D'Annunzio, Nitti and the issue of Fiume 1919-1920
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Gioacchino Volpe, Ernesto Sestan and the history of the fascist movement, 1932-1939
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Fall and rebirth of Justum bellum. From Alberico Gentili to Carl von Clausewitz
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Almost daily politicians, philosophers, social scientists, sycophants of the «politically correct» warn us (rightly) against the fake news that increasingly crowd the media system and the network, inviting us to throw them in the... more
Almost daily politicians, philosophers, social scientists, sycophants of the «politically correct» warn us (rightly) against the fake news that increasingly crowd the media system and the network, inviting us to throw them in the information garbage bin as we would do with any other toxic and polluting material. As a historian, I think, on the other hand, that even if the analyst of the past is naturally inclined to unmask the fake news, created spontaneously by public opinion, or deceptive news artfully
made up for propaganda and counter-propaganda operations, he must concentrate with great attention also on these documents to make sure that behind that junk there are no elements of truth useful for his work. The case study to prove this theory is the fake news concerning the feeting between Molotov and Ribbentrop in the summer of 1943, to make a separate peace between Russia and Germany.
made up for propaganda and counter-propaganda operations, he must concentrate with great attention also on these documents to make sure that behind that junk there are no elements of truth useful for his work. The case study to prove this theory is the fake news concerning the feeting between Molotov and Ribbentrop in the summer of 1943, to make a separate peace between Russia and Germany.
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The evolution of the concept of bellum domesticum from the 16th century to the end of the ancien régime
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The Russian-Ukrainian crisis from the broken promises of NATO to the Special Military Operation of 24 February 2022
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Croce initially supported Mussolini’s Fascist government that took power in 1922. He later explained that he had hoped that the support for Mussolini in parliament would weaken the more fanatical Fascists who, he believed, were... more
Croce initially supported Mussolini’s Fascist government that took power in 1922. He later explained that he had hoped that the support for Mussolini in parliament would weaken the more fanatical Fascists who, he believed, were responsible for Matteotti’s murder, and absorb the Fascist movement into the liberal system. Croce later described Fascism as «malattia morale» (literally “moral illness”). However, turning Gobetti’s interpretation - the Fascism as “autobiography of the Nation” - Croce claimed that the Fascism had been a parenthesis on Italy’s history, likening the “coup d’état” of 28 October 1922 to the invasion of the Hyksos (the barbarian rulers of Egypt in the years 1650-1550 before Christ). In fact, the Mussolini rise to power was the liberal elite’s response to the forces that animated the revolutionary pressure of 1919-1920.
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Franco Cardini (Florence, 1940), a student of Ernesto Sestan, is a highly versatile scholar whose interests range from the Middle Ages to the contemporary era. Within the historiographical problems of the Middle Ages, these interests have... more
Franco Cardini (Florence, 1940), a student of Ernesto Sestan, is a highly versatile scholar whose interests range from the Middle Ages to the contemporary era. Within the historiographical problems of the Middle Ages, these interests have been pinned on a wide range of themes, with an extraordinary number of studies, often pioneering, at least in Italy: on the Crusades, pilgrimages, witchcraft, chivalry, war, holiness and many other topics. A refined and eclectic scholar of the medieval mentality, he had many relations with foreign countries, as evidenced by his long stays, among others, in France, Russia and the United States. His political commitment then led him to always look with great attention to contemporary events, of which he is still an uncommitted and non-trivial interpreter
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This essay analyses the history of Italian intellectuals facing Giolitti's parliamentary dictatorship and the Fascist regime.
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This essay aims to analyse England’s naval guerrilla warfare against the Republic of Venice from 1628 to 1649
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Life and adventures of an Italian militia diplomat during the Sixth Russo-
Turkish War.
Turkish War.
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The extent of the First World War was tremendous because its affects reached out so far so fast that it affected every single civilization on the planet: from the western coasts of Alaska to the eastern coasts of Australia, from Africa to... more
The extent of the First World War was tremendous because its affects reached out so far so fast that it affected every single civilization on the planet: from the western coasts of Alaska to the eastern coasts of Australia, from Africa to Melanesia and China. «The War to End All War» widened from Atlantic and Pacific to Mediterranean Sea and Dardanelles, from West to East Europe, from Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire to the border of British Raj, from Anatolia to Caucasus. While most of the important battles took place in Europe, as its name suggests the First World War was a truly «global conflict», with fighting in almost every corner of the globe. On various parts of Asia and Africa, Germany’s colonial possessions came under attack. The Japanese quickly overran German outposts in China. They also captured Germany’s Pacific island colonies. English and French troops attacked Germany’s African possessions. They seized control of the Deutsch-Ostafrika (Burundi, Ruanda, Tanganyik...
