- Framingham State University
100 State Street
Framingham, MA 01701-9101
USA
Kaan Ağartan
Framingham State University, Sociology, Faculty Member
- Binghamton University, Sociology, Alumnusadd
- International And Comparative Labor, Historical and Comparative Sociology, Economic Sociology, Economic Development, Social Theory, Sociology of Work, and 66 moreWorld Systems Analysis, Modern Turkey, Work and Labour, Industrial And Labor Relations, Global Justice, Globalisation and Development, Global Citizenship, Global Studies, Global Economic Governance, Marxist political economy, Social Inequality, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Gezi Protests, Sociology of the State, Globalization, Turkish politics, Occupy Gezi Park, Critical Globalization Studies, Political Economy of Globalisation, Comparative Political Economy, Political Economy of Development, Neoliberalism, Governmentality, Social Movements, Marxism, Turkey, Globalization and Governance, Kurdish Question in Turkey, Social Activism, Protest Movements, Turkısh Politics, Middle East Studies, Turkish Nationalism, Nationalism, Antiglobalization Social Movements, Kurdish Nationalism, Labour Studies, Labor unions, Trade unions, Trade unionism, Labor Politics, Murray Bookchin, Right to the city, Industrial Sociology, Political Economy, Labor History and Studies, Class (Sociology), Working Classes, Turkish Studies, Urban Studies, State Theory, Marxist theory, State Formation, Commons, Müşterekler, KENT HAKKI, KENT SOSYOLOJİSİ, Citizenship, TURKIYE'DE KENTSEL HAREKETLER, Park Forumları, Halk Forumları, Spatial Practices, Commons In Mediterranean, Critical Spatial Practice, Politics of Solidarity, and Racial capitalismedit
- Associate Professor of Sociologyedit
Edinburgh University Press, 2024
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(TURKISH TRANSLATION) 21. Yüzyılda Karl Polanyi’yi Okumak: Bir Siyasi Proje Olarak Piyasa Ekonomisi; Kaan Ağartan (Der.) , Ayşe Buğra (Der.), Iletisim: İstanbul, 2009... more
(TURKISH TRANSLATION) 21. Yüzyılda Karl Polanyi’yi Okumak: Bir Siyasi Proje Olarak Piyasa Ekonomisi; Kaan Ağartan (Der.) , Ayşe Buğra (Der.), Iletisim: İstanbul, 2009
http://www.iletisim.com.tr/kitap/21-yuzyilda-karl-polanyiyi-okumak/8255
http://www.iletisim.com.tr/kitap/21-yuzyilda-karl-polanyiyi-okumak/8255
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As the idea of citizenship has become a token for increasingly exclusionary manifestations of national identity, this article is a call for higher education institutions to honor their commitment to cultivating global citizens, yet with... more
As the idea of citizenship has become a token for increasingly exclusionary manifestations of national identity, this article is a call for higher education institutions to honor their commitment to cultivating global citizens, yet with significant caveats. We argue that the proliferation of global learning initiatives in an increasingly neoliberalized university promotes a particular type of global citizen: a well-trained employee with intercultural skills which facilitate access to the global economy, and a global consumer of world cultures with no true commitment to global social justice. By offering a critique of pedagogical principles upon which global citizenship education is currently built, this article aims to demonstrate that the obligation to produce critical and civically engaged global citizens is not only urgent but also possible through novel pedagogical practices. Drawing on a semester-long partnership between two linked courses, we conclude that the interdisciplinary linked-course experience not only helps students delve into a conversation with what it means to be a global citizen in ways not possible through conventional pedagogical practices, but also allows instructors to explore new spaces that humanize abstract formulations of global citizenship for an ethical imperative towards the world and all its inhabitants
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Umut Özkırımlı (ed.). The Making of a Protest Movement: #occupygezi. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, xx + 154 pages./// Isabel David and Kumru F. Toktamış (eds.). ‘Everywhere Taksim’: Sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi.... more
Umut Özkırımlı (ed.). The Making of a Protest Movement: #occupygezi. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, xx + 154 pages.///
Isabel David and Kumru F. Toktamış (eds.). ‘Everywhere Taksim’: Sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2015, 296 pages.///
Güneş Koç and Harun Aksu (eds.). Another Brick in the Barricade: The Gezi Resistance and Its Aftermath. Bremen: Weiner Verlag für Sozialforschung, 2015, 328 pages.///
Efe Can Gürcan and Efe Peker. Challenging Neoliberalism at Turkey’s Gezi Park. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, 202 pages.
