- Griffith University, Griffith Asia Institute, Faculty MemberUniversity of Melbourne, Australia India Institute, Adjunctadd
- International Relations, International Relations Theory, Indian foreign policy, Security Studies, History of International Thought, Realism (Political Science), and 30 moreInterpretive research methodology, Interpretivism, Indian Politics, Indian security studies, George Orwell, Herbert Butterfield, Foreign Policy Analysis, History of Ideas, History of Political Thought, Diplomacy, Decolonisation, Interpretive policy analysis, English School, English School of International Relations Theory, Martin Wight, Intellectual History, Krishna Menon, Australian foreign policy, Public Diplomacy, Political Fiction, Political Novel, Aesthetics and Politics, Arthashastra of Kautilya, Arnold J. Toynbee, Historiography, Arnold Toynbee, India's Foreign Policy, Emerging Powers, South Asian Studies, and South Asiaedit
- Professor of International Relations, Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia.
Academic Fellow, Australia India Institute, University of Melbourne
Twitter: @DrIanHall.edit
Narendra Modi’s energetic personal diplomacy and promise to make India a ‘leading power’, made soon after his landslide election victory in May 2014, surprised many analysts. Most had predicted that his government would concentrate on... more
Narendra Modi’s energetic personal diplomacy and promise to make India a ‘leading power’, made soon after his landslide election victory in May 2014, surprised many analysts. Most had predicted that his government would concentrate on domestic issues, on the growth and development demanded by Indian voters, and that he lacked necessary experience in international relations. Instead, Modi’s time in office saw a concerted attempt to reinvent Indian foreign policy by replacing inherited understandings of its place in the world with one drawn largely from Hindu nationalist ideology. This book explores the drivers of this reinvention, arguing it arose from a combination of elite conviction and electoral calculation, and the impact it had on India’s international relations under Modi.
In just three decades, Great Britain’s place in world politics was transformed. In 1945, it was the world’s preeminent imperial power with global interests. By 1975, Britain languished in political stasis and economic recession, clinging... more
In just three decades, Great Britain’s place in world politics was transformed. In 1945, it was the world’s preeminent imperial power with global interests. By 1975, Britain languished in political stasis and economic recession, clinging to its alliance with the United States and membership in the European Community. Amid this turmoil, British intellectuals struggled to make sense of their country’s decline and the transformed world in which they found themselves. This book assesses their responses to this predicament and explores the different ways British thinkers came to understand the new international relations of the postwar period.
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Martin Wight (1913-1972) was one of the most original and enigmatic international thinkers of the twentieth century. He was the author of a number of seminal essays, including 'Why is there no International Theory?' (1960) and 'Western... more
Martin Wight (1913-1972) was one of the most original and enigmatic international thinkers of the twentieth century. He was the author of a number of seminal essays, including 'Why is there no International Theory?' (1960) and 'Western Values in International Relations' (1966). His international thought inspired a generation of students at the London School of Economics and continues to animate the so-called 'English school' of international relations. This new study, drawing upon his published writings and unpublished papers, examines his work on international relations in the light of his wider thought, his religious beliefs, and his understanding of history.
Research Interests: International Relations, History of Ideas, International Relations Theory, English School, History of Political Thought, and 5 moreHistory of International Thought, Martin Wight, International society, English School of International Relations Theory, and International relations theory, Martin Wight, English School
Over the past twenty years, the history of international thought has emerged as a major subfield of International Relations (IR). But it has tended to concentrate its attentions on American and – to a lesser extent – British theorists and... more
Over the past twenty years, the history of international thought has emerged as a major subfield of International Relations (IR). But it has tended to concentrate its attentions on American and – to a lesser extent – British theorists and traditions, with the occasion foray onto the European continent to explore the contributions of Raymond Aron or Carl Schmitt. This book aims to break new ground in the history of international thought, broadening its focus from Anglo-American realism and liberalism to new thinkers, new topics, and new places. It does so in two ways. First, it argues that more needs to be done to explore radical and reactionary theories beyond the realist and liberal mainstream, to examine the paths not taken as well as paths, like those followed by continental European and Japanese fascists in the mid-twentieth century, that led to disastrous foreign policies. Second, and just as importantly, it argues that the field needs to follow the lead given by comparative political theorists, who have made significant contributions to our understanding of the history of political thought by beginning to explore non-Anglospheric theories and traditions.
