doubled the length of the country's rail network in recent decades. The building of the new railways was aimed at linking Turkmen regions together with direct internal connections instead of relying on complicated cross-border passages. It was also intended to make Turkmenistan a transport hub of the Eurasian transport system. Based on the landlocked countries concept and using the analysis of available statistics and transport flows along the two main rail corridors passing through Turkmenistan (east-west and north-south), the paper investigates the gap between these ambitious goals and the actual results, including the reasons for these processes. The emergence of strong competition in the form of other (more efficient) routes has signified a setback for the expansion of Turkmenistan's railway network.
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Changes in the Political Elite in Post-Soviet Turkmenistan. The article analyzes the transformation of the Turkmen elites under presidents Saparmyrat Nyýazow and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow. Although the rise of the current elites can be... more
Changes in the Political Elite in Post-Soviet Turkmenistan. The article analyzes the transformation of the Turkmen elites under presidents Saparmyrat Nyýazow and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow. Although the rise of the current elites can be traced back to the pre-Soviet era, it is the Soviet legacy, the tradition of strong leadership and the personality of the leader that determine the character of the political elite in Turkmenistan and its ruling regime. While Nyýazow was at the birth of Turkmenistan’s post-Soviet political culture with its cronyism and corruption, Berdimuhamedow has further fortified clan loyalties drawing on extensive family ties and firm regional backing. Keywords: Turkmenistan, political elite, political culture, transition, Turkmen society
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Central Asian railways are usually discussed in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative, and most studies deal with the main railway line at the heart of this grandiose China-backed project. Turkmenistan represents a somewhat... more
Central Asian railways are usually discussed in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative, and most studies deal with the main railway line at the heart of this grandiose China-backed project. Turkmenistan represents a somewhat extraordinary example due to the state's massive investments in railways, which have almost doubled the length of the country's rail network in recent decades. The building of the new railways was aimed at linking Turkmen regions together with direct internal connections instead of relying on complicated cross-border passages. It was also intended to make Turkmenistan a transport hub of the Eurasian transport system. Based on the landlocked countries concept and using the analysis of available statistics and transport flows along the two main rail corridors passing through Turkmenistan (east-west and north-south), the paper investigates the gap between these ambitious goals and the actual results, including the reasons for these processes. The emergence of strong competition in the form of other (more efficient) routes has signified a setback for the expansion of Turkmenistan's railway network.
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This article focuses on the power shifts in Turkmenistan between the rule of Muhammetnazar Gapurov, the long-term First Secretary of the Turkmen SSR Communist Party and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The special focus is on the... more
This article focuses on the power shifts in Turkmenistan between the rule of Muhammetnazar Gapurov, the long-term First Secretary of the Turkmen SSR Communist Party and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The special focus is on the transformation of the elite, power structures and political culture under Saparmurat Niyazov and the emergence and struggle of the alternative groups trying to challenge the order established under the last First Secretary. It argues that Niyazov developed the political culture set up under Gapurov, adding his personal character to the process. These factors determined the largely unsuccessful attempt of the alternative and opposition groups to change the Turkmen SSR in the last stages of perestroika. The political culture established in these and the first subsequent years within independent Turkmenistan also determined the character of the Turkmen regime and the composition of the elite for many years ahead, with significant impact on the system under...
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The foreign policy of states is often viewed through the prism of the geopolitical, geostrategic or geoeconomic determinants. It is forgotten that in addition to these factors, foreign policy also has a strong human, or personal, factor.... more
The foreign policy of states is often viewed through the prism of the geopolitical, geostrategic or geoeconomic determinants. It is forgotten that in addition to these factors, foreign policy also has a strong human, or personal, factor. This factor is especially evident in authoritarian regimes of the personalist type, in which decisions, including on foreign policy issues, are made by the leader or a narrow stratum of the elite alone. In this case, the personal factor and personal interests of the leader are not limited to other regulators (institutions, elections, etc.). A foreign policy centered on the interests of the first person in this case may differ significantly from what one would assume when analyzing state policy and the national interests of the country. Since power in Turkmenistan is in the nature of a personalist regime, the article attempts to explore, within the framework of the available (very limited) information, the foreign policy of this country from the perspec...