Isabel David and Kumru F. Toktamış (eds.). ‘Everywhere Taksim’: Sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2015, 296 pages.///
Güneş Koç and Harun Aksu (eds.). Another Brick in the Barricade: The Gezi Resistance and Its Aftermath. Bremen: Weiner Verlag für Sozialforschung, 2015, 328 pages.///
Efe Can Gürcan and Efe Peker. Challenging Neoliberalism at Turkey’s Gezi Park. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, 202 pages.
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Mülksüzleştirilmişler, ekonomik güvencesizlik koşullarında nasıl yönetilebilir? Formel sektörde iş bulma imkanı giderek azalırken çalışmanın sosyal hakların ön koşulu olarak kalmasındaki ısrarı nasıl açıklayabiliriz? Bu yazı bu sorulara... more
Mülksüzleştirilmişler, ekonomik güvencesizlik koşullarında nasıl yönetilebilir? Formel sektörde iş bulma imkanı giderek azalırken çalışmanın sosyal hakların ön koşulu olarak kalmasındaki ısrarı nasıl açıklayabiliriz? Bu yazı bu sorulara Türkiye ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD)’nin 1980’lerden itibaren geçirdiği dönüşümlerin çalışma ve sosyal vatandaşlık ilişkisine etkisinin karşılaştırmalı bir analizini sunarak yanıt bulmaya çalışıyor. Yazının iddiası şu: Formel setkörde istihdam edilen ve sayısı gittikçe azalan ayrıcalıklı bir kesim sosyal haklardan faydalanabilirken hayatını formel sektörün dışındaki faaliyetlerle idame ettirmeye çalışan yoksun ve mülksüzleştirilmiş kesimlerin uysallaştırılarak yönetilmesi gerekmektedir. Bu bağlamda neoliberal devletin günümüzde gittikçe zayıflayan ‘çalışma-vatandaşlık’ bağının farklı biçimlerini toplumun bu kesimlerini yönetebilmek için özgün bir şekilde kullanıma soktuğunu görüyoruz. Devlet bir taraftan çalışma ilişkilerinin ve refah mekanizmalarının düzenlenmesinde piyasa yönelimli bir stratejiyi öne çıkararak bu ilişkilerin ürettiği güvencesiz çalışma biçimleri aracılığıyla çalışanları kontrol etmesinin önünü açarken bir taraftan da piyasa ilişkilerinde kendisine çaresizce yer arayan kesimlere doğrudan müdahale etmekten çekinmemektedir. Bu müdahale Amerikan devletinde toplu hapis ve sınırdışı olarak gerçekleşirken, Türk devletinde muhafazakarlık ve otoriterlik şekline bürünür. Piyasaya yönelimle doğrudan müdahale arasında gidip gelen bu ‘ikili hareket’ bizim ‘katmanlı vatandaşlık rejimi’ adını verdiğimiz bir yönetim şekline evrilir.
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This paper probes into the underlying factors for the exceptionally slow progress of mass privatizations in Turkey until the first decade of the 21st century. Challenging the mainstream political economy perspectives which often interpret... more
This paper probes into the underlying factors for the exceptionally slow progress of mass privatizations in Turkey until the first decade of the 21st century. Challenging the mainstream political economy perspectives which often interpret Turkish ‘exceptionalism’ by focusing either on rationally motivated actors articulating their interests or on flaws in the institutional infrastructure as decisive impediments, the paper emphasizes the role of ideology, and particularly of national developmentalism, as a long-term, deep-rooted structural dynamic shaping the fate of privatization attempts in the 1980s and 1990s. While they clearly triggered a strong nationalist backlash, large-scale privatizations could still be realized at a particular historical juncture when the confluence of three deep-seated social fault lines—Turkey’s integration into the global economy, the accession process to the European Union and the rise of a new bourgeoisie—prevailed over a strong ideological mindset that prevented for decades the institutionalization of a market economy in Turkey
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How do the dispossessed remain governable under economic insecurity? What explains the persistence of work as a prerequisite to social rights in a time when fewer formal jobs exist? Drawing on a comparison of Turkey and the United States... more
How do the dispossessed remain governable under economic insecurity? What explains the persistence of work as a prerequisite to social rights in a time when fewer formal jobs exist? Drawing on a comparison of Turkey and the United States since 1980, we demonstrate that the neoliberal state deploys different versions of the ‘work-citizenship nexus’ to manage both the shrinking minority who enjoy the benefits of full citizenship and the rest who struggle to attain the rights and privileges of the formally employed. We find that neoliberal state practices comprise a dual movement. On the one hand, the state in both countries retreats from welfare provision and the enforcement of worker rights, utilizing precarious work structures to bring their populations into the fold of neoliberal governance. On the other hand, the state intervenes in disparate ways to manage those who cannot make it in the market: while the American state uses tactics of mass incarceration and mass deportation, the Turkish state opts for a blend of social conservatism and authoritarianism. This dual movement of retreat and intervention results in what we call ‘tiered citizenship regimes’ that facilitate the management of the population in each case.