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India’s rise has changed the nature of its relationships with other major players in the Asia-Pacific region. In response, regional states and great powers have moved to “engage” India. But what does “engagement” involve? And which... more
India’s rise has changed the nature of its relationships with other major players in the Asia-Pacific region. In response, regional states and great powers have moved to “engage” India. But what does “engagement” involve? And which “engagement strategies” – diplomatic, military, economic or public – have worked and which have not? Finally, what do the “engagement of India” tell us about India’s place in world politics and the best means by which it and others can manage its rise?
This book explores the various engagement strategies employed by key international actors, including those used by United States, Japan, Russia and China, as well as the responses these strategies have prompted from India in both its foreign and domestic policies. It draws upon a growing body of theoretical literature that explores the nature and utility of engagement in international relations, and employs it to make better sense of India’s rise, its causes and its consequences.
This book explores the various engagement strategies employed by key international actors, including those used by United States, Japan, Russia and China, as well as the responses these strategies have prompted from India in both its foreign and domestic policies. It draws upon a growing body of theoretical literature that explores the nature and utility of engagement in international relations, and employs it to make better sense of India’s rise, its causes and its consequences.
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"This edited collection explores the fruitfulness of applying an interpretive approach to the study of global security. The interpretive approach concentrates on unpacking the meanings and beliefs of various policy actors, and, crucially,... more
"This edited collection explores the fruitfulness of applying an interpretive approach to the study of global security. The interpretive approach concentrates on unpacking the meanings and beliefs of various policy actors, and, crucially, explains those beliefs by locating them in historical traditions and as responses to dilemmas. Interpretivists thereby seek to highlight the contingency, diversity, and contestability of the narratives, expertise, and beliefs that inform political action. The interpretive approach is widespread in the study of governance and public policy, but arguably it has not yet had much impact on security studies. The book therefore deploys the interpretive approach to explore contemporary issues in international security, combining theoretical engagement with good empirical coverage through a novel set of case studies.
Bringing together a fresh mix of world renowned and up-and-coming scholars from across the fields of security studies, political theory and international relations, the chapters explore the beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas that have informed security practice on the one hand, and the academic study of security on the other, as well as the connections between them. All contributors look to situate their work against a broader historical background and long-standing traditions, allowing them to take a critical yet historically informed approach to the material.
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Bringing together a fresh mix of world renowned and up-and-coming scholars from across the fields of security studies, political theory and international relations, the chapters explore the beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas that have informed security practice on the one hand, and the academic study of security on the other, as well as the connections between them. All contributors look to situate their work against a broader historical background and long-standing traditions, allowing them to take a critical yet historically informed approach to the material.
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In the modern era, British thinkers have made significant - indeed perhaps even disproportionate - contributions to our understanding of the workings of international relations. This book brings together eleven original essays by an... more
In the modern era, British thinkers have made significant - indeed perhaps even disproportionate - contributions to our understanding of the workings of international relations. This book brings together eleven original essays by an inter-disciplinary team of historians, political theorists and international relations specialists that reconsider some of those contributions and their legacies. It aims to provide new insights into the work of thinkers from Thomas Hobbes and Edmund Burke to Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson and Lewis Namier as well as to advance the study of the history of international thought.