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Research Interests: International Relations, Geopolitics, Political Science, State Formation, Afghanistan, and 15 moreForeign Policy, Central Asia, Security Policy, Political relations, Border Protection, Internationale Beziehungen, SIcherheitspolitik, Politikwissenschaft, Economic Cooperation, Afghan, Außenpolitik, Afghanistan foreign policy, Geopolitik, Grenzschutz, and Staatenbildung
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Abstrakt Po svržení vlády Tálibánu na podzim 2001 stál Afghánistán před nalezením nového způsobu budování Abstract When Taliban rule was overthrown in autumn 2001 Afghanistan was to start a new pattern of peace--building process. However,... more
Abstrakt Po svržení vlády Tálibánu na podzim 2001 stál Afghánistán před nalezením nového způsobu budování Abstract When Taliban rule was overthrown in autumn 2001 Afghanistan was to start a new pattern of peace--building process. However, experts on Afghanistan pointed out several problematic aspects of Afghan post--war society (criminalization, distribution of arms, disaster economy with narcotic production within failed state etc.). These problems determined the key tasks of both newly installed Afghan government and international community (often viewed as "strangers on Afghan soil"). The status of the above mentioned points are analyzed in the article within the chapters dealing with politics, economy, army, drugs, raising of military opposition and the role of outside players in the country. All of these aspects move around insolvable vicious circles and nobody is able to cleave them in its complexity. They also hamper any peace settlement in the country for a long-te...
This article proposes a comparison of the attitudes of the first and second presidents of Turkmenistan to discuss possible overlap between personality cult, as it has been initiated and developed by the two presidents after independence,... more
This article proposes a comparison of the attitudes of the first and second presidents of Turkmenistan to discuss possible overlap between personality cult, as it has been initiated and developed by the two presidents after independence, and nation-building narratives in the country. Nation-building in post-Soviet spaces has been studied comprehensively, but this paper is distinguished by two interpretative frameworks. First, this article is possibly the first comparison of personality cult as it has been constructed by the two Turkmen presidents since 1991. Second, it looks at some specific aspects of the personality cult as possible markers of a Turkmen national identity that becomes, by force of this, de-ethnicized. We suggest that a number of idiosyncratic aspects of the personality cult in Turkmenistan contribute to construct an official nation-building narrative so concentrated on the figure of the president as to minimize the ethnic features of nation-building measures that s...
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, International Relations, Personality, Narrative, and 14 morePolitical Science, Nationalism, Postsocialism, National Identity, Nationalism And State Building, Music and identity, Central Asia, Multidisciplinary, Nation Building, Turkmenistan, Cult, Post Soviet Studies, Personality Cults, and Ethnic Group
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In some countries, the death of an authoritarian leader raises concerns among political scientists, analysts and political decision-makers about subsequent instability. Informal mechanisms for regime change are seldom in place. Two recent... more
In some countries, the death of an authoritarian leader raises concerns among political scientists, analysts and political decision-makers about subsequent instability. Informal mechanisms for regime change are seldom in place. Two recent transitions in Central Asia—Turkmenistan in 2006 and Uzbekistan in 2016—have shown that authority can be transferred calmly and peacefully. This paper examines the reasons for the stable transition process—and the factors governing it—in the two territories. It is my contention that three principal conditions have to be met in order to make the changeover relatively smooth: a lack of viable opponents, a narrow circle of people with real power and a common interest in maintaining stability, and a clearly designated new leader at the moment when the death of the incumbent is officially announced. At the same time, despite some similarities between the Turkmen and Uzbek cases, substantial differences also existed, making these two experiences—like oth...