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ABSTRACT: Previous conceptions of social justice presupposed a closed political community in which nation-states were to be in full control of policy instruments that reinforced mechanisms of social justice. States’ governing capacity... more
ABSTRACT: Previous conceptions of social justice presupposed a closed political community in which nation-states
were to be in full control of policy instruments that reinforced mechanisms of social justice. States’
governing capacity to deliver social justice to their citizens has been challenged in the face of deepening
transnational interactions and interdependencies in economic, political, and cultural realms, as these
interactions and interdependencies directly affect the lives of millions of people. This paper revisits an
ongoing debate on Global Social Justice and aims to introduce two clashing views – namely, Minimalist
and Cosmopolitan approaches – on whether or not people in affluent societies have distinctive duties of
concern for people in less developed countries. After outlining the main contours of the arguments on
both sides, the paper concludes by suggesting that the debate can inform different areas of sociological
inquiry that are directly related to issues such as power, inequality, and social exclusion.
were to be in full control of policy instruments that reinforced mechanisms of social justice. States’
governing capacity to deliver social justice to their citizens has been challenged in the face of deepening
transnational interactions and interdependencies in economic, political, and cultural realms, as these
interactions and interdependencies directly affect the lives of millions of people. This paper revisits an
ongoing debate on Global Social Justice and aims to introduce two clashing views – namely, Minimalist
and Cosmopolitan approaches – on whether or not people in affluent societies have distinctive duties of
concern for people in less developed countries. After outlining the main contours of the arguments on
both sides, the paper concludes by suggesting that the debate can inform different areas of sociological
inquiry that are directly related to issues such as power, inequality, and social exclusion.
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Bir Büyük Dönüşümden Kesitler: Dünya ve Türkiye,
Bülent Eken ve Barış Ünlü (der),
Ankara: Dipnot Yayınevi, 2023
Bülent Eken ve Barış Ünlü (der),
Ankara: Dipnot Yayınevi, 2023
Research Interests:
Global justice (GJ) is a term that lies at the heart of the question of fair distribution of benefits and burdens across the world. While it has been, to date, mostly political philosophers who examined the normative underpinnings of the... more
Global justice (GJ) is a term that lies at the heart of the question of fair distribution of benefits and burdens across the world. While it has been, to date, mostly political philosophers who examined the normative underpinnings of the obligations to the globally disadvantaged and left behind, the deep-seated processes of globalization continue to have a real and tangible impact on the lives and fortunes of people all around the world. After painting in broad strokes the two approaches (minimalist and cosmopolitan) on GJ, the article points to the possible ways through which sociological inquiry can be informed by this rich conversation, and can in turn inspire new directions in the debate. [First published: 23 April 2021 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/9781405165518.wbeosg054.pub2]
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Labor in the Time of Trump, edited by Jasmine Kerrissey, Winbaum Eve, Hammonds Clare, Juravich Tom, Clawson Dan. Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 2019, 257 pp., ISBN 9781501746604 (pbk.)
Research Interests: Working Classes and Labor
first published online in September 2019
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New Perspectives on Turkey / Volume 53 / November 2015, pp 213 - 216
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presented at the panel organized by Research Committee (RC) 48 at the XX World Congress of the International Sociological Association (ISA), June 24 - July 1, 2023, Melbourne, Australia
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presented at the Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN) 2018 European Conference (“Nationalism in Times of Uncertainty”), July 4-6, 2018, University of Graz, Austria ... While the discussion of the contemporary rise of... more
presented at the Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN) 2018 European Conference (“Nationalism in Times of Uncertainty”), July 4-6, 2018, University of Graz, Austria ...