Research Interests: History of Ideas, International Relations Theory, Edmund Burke, Thomas Hobbes, History of Political Thought, and 10 moreAdam Smith, David Hume, History of International Thought, John Stuart Mill, Lewis Namier, John Allan Hobson, James Bryce, Travers Twiss, Leonard Hobhouse, and Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson
India had a busy and increasingly tumultuous year in foreign policy. New Delhi played host to both the Group of 20 and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, providing opportunities to shape agendas in multiple areas of global governance... more
India had a busy and increasingly tumultuous year in foreign policy. New Delhi played host to both the Group of 20 and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, providing opportunities to shape agendas in multiple areas of global governance and international security. It used both presidencies to showcase the achievements of the Modi government, to demonstrate India’s «convening power», and, at times, to frustrate others, especially China. But, during 2023, India also attracted global attention for other reasons. In the middle of year, the killing of a Sikh separatist in Canada led some to conclude that New Delhi was running a covert programme of targeted assassinations. That incident led to a major diplomatic dispute with Ottawa and was followed by evidence, uncovered by United States authorities, of an unsuc- cessful plot to assassinate another Sikh separatist. These events cast a shadow over India’s strategic partnership with Washington. Towards the end of year, the outbreak of violence in Gaza brought the Modi government’s Middle East policy – especially the strong relationship forged with Israel – under greater scrutiny. Both could prefig- ure strategic setbacks for India, this article argues.
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Australian and British strategic interests diverged after the early 1970s. As London’s horizons narrowed, Canberra held tight to Australia’s alliance with the US and looked to emerging Asia for economic opportunities. Recently, however,... more
Australian and British strategic interests diverged after the early 1970s. As London’s horizons narrowed, Canberra held tight to Australia’s alliance with the US and looked to emerging Asia for economic opportunities. Recently, however, Australian and UK strategic interests have reconverged, as concern
grows in both countries about China’s growing assertiveness. The AUKUS arrangement is the clearest signal of this shift, but, as Ian Hall argues, the substance of Australia–UK strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific is yet to be determined and several challenges loom.
grows in both countries about China’s growing assertiveness. The AUKUS arrangement is the clearest signal of this shift, but, as Ian Hall argues, the substance of Australia–UK strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific is yet to be determined and several challenges loom.
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India's leaders have pursued a series of ambitious agendas in international relations, driven by a sense of national destiny and civilisational mission. This article explores these different agendas and the strategies they shaped, noting... more
India's leaders have pursued a series of ambitious agendas in international relations, driven by a sense of national destiny and civilisational mission. This article explores these different agendas and the strategies they shaped, noting the underlying convictions that unite them: that India's civilisational inheritance has lessons for the world, that India's status is yet to be properly respected, and that New Delhi must strive for the highest levels of autonomy India can attain in international affairs. It argues, however, that their pursuit has been confounded by domestic challenges, which inhibit India's capacity to accumulate power and exert influence.
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Since the election of Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government in May 2014, India's approach to East Asia has changed, principally in response to pressures exerted by China. The Modi government inherited an East Asia... more
Since the election of Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government in May 2014, India's approach to East Asia has changed, principally in response to pressures exerted by China. The Modi government inherited an East Asia strategy that combined a push for greater diplomatic and economic linkages with the region, an effort to improve Sino-Indian relations through a mix of engagement and deterrence, and a strengthening of security ties with the United States (US) and its allies. During its first three years in office, this paper argues that the Modi government stuck with this approach but attempted to pursue it more energetically as well as to assert India's interests more clearly and forcefully in interactions with Beijing. After the Doklam standoff in 2017, however, India was pushed to assume a more clearly competitive stance, despite concerns about the reliability of Donald J. Trump's new administration in Washington, China's growing belligerence towards India and the rest of the region, and the impact of COVID-19. This stance entails both internal and external balancing, and a push for greater economic self-reliance that implies some decoupling from China, but which also has implications for India's relations with other countries in East Asia.