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... 11 10 settembre, infatti, iA Comitato di salute pubblica, con un decreto a firma di Treilhard, Breard, Carnot, Cochon, Laloy, Merlin de Douai, Delmas, in ossequio alle legge del 7 fruttidoro che aveva determi nato il definitivo... more
... 11 10 settembre, infatti, iA Comitato di salute pubblica, con un decreto a firma di Treilhard, Breard, Carnot, Cochon, Laloy, Merlin de Douai, Delmas, in ossequio alle legge del 7 fruttidoro che aveva determi nato il definitivo smantellamento del governo rivoluzionariol? ...
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The Battle of Solferino" in the political debate of Second Empire, 1859-1860
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This essay aims to analyse England’s naval guerrilla warfare against the Republic
of Venice from 1628 to 1649
of Venice from 1628 to 1649
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A pamphlet of a democratic republican on the end of the revolutionary season and the beginning of the Bonapartist regime
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Italy and Russia in the Great Mediterranean Game from the First World War to the Second Cold War
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The purpose of this essay is to analyse the international situation of Italy towards the United States Russian Federation and the Russian Federation during the administration of Donald Trump
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Croce initially supported Mussolini’s Fascist government that took power in 1922. He later explained that he had hoped that the support for Mussolini in parliament would weaken the more fanatical Fascists who, he believed, were... more
Croce initially supported Mussolini’s Fascist government that took power in 1922. He later explained that he had hoped that the support for Mussolini in parliament would weaken the more fanatical Fascists who, he believed, were responsible for Matteotti’s murder, and absorb the Fascist movement into the liberal system. Croce later described Fascism as «malattia morale» (literally “moral illness”). However, turning Gobetti’s interpretation - the Fascism as “autobiography of the Nation” - Croce claimed that the Fascism had been a parenthesis on Italy’s history, likening the “coup d’état” of 28 October 1922 to the invasion of the Hyksos (the barbarian rulers of Egypt in the years 1650-1550 before Christ). In fact, the Mussolini rise to power was the liberal elite’s response to the forces that animated the revolutionary pressure of 1919-1920.
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Faced with the bloody paralysis of the land front, D'Annunzio identified the possibility of a quick solution in the mass engagement of aircraft capable of hitting important targets located in the rear, or even inside the opposing country,... more
Faced with the bloody paralysis of the land front, D'Annunzio identified the possibility of a quick solution in the mass engagement of aircraft capable of hitting important targets located in the rear, or even inside the opposing country, with large quantities of bombs. From this intuition was born the idea of the long memorandum, Dell’uso delle squadriglie da bombardamento nelle prossime operazioni offensive. Note del Capitano aviatore Gabriele D’Annunzio a S.E. il Generale Luigi Cadorna, Capo di Stato Maggiore dell’Esercito, sent to the Supreme Command of Udine, on 11 May 1917, which constituted the first organic Italian theory of strategic bombing.
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This volume is conceived as a tribute to Eugenio Di Rienzo from disciples and friends at the end of his academic career. The essays arise from the trajectories of studies that Di Rienzo has explored and are celebrations of the passion he... more
This volume is conceived as a tribute to Eugenio Di Rienzo from disciples and friends at the end of his academic career. The essays arise from the trajectories of studies that Di Rienzo has explored and are celebrations of the passion he lavished on practising the profession of historian. They are also an appreciation of the lesson learned from Di Rienzo’s determination not to try to arrive at the truth of history, which is intangible, but to reach a very defective approximation of that truth without being led astray by its own faith and ideology or by a vicious analogy between past and present.
According to Di Rienzo, this is a commitment which will never be able to lead to all the hoped-for results because even an historian is a «man of flesh and blood». As such, if he does not want to arrive at a deliberate mystification of his work he can only share what Gaetano Salvemini, an author much loved by Di Rienzo, affirmed when he wrote: «We cannot be impartial. We can only be intellectually honest. That is, be aware of our passions, guard against them and warn our readers against the dangers of our partiality. Impartiality is a dream; honesty is a duty».
According to Di Rienzo, this is a commitment which will never be able to lead to all the hoped-for results because even an historian is a «man of flesh and blood». As such, if he does not want to arrive at a deliberate mystification of his work he can only share what Gaetano Salvemini, an author much loved by Di Rienzo, affirmed when he wrote: «We cannot be impartial. We can only be intellectually honest. That is, be aware of our passions, guard against them and warn our readers against the dangers of our partiality. Impartiality is a dream; honesty is a duty».