While the discussion of the contemporary rise of populism enjoys great popularity in journalistic and academic circles, emphasis is often placed on the common traits of the “authoritarian turn” led by emboldened charismatic leaders pursuing a discourse of xenophobia, ethno-nationalism and anti-elitism. Seen through these myopic lenses, nuances in the rise of “new nationalism” in different corners of the world are often overlooked. This paper, in contrast, advances a regional-scale analysis that has so far received nominal attention in the scholarship, and investigates the rise of a peculiar form of populist nationalism in the Balkans where religious identity has increasingly become a litmus test for national belonging. More specifically, by way of offering a comparative study of Kosovo and Turkey, we examine the role of Islamic revivalism in the rise of populist nationalism in the Balkan region. Our argument is that the confluence of two regional dynamics – the troubled relationships the EU has had with Turkey and Kosovo (two Muslim-majority countries seeking EU membership without high prospects) on the one hand, and Turkey’s export of its version of Islam in line with its neo-Ottomanist aspirations to increase its sphere of political influence in the larger Balkan region on the other – contributed to the rise of a “supranational Islamic identity” which in turn cultivated distinct yet connected forms of populism in both countries. The paper demonstrates that while populist nationalism in Turkey has become increasingly authoritarian in the hands of the new religious elite aggressively pursuing a conservative agenda in its relations with the Balkans to consolidate its domestic power, this very agenda has cultivated a small but growing grassroots religious revivalism in Kosovo, ripening it for authoritarian populism
While the discussion of the contemporary rise of populism enjoys great popularity in journalistic and academic circles, emphasis is often placed on the common traits of the “authoritarian turn” led by emboldened charismatic leaders pursuing a discourse of xenophobia, ethno-nationalism and anti-elitism. Seen through these myopic lenses, nuances in the rise of “new nationalism” in different corners of the world are often overlooked. This paper, in contrast, advances a regional-scale analysis that has so far received nominal attention in the scholarship, and investigates the rise of a peculiar form of populist nationalism in the Balkans where religious identity has increasingly become a litmus test for national belonging. More specifically, by way of offering a comparative study of Kosovo and Turkey, we examine the role of Islamic revivalism in the rise of populist nationalism in the Balkan region. Our argument is that the confluence of two regional dynamics – the troubled relationships the EU has had with Turkey and Kosovo (two Muslim-majority countries seeking EU membership without high prospects) on the one hand, and Turkey’s export of its version of Islam in line with its neo-Ottomanist aspirations to increase its sphere of political influence in the larger Balkan region on the other – contributed to the rise of a “supranational Islamic identity” which in turn cultivated distinct yet connected forms of populism in both countries. The paper demonstrates that while populist nationalism in Turkey has become increasingly authoritarian in the hands of the new religious elite aggressively pursuing a conservative agenda in its relations with the Balkans to consolidate its domestic power, this very agenda has cultivated a small but growing grassroots religious revivalism in Kosovo, ripening it for authoritarian populism
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23rd International Conference of Europeanists, Council for European Studies, April 16, 2016 .. https://ces.confex.com/ces/2016/webprogram/Paper13448.html
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Paper presented at Global and Transnational Sociology Section's Roundtable Session, 109th ASA Annual Meeting, August 16-19, 2014 | San Francisco, CA
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Paper presented at the 37th Annual Meeting of the Social Science History Association
paper presented at the XVII ISA World Congress of Sociology, Research Committee (RC) 02, “Restricting the Commodification of Labor” Session
paper presented at the 2009 Annual Meeting of Middle East Studies Association (MESA)
paper presented at the 102nd Annual Meeting of American Sociological Association
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Paper presented at the Tenth International Karl Polanyi Conference, October 14-16, 2005, Istanbul
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Newsletter, RC48 Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (International Sociological Association).
Available: https://www.isa-sociology.org/frontend/web/uploads/files/rc48newsletter-december-2021.pdf
Available: https://www.isa-sociology.org/frontend/web/uploads/files/rc48newsletter-december-2021.pdf
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Newsletter, RC48 Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (International Sociological Association).
Available: https://www.isa-sociology.org/uploads/imgen/1120-rc48newsletter-july-2021.pdf
Available: https://www.isa-sociology.org/uploads/imgen/1120-rc48newsletter-july-2021.pdf
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Newsletter, RC48 Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (International Sociological Association).