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Narendra Modi’s visit to Australia in November 2014 was the first for an Indian Prime Minister in almost three decades and promised much. Modi declared that Australia was no longer on the ‘periphery’ of New Delhi’s ‘vision’, ‘but at the... more
Narendra Modi’s visit to Australia in November 2014 was the first for an Indian Prime Minister in almost three decades and promised much. Modi declared that Australia was no longer on the ‘periphery’ of New Delhi’s ‘vision’, ‘but at the centre of our thoughts’. He pledged to work with Canberra at the G20 and regional multilateral forums, deepen the bilateral security partnership, and conclude a free trade deal. These promises were only partly realised. Progress was made in defence and
security cooperation, within and outside the Quad, but a free trade deal proved too hard. Canberra struggled to maintain momentum in improving ties because of leadership challenges in Australian government and New Delhi’s preference for protectionism. This article examines these dynamics, looking back at the drivers of the strategic partnership, as well as at the challenges encountered in the Modi era.
security cooperation, within and outside the Quad, but a free trade deal proved too hard. Canberra struggled to maintain momentum in improving ties because of leadership challenges in Australian government and New Delhi’s preference for protectionism. This article examines these dynamics, looking back at the drivers of the strategic partnership, as well as at the challenges encountered in the Modi era.
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Despite its longstanding rhetorical support for an international criminal justice regime, India continues to resist signing the 1998 Rome Statute that created the International Criminal Court. This article explores the reasons for this... more
Despite its longstanding rhetorical support for an international criminal justice regime, India continues to resist signing the 1998 Rome Statute that created the International Criminal Court. This article explores the reasons for this reluctance. It observes that during the negotiations that led to the Rome Statute, India voiced multiple objections to the design of the ICC, to the manner in which was to function, and to the crimes that it was to address. It argues that analyzing the negotiating strategy India employed during those talks allows us to discern which reasons mattered more to New Delhi and what accounts for its ongoing refusal to sign the Rome Statute.
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Official figures claim that almost 3000 people were killed, and many more injured or displaced, in four days of rioting aimed at the Sikh pop- ulation of Delhi in late October and early November 1984 following the assassination of Indira... more
Official figures claim that almost 3000 people were killed, and many more injured or displaced, in four days of rioting aimed at the Sikh pop- ulation of Delhi in late October and early November 1984 following the assassination of Indira Gandhi. This article analyses the efforts made to address the human rights violations that occurred. It argues that as a divided democracy, India has struggled to do justice to the victims, despite multiple commissions of inquiry, compensation schemes and a prime ministerial apology. It argues that this has occurred not simply because of challenges commonly faced by democracies dealing with similar incidents, but also because of the particular problems faced in a context in which we see continuity of rule by a political elite allegedly implicated in the abuse and in which there is acute concern for the survival of a fragile divided polity.
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This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘Interpretivism and the English School of International Relations’. It distinguishes between what we term the interpretivist and structuralist wings of the school and argues that disagreement... more
This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘Interpretivism and the English School of International Relations’. It distinguishes between what we term the interpretivist and structuralist wings of the school and argues that disagreement about its preferred approach to the study of international relations has generated confusion about what it stands for and weakened its capacity to respond to alternative approaches. It puts the case for a reconsideration of the underlying philosophical positions that the school wishes to affirm and suggests that a properly grounded interpretivism may serve it best. The final part of the article discusses the topics and arguments of the remaining pieces in the Special Issue.
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This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘Interpretivism and the English School of International Relations’. It distinguishes between what we term the interpretivist and structuralist wings of the school and argues that disagreement... more
This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘Interpretivism and the English School of International Relations’. It distinguishes between what we term the interpretivist and structuralist wings of the school and argues that disagreement about its preferred approach to the study of international relations has generated confusion about what it stands for and weakened its capacity to respond to alternative approaches. It puts the case for a reconsideration of the underlying philosophical positions that the school wishes to affirm and suggests that a properly grounded interpretivism may serve it best. The final part of the article discusses the topics and arguments of the remaining pieces in the Special Issue.