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Le più di ottanta lettere di Gioacchino Volpe inviate, dal 1900 al 1927, a Benedetto Croce, testimoniano la lunga consuetudine scientifica e i rapporti di stima e di amicizia, che legarono, per quasi un trentennio, due tra i più grandi... more
Le più di ottanta lettere di Gioacchino Volpe inviate, dal 1900 al 1927, a Benedetto Croce, testimoniano la lunga consuetudine scientifica e i rapporti di stima e di amicizia, che legarono, per quasi un trentennio, due tra i più grandi intellettuali del secolo trascorso. Un'amicizia, che non resse alla prova della politica, quando il destino di Croce e di Volpe si divaricò bruscamente, per raggiungere gli opposti lidi dell'antifascismo e del fascismo. Se nel 1916, l'interventista Volpe poteva scrivere al neutralista Croce che «la storia ci unisce e la realtà politica ci divide, un poco», dopo il delitto Matteotti, quella crepa si sarebbe trasformata in frattura insanabile. Pur avendo votato la fiducia al governo Mussolini durante la gravissima crisi parlamentare che seguì l'uccisione del deputato socialista, Croce avrebbe abbandonato, ma solo nel gennaio 1925, il suo atteggiamento di volenteroso sostenitore del fascismo, mentre Volpe sarebbe rimasto dentro la dittatura, svolgendo un ruolo di intellettuale di regime, sicuramente fedele anche se molto spesso non allineato con le direttive di Palazzo Venezia. Da quella data, quindi, lo storico e il filosofo si trovarono l'un contro l'altro, armati, all'interno di quella vera e propria diaspora, che interessò gran parte dell'italiana Repubblica delle lettere. Ma la rottura fu, in buona sostanza, solo di carattere politico, anche se proprio Croce fece del tutto per farla passare per un dissidio, che interessava due diverse concezioni storiografiche, svalutando, con poca generosità, la produzione dell'amico, un tempo definito il più valente storico italiano, addirittura lo «storico della Critica», e ora divenuto un avversario, da distruggere anche sul piano intellettuale.
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Le più di ottanta lettere di Gioacchino Volpe inviate, dal 1900 al 1927, a Benedetto Croce, testimoniano la lunga consuetudine scientifica e i rapporti di stima e di amicizia, che legarono, per quasi un trentennio, due tra i più grandi... more
Le più di ottanta lettere di Gioacchino Volpe inviate, dal 1900 al 1927, a Benedetto Croce, testimoniano la lunga consuetudine scientifica e i rapporti di stima e di amicizia, che legarono, per quasi un trentennio, due tra i più grandi intellettuali del secolo trascorso. Un'amicizia, che non resse alla prova della politica, quando il destino di Croce e di Volpe si divaricò bruscamente, per raggiungere gli opposti lidi dell'antifascismo e del fascismo. Se nel 1916, l'interventista Volpe poteva scrivere al neutralista Croce che «la storia ci unisce e la realtà politica ci divide, un poco», dopo il delitto Matteotti, quella crepa si sarebbe trasformata in frattura insanabile. Pur avendo votato la fiducia al governo Mussolini durante la gravissima crisi parlamentare che seguì l'uccisione del deputato socialista, Croce avrebbe abbandonato, ma solo nel gennaio 1925, il suo atteggiamento di volenteroso sostenitore del fascismo, mentre Volpe sarebbe rimasto dentro la dittatura, svolgendo un ruolo di intellettuale di regime, sicuramente fedele anche se molto spesso non allineato con le direttive di Palazzo Venezia. Da quella data, quindi, lo storico e il filosofo si trovarono l'un contro l'altro, armati, all'interno di quella vera e propria diaspora, che interessò gran parte dell'italiana Repubblica delle lettere. Ma la rottura fu, in buona sostanza, solo di carattere politico, anche se proprio Croce fece del tutto per farla passare per un dissidio, che interessava due diverse concezioni storiografiche, svalutando, con poca generosità, la produzione dell'amico, un tempo definito il più valente storico italiano, addirittura lo «storico della Critica», e ora divenuto un avversario da distruggere anche sul piano intellettuale.
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D'Annunzio developed an intense mediatic diplomatic activity, in order to oppose the international reaction hostile to the occupation of Fiume (Rijeka) by his Legionaries, break up Yugoslavia, constitute a «League of oppressed peoples»,... more
D'Annunzio developed an intense mediatic diplomatic activity, in order to oppose the international reaction hostile to the occupation of Fiume (Rijeka) by his Legionaries, break up Yugoslavia, constitute a «League of oppressed peoples», extended by the «Vanquished of the Great War» (Turkey, Hungary, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Croatian people) to Lenin's Russia, Irish Sinn Féin, the Nationalities subjected to Western Imperialism and Capitalism (Egypt, India, North Africans and Middle Eastern Muslims, African Americans, Chinese Americans). D'Annunzio was not, however, nor the creator nor the undisputed leading actor of the occupation of Fiume but played the role of a simple pawn manipulated by the "Strong Powers", the Gouvernement of Rome, the Freemasonry, the top of the Royal Italian Army and Diplomacy and various political pressure groups active in the Peninsula.