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... Berdimuhamedow (Washington, DC, and Stockholm, 2009), Rusko a Støední Asie po roce 1991 (Prague, 2008), and Støední Asie mezi vychodem a ... Like the state of Amir Timur [Tamerlane Trans.] for medieval Uzbeks, the most outstanding... more
... Berdimuhamedow (Washington, DC, and Stockholm, 2009), Rusko a Støední Asie po roce 1991 (Prague, 2008), and Støední Asie mezi vychodem a ... Like the state of Amir Timur [Tamerlane Trans.] for medieval Uzbeks, the most outstanding era for medieval Tajiks was that of ...
Central Asian Survey, October 14, 2014. ISBN 1465-3354.
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ABSTRACT With the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991, Russia gradually lost its position as the dominant foreign power in Central Asia. The United States, Europe, and the Muslim World, among others, started to assert their influence... more
ABSTRACT With the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991, Russia gradually lost its position as the dominant foreign power in Central Asia. The United States, Europe, and the Muslim World, among others, started to assert their influence over the post-Soviet states in this region. Since the ...
ABSTRACT Vyd. 1.
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Horák, Slavomír: Nation-building and sporting spectacles in authoritarian regimes: Turkmenistan’s Aziada-2017. In: Critical Geographies of Sport: Space, Power and Sport in Global Perspective (Routledge Critical Studies in Sport) (Natalie... more
Horák, Slavomír: Nation-building and sporting spectacles in authoritarian regimes: Turkmenistan’s Aziada-2017. In: Critical Geographies of Sport: Space, Power and Sport in Global Perspective (Routledge Critical Studies in Sport) (Natalie Koch, ed.). Abingdon – New York: Routledge, 2016, p. 48-63. ISBN: 978-1138927124.
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In: Putin's Grand Strategy: The Eurasian Union and Its DIscontents (Cornell, Svante - Starr, Frederick S., eds.). Central Asia-Caucasus Institute - Silk Road Studies Program, Washington DC - Stockholm, 2014, s. 166-178. ISBN... more
In: Putin's Grand Strategy: The Eurasian Union and Its DIscontents (Cornell, Svante - Starr, Frederick S., eds.). Central Asia-Caucasus Institute - Silk Road Studies Program, Washington DC - Stockholm, 2014, s. 166-178. ISBN 978-91-86635-82-4.
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This 2006 article offers an analysis of Islamist extremism, an increasingly salient security threat, in the post-Soviet Caucasus and Central Asia. Explaining the historical background of Islam and its evolution in the area, it then... more
This 2006 article offers an analysis of Islamist extremism, an increasingly salient security threat, in the post-Soviet Caucasus and Central Asia. Explaining the historical background of Islam and its evolution in the area, it then focuses on the recent instrumentalization of the "Wahhabi threat" by the authorities in Russia and Central Asia in a bid to discredit and crackdown on political opponents.
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Horák, Slavomír: Die Wirtschaftskrise in Turkmenistan stärkt die Rolle des Präsidenten-Clans. Zentralasien-Analysen, No. 126, 29.6.2018.
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Kasachstan U s b e k i s t a n T u r k m e n i s t a n Kirgistan Tadschikistan zentralasien-NR. 98 26.02.2016 analysen TURKMENISTANS BEZIEHUNGEN ZU AFGHANISTAN Die Zentralasien-Analysen werden unterstützt von: Forschungsstelle Osteuropa... more
Kasachstan U s b e k i s t a n T u r k m e n i s t a n Kirgistan Tadschikistan zentralasien-NR. 98 26.02.2016 analysen TURKMENISTANS BEZIEHUNGEN ZU AFGHANISTAN Die Zentralasien-Analysen werden unterstützt von: Forschungsstelle Osteuropa an der Universität Bremen ► Deutsche Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde e.V. ■ ■ ANALYSE Afghanistan aus der Sicht Turkmenistans. Schwieriger Nachbar oder Sicherheitsrisiko? 2 Von Slavomír Horák, Prag ■ ■ TABELLEN UND GRAFIKEN ZUM TEXT Handelsvolumen Turkmenistan-Afghanistan, Stromproduktion und Streitkräfte im Vergleich 6 ■ ■ CHRONIK
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Central Asia - Caucasus Analyst, Vol. 16, No. 6, 2014, s. 9-12.
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Мирас, Ашгабат, 2.6.2013.