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In 2014, Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won a landslide victory on a platform that promised rapid economic development, jobs, and prosperity. 'Good days' (acche din) were coming, they pledged, and they would deliver... more
In 2014, Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won a landslide victory on a platform that promised rapid economic development, jobs, and prosperity. 'Good days' (acche din) were coming, they pledged, and they would deliver them. After five years of lacklustre growth, however, Modi and the BJP approached the 2019 general election in very different terms. Following a terrorist attack in Kashmir and retaliatory air strikes on camps in Pakistani-controlled territory, Modi and his allies restyled themselves as a chowkidars ('watchmen'), insisting that they were best placed to keep India safe and secure. This article analyses that shift, arguing that far from simply opportunistic, it represented the culmination of a broader push, dating back to 2014, to use foreign and security policy to bolster Modi's image and consolidate the BJP's electoral dominance.
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Narendra Modi has devoted an unusual amount of time and energy, for an Indian leader, to religious diplomacy. It is arguably one of the few innovations that he has made in the conduct of Indian foreign policy. He has visited a series of... more
Narendra Modi has devoted an unusual amount of time and energy, for an Indian leader, to religious diplomacy. It is arguably one of the few innovations that he has made in the conduct of Indian foreign policy. He has visited a series of significant religious sites, engaged in dialogues between religious communities and made a series of appeals to religious arguments, in various diplomatic contexts. This article argues that Modi's religious diplomacy aims to boost India's public diplomacy and soft power, to promote India as a destination for tourists interested in its Buddhist heritage and sites, and an attempt to engage with India's diaspora communities. But it also observes that Modi's religious diplomacy is underpinned by his personal beliefs and his idea of the image that he wants to project of his leadership and what he thinks ought to be India's place in the world to domestic and foreign audiences.
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India is commonly – and rightly – considered a reluctant democracy promoter. But while sceptical about the motives behind Western attempts to promote democracy and about the effects of their democracy promotion efforts, India has since... more
India is commonly – and rightly – considered a reluctant democracy promoter. But while sceptical about the motives behind Western attempts to promote democracy and about the effects of their democracy promotion efforts, India has since the mid-2000s moved warily to involve itself in " democracy assistance ". This article argues that New Delhi has engaged in these activities in the context of a wider shift in strategy, in parallel with the forging of a strategic partnership with the United States and with growing concern about managing China's influence in South Asia. It observes that India's foreign policy elite still has considerable doubts about democracy promotion, both in terms of its inconsistency with basic international norms, especially state sovereignty, non-interference, and non-intervention, and in terms of its patchy recent record of success. It argues that India's approach to democracy assistance, which involves a blend of multilateral and bilateral initiatives , most aimed at South Asia, and most in parallel with better-funded economic development projects, reflects these various pressures and concerns.
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Over the past two decades, historians of international thought have markedly improved our understanding of the disciplinary history of International Relations and its wider intellectual history. During that period, 'contextualism' has... more
Over the past two decades, historians of international thought have markedly improved our understanding of the disciplinary history of International Relations and its wider intellectual history. During that period, 'contextualism' has become a leading approach in the field, as it has been for half a century in the history of political thought. This article argues that while the application of contextualism in IR has improved our understanding of its disciplinary history, its assumptions about the proper relationship between historians and theorists threaten to marginalise the history of international thought within IR. It argues that unless the inherent weaknesses in contextualism are recognised, the progress made in the field will go unrecognised by a discipline that sees little reason to engage with its history. It suggests that historians of international thought adopt an extensively modified version of contextualism that would allow them to rebuild bridges back into IR, especially IR theory.
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This article analyses Perilous Interventions: The Security Council and the Politics of Chaos by Hardeep Singh Puri, a retired senior diplomat and India's former Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York. It outlines the... more
This article analyses Perilous Interventions: The Security Council and the Politics of Chaos by Hardeep Singh Puri, a retired senior diplomat and India's former Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York. It outlines the structure and argument of the book, which addresses foreign interventions in various conflicts over the past three decades, including those in Libya, Syria, Yemen, Ukraine, and Sri Lanka, and the emergence of the concept of Responsibility to Protect. It argues that Perilous Interventions is a significant, if problematic, book insofar as it signals that deep scepticism about r2p persists in important sections of the policymaking elite in New Delhi, despite India's rising power, growing capabilities, and changing relationships with major powers, including the United States. It also introduces the remaining three articles in this special section.