Available: https://www.isa-sociology.org/frontend/web/uploads/files/rc48newsletter_july_2020.pdf
Available: https://www.isa-sociology.org/frontend/web/uploads/files/rc48newsletter_july_2020.pdf
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Radical democracy informs contemporary social movements both as critique of existing liberal democratic social orders and as inspiration for collective action to challenge power structures. However, existing approaches on the relationship... more
Radical democracy informs contemporary social movements both as critique of existing liberal democratic social orders and as inspiration for collective action to challenge power structures. However, existing approaches on the relationship between radical democracy and social movements often truncate complex socio-political issues, constraining political imagination and stifling ‘truly radical’ alternatives. This book offers an analysis of contemporary social movements in Colombia and Turkey to show the limits and potential of radical democracy to reimagine new expressions of citizenship and non-capitalist alternatives. It argues that there is a mismatch between the radical democratic paradigm as it is formulated within Eurocentric purview, and the ways it has been articulated and practised by anti-austerity and pro-democracy movements of the twenty-first century. We propose that radical democracy should be rethought in light of novel forms of political activism and visions emerging from these social movements as a response to the failures of liberal democracy.
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Compared to many of its counterparts, which started their privatization adventure at similar levels of economic development, Turkey’s experience with privatization was extraordinarily protracted. Only by the turn of the millennium did the... more
Compared to many of its counterparts, which started their privatization adventure at similar levels of economic development, Turkey’s experience with privatization was extraordinarily protracted. Only by the turn of the millennium did the course of Turkey’s exceptionally delayed privatization begin to change. Against this background, the dissertation utilizes privatization as an analytical tool to revisit the debate regarding the place and role of the state in economy and society, in a distinctive historical juncture when the shift from a state-directed economic model to a market-economy model disrupts, dissolves and recasts existing relationships between social groups and the state in Turkey. By focusing on one instance of the privatization process, the privatization of Eregli Iron and Steel Works (ERDEMIR), the study demonstrates three definitive moments in Turkey in regard to the course of instituting economic liberalism in general, and accomplishing privatization in particular: First, the anti-privatization movement in Turkey was empowered by a strong nationalist ideology which served as a catalyst to an encompassing and passionate state-building, nation-making and bourgeoisie-creating project since the inception of the Republic. As such, opposition to privatization was never a plain backlash to a new economic strategy that has been put in effect since the early 1980s, but a recent reincarnation of a deeper ideological stance informed by an etatist outlook and defensive nationalism. Second, the renewed trajectory of privatization after 2000 towards an astonishing level was not solely a consequence of favorable domestic and international economic conditions, but rather was a symptom of the impact of global level shifts in the neoliberal ideology which weakened the etatist discourse and national development outlook in Turkey. It was at a historical juncture when this revived ideology found recipients among those political and economic elite in Turkey who, for various reasons, had long been in conflict with the existing configuration of the state and the interpretation of etatism, and were ready to implement the requirements of the new economic order more enthusiastically and successfully than previous political groups. Finally, despite what can be portrayed as miraculous achievements in privatization in recent years, the strong nationalist ideology, deeply rooted in the historical development of state-society relations since the inception of the Republic, empowered the alliance of oppositional groups, who could at times, as the ERDEMIR case demonstrates, successfully deflect the course of privatization, and make sure that ‘nationalist sensitivities’ were respected.
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This is the Turkish translation in the journal Praksis of my co-authored paper with Kaan Agartan, which first appeared in Global Labour as "Interns and Infidels: The Transformation of Work and Citizenship in Turkey and the United States... more
This is the Turkish translation in the journal Praksis of my co-authored paper with Kaan Agartan, which first appeared in Global Labour as "Interns and Infidels: The Transformation of Work and Citizenship in Turkey and the United States under Neo-liberalism."
Abstract in Turkish: Mülksüzleştirilmişler, ekonomik güvencesizlik koşullarında nasıl yönetilebilir? Formel sektörde iş bulma imkanı giderek azalırken çalışmanın sosyal hakların ön koşulu olarak kalmasındaki ısrarı nasıl açıklayabiliriz? Bu yazı bu sorulara Türkiye ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD)’nin 1980’lerden itibaren geçirdiği dönüşümlerin çalışma ve sosyal vatandaşlık ilişkisine etkisinin karşılaştırmalı bir analizini sunarak yanıt bulmaya çalışıyor. Yazının iddiası şu: Formel setkörde istihdam edilen ve sayısı gittikçe azalan ayrıcalıklı bir kesim sosyal haklardan faydalanabilirken hayatını formel sektörün dışındaki faaliyetlerle idame ettirmeye çalışan yoksun ve mülksüzleştirilmiş kesimlerin uysallaştırılarak yönetilmesi gerekmektedir. Bu bağlamda neoliberal devletin günümüzde gittikçe zayıflayan ‘çalışma-vatandaşlık’ bağının farklı biçimlerini toplumun bu kesimlerini yönetebilmek için özgün bir şekilde kullanıma soktuğunu görüyoruz. Devlet bir taraftan çalışma ilişkilerinin ve refah mekanizmalarının düzenlenmesinde piyasa yönelimli bir stratejiyi öne çıkararak bu ilişkilerin ürettiği güvencesiz çalışma biçimleri aracılığıyla çalışanları kontrol etmesinin önünü açarken bir taraftan da piyasa ilişkilerinde kendisine çaresizce yer arayan kesimlere doğrudan müdahale etmekten çekinmemektedir. Bu müdahale Amerikan devletinde toplu hapis ve sınırdışı olarak gerçekleşirken, Türk devletinde muhafazakarlık ve otoriterlik şekline bürünür. Piyasaya yönelimle doğrudan müdahale arasında gidip gelen bu ‘ikili hareket’ bizim ‘katmanlı vatandaşlık rejimi’ adını verdiğimiz bir yönetim şekline evrilir.