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Periodically, India has sought to act as a ‘normative power’ in international affairs, advancing a normative agenda about how states and other actors ought to behave, what norms and rules should regulate their interactions, and what... more
Periodically, India has sought to act as a ‘normative power’ in international affairs, advancing a normative agenda about how states and other actors ought to behave, what norms and rules should regulate their interactions, and what institutions should exist to make and enforce them. The rise to power of Narendra Modi, who became India’s Prime Minister in May 2014, with a declared aspiration to once more make India a vishwaguru (‘world guru’) and a ‘leading power’, has generated debate about whether India will again become a normative power. This article analyses the intellectual resources with which Modi might construct that new normative agenda. These resources include the work of a number of key Hindu nationalist thinkers with which Modi is well acquainted, but also the thought of Swami Vivekananda, for whom Modi claims a special devotion. The article concludes that constructing a new normative agenda for a revived ‘normative power India’ will be difficult, given the limited usefulness of these intellectual resources, and that Modi’s government will likely continue to pursue an essentially pragmatic foreign policy designed above all to further India’s domestic economic development.
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The 2016 Defence White Paper suggests that a realistic appraisal of India’s intentions, capabilities, and capacity for strategic partnership has emerged in Canberra. This article analyses this White Paper’s treatment of India in the light... more
The 2016 Defence White Paper suggests that a realistic appraisal of India’s intentions, capabilities, and capacity for strategic partnership has emerged in Canberra. This article analyses this White Paper’s treatment of India in the light of those found in its predecessors. It argues that while Australia’s defence planners have in the past neglected India and then over- emphasised its potential, the 2016 White Paper presents a more sober view of a maturing partnership, albeit one that gives little away about how it might evolve in coming years.
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This article examines India’s emerging approach to foreign policy: multialignment. It argues that since the mid-2000s India has developed multialignment as a means of achieving what it perceives as its core interests and ideals in... more
This article examines India’s emerging approach to foreign policy: multialignment. It argues that since the mid-2000s India has developed multialignment as a means of achieving what it perceives as its core interests and ideals in international relations. Characterised by an emphasis on engagement in regional multilateral institutions, the use of strategic partnerships, and what is termed ‘normative hedging’, multialignment is being utilised to boost India’s economic development and national security, as well as to project influence and promote its values. The article traces the emergence of this strategy during the governments of Manmohan Singh and its implementation and extension by the new government of Narendra Modi. It analyses the key arguments that have been presented in its favour and the ways in which it was been put into practice. It concludes with a brief assessment of multialignment as a strategy, as well as the prospect that it will deliver the dividends expected by India’s foreign policy elite.
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This article examines the use of strategic partnerships by Asian states as a means of enhancing national and regional security, as well as advancing economic and other objectives. It argues that strategic partnerships are best conceived... more
This article examines the use of strategic partnerships by Asian states as a means of enhancing national and regional security, as well as advancing economic and other objectives. It argues that strategic partnerships are best conceived as a new practice that signals the emergence of new forms of “security governance” in the region. It observes, however, that whereas early strategic partnerships were based on substantive shared agreement on “system principles,” contemporary strategic partnerships take different forms, some grounding closer cooperation between like-minded partners and some intending to facilitate better management of partners with divergent values and interests. The contemporary behavior of the United States and its traditional and new security partners in the region conform to this general pattern. The article concludes that the proliferation of strategic partnerships and the emergence of regional security governance should prompt a reappraisal of traditional approaches to Asian security, which tend to concentrate on architecture and community at the expense of practices.
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Narendra Modi’s election as India’s Prime Minister in May 2014 has generated speculation that a new ‘Modi doctrine’ is emerging in Indian foreign policy. This article assesses the evidence for that claim. It argues that a ‘doctrine’... more
Narendra Modi’s election as India’s Prime Minister in May 2014 has generated speculation that a new ‘Modi doctrine’ is emerging in Indian foreign policy. This article assesses the evidence for that claim. It argues that a ‘doctrine’ should embody a set of clearly-stated principles for foreign policy making. It analyses the main achievements of Modi’s policy in the months after his election. It finds that while Modi has brought new energy to the conduct of foreign policy, his approach is essential pragmatic, and his objectives similar to those pursued by his two immediate predecessors, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh.
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This article analyses the contribution of one of Kenneth N. Waltz’s lesser known books, Foreign Policy and Democratic Politics (1967), and the basis it provides for a theory of foreign policy to complement his theory of international... more
This article analyses the contribution of one of Kenneth N. Waltz’s lesser known books, Foreign Policy and Democratic Politics (1967), and the basis it provides for a theory of foreign policy to complement his theory of international politics. It argues that Waltz’s blend of structural and interpretative analysis and explanatory and normative theories provides one means by which International Relations theorists might reinvigorate foreign policy analysis and move beyond recent arguments about the relative virtues of these approaches.
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A vision of “normative power India” – a “righteous Republic” influencing the rules of international order not by the use of economic or military means, but by principled moral and political argument – was central to postcolonial India’s... more
A vision of “normative power India” – a “righteous Republic” influencing the rules of international order not by the use of economic or military means, but by principled moral and political argument – was central to postcolonial India’s understanding of its self and its role in the world (Vajpeyi 2012). Its first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, envisaged an India “great among nations, foremost in the arts of peace and progress,” and designed the original version of “nonalignment” in pursuit of that goal (Nehru 1961a: 3; Nehru 1961b: 29). With that policy, Nehru helped to shape the post-war evolution of international society, working – not wholly successfully – to delegitimize and dismantle the European empires in Asia and Africa, limit the testing of nuclear weapons, and inculcate principles of “peaceful coexistence” among the new states that emerged from decolonization. But after the Sino-Indian war in 1962 and Nehru’s death two years later, India turned away from that vision and sought instead to focus on domestic development and pursuing its interests by more traditional diplomatic and military means, attempting only periodically to influence the normative order of international society.
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This brief explores the work of the Bengali diplomat and academic Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya, whose book, The Making of Indian Foreign Policy (1970) is considered a classic in Indian scholarship in International Relations. It analyses... more
This brief explores the work of the Bengali diplomat and academic Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya, whose book, The Making of Indian Foreign Policy (1970) is considered a classic in Indian scholarship in International Relations. It analyses Bandyopadhyaya's distinctive contribution to IR theory, especially his attempt to craft a " hybrid " approach derived from Gandhi and Mao, on the one hand, and behavouralist systems theories, on the other. It outlines the evolution of his thinking and the connections with his broader concerns with postcolonial nation-building. The brief argues that whatever the merits of this attempt to explain the structural underpinnings of the postcolonial international order and to advance a new normative agenda, Bandyopadhyaya's work pushes us to reconsider the widespread assumption that Indian IR is resistant to theory and theorising.
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Prime Minister Narendra Modi's energetic conduct of India's foreign policy has attracted much public and academic attention. Yet his desire to see India become what he calls a vishwa guru — which loosely translates as 'world guru' — has... more
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's energetic conduct of India's foreign policy has attracted much public and academic attention. Yet his desire to see India become what he calls a vishwa guru — which loosely translates as 'world guru' — has received relatively little attention.
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Nowhere are the changes in the practice of foreign policy more obvious than in Europe. The removal of the threat of force from European international relations has transformed diplomacy proper into 'politics'(Keens-Soper 1999).... more
Nowhere are the changes in the practice of foreign policy more obvious than in Europe. The removal of the threat of force from European international relations has transformed diplomacy proper into 'politics'(Keens-Soper 1999). But the manner in which matters are dealt with is also significant. While high-level issues such as defence and international security largely remain the preserve of leaders and ministers and are settled in forums that more resemble multilateral summits than parliaments, most lower-level issues are ...