Abstract in Turkish: Mülksüzleştirilmişler, ekonomik güvencesizlik koşullarında nasıl yönetilebilir? Formel sektörde iş bulma imkanı giderek azalırken çalışmanın sosyal hakların ön koşulu olarak kalmasındaki ısrarı nasıl açıklayabiliriz? Bu yazı bu sorulara Türkiye ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD)’nin 1980’lerden itibaren geçirdiği dönüşümlerin çalışma ve sosyal vatandaşlık ilişkisine etkisinin karşılaştırmalı bir analizini sunarak yanıt bulmaya çalışıyor. Yazının iddiası şu: Formel setkörde istihdam edilen ve sayısı gittikçe azalan ayrıcalıklı bir kesim sosyal haklardan faydalanabilirken hayatını formel sektörün dışındaki faaliyetlerle idame ettirmeye çalışan yoksun ve mülksüzleştirilmiş kesimlerin uysallaştırılarak yönetilmesi gerekmektedir. Bu bağlamda neoliberal devletin günümüzde gittikçe zayıflayan ‘çalışma-vatandaşlık’ bağının farklı biçimlerini toplumun bu kesimlerini yönetebilmek için özgün bir şekilde kullanıma soktuğunu görüyoruz. Devlet bir taraftan çalışma ilişkilerinin ve refah mekanizmalarının düzenlenmesinde piyasa yönelimli bir stratejiyi öne çıkararak bu ilişkilerin ürettiği güvencesiz çalışma biçimleri aracılığıyla çalışanları kontrol etmesinin önünü açarken bir taraftan da piyasa ilişkilerinde kendisine çaresizce yer arayan kesimlere doğrudan müdahale etmekten çekinmemektedir. Bu müdahale Amerikan devletinde toplu hapis ve sınırdışı olarak gerçekleşirken, Türk devletinde muhafazakarlık ve otoriterlik şekline bürünür. Piyasaya yönelimle doğrudan müdahale arasında gidip gelen bu ‘ikili hareket’ bizim ‘katmanlı vatandaşlık rejimi’ adını verdiğimiz bir yönetim şekline evrilir.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, American Politics, Political Economy, Sociology of Work, and 16 moreTurkish Nationalism, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Turkish History, Turkey, Precarity, Islam in Turkey, Work and Labour, Political History of Turkey, Modern Turkey, History of Modern Turkey, Comparative and historical sociology, Comparative Historical Analysis, Turkish politics, Citizenship, Precariat, and Historical and Comparative Sociology
How do the dispossessed remain governable under economic insecurity? What explains the persistence of work as a prerequisite to social rights in a time when fewer formal jobs exist? Drawing on a comparison of Turkey and the United States... more
How do the dispossessed remain governable under economic insecurity? What explains the persistence of work as a prerequisite to social rights in a time when fewer formal jobs exist? Drawing on a comparison of Turkey and the United States since 1980, we demonstrate that the neo-liberal state deploys different versions of the " work-citizenship nexus " to manage both the shrinking minority who enjoy the benefits of full citizenship and the rest who struggle to attain the rights and privileges of the formally employed. We find that neo-liberal state practices comprise a dual movement. On the one hand, the state in both countries reorients itself toward the market in welfare provision and the regulation of labour relations, capitalising on precarious work structures to bring their populations into the fold of neo-liberal governance. On the other hand, the state directly intervenes in disparate ways to manage those who cannot make it in the market. While the American state uses tactics of mass incarceration and deportation, the Turkish state opts for a blend of social conservatism and authoritarianism. This dual movement of reorientation and direct intervention results in what we call " tiered citizenship regimes " that facilitate the management of the population in each case.