Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Skip to main content
Laura Gomez Mera
  • Department of Political Science
    University of Miami
    1300 Campo Sano
    Coral Gables, Fl 33146
  • 1-305-284-3116
This report offers recommendations on how to improve the design and activities of trade and investment promotion institutions in Nepal, with the goal of enhancing the country’s export competitiveness and ability to attract export-oriented... more
This report offers recommendations on how to improve the design and activities of trade and investment promotion institutions in Nepal, with the goal of enhancing the country’s export competitiveness and ability to attract export-oriented FDI.
Over the last decade, Mexico has transitioned from being a major source of immigrants to an important transit and destination country for asylum seekers and migrants from Central and South America. As President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador... more
Over the last decade, Mexico has transitioned from being a major source of immigrants to an important transit and destination country for asylum seekers and migrants from Central and South America. As President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador took office in December 2018, he pledged to implement a migration policy that prioritized humanitarian protection and honored Mexico's international and national human rights commitments. To what extent have these goals been achieved? In this paper, I rely on a variety of sources to document the widening gap between Mexico's legal and stated commitments to the protection of migrants' rights and their implementation. The evidence presented here suggests that migrants' security in Mexico is threatened not only by organized criminals and human traffickers, but also by state actors, highlighting the tension between the government's emphasis on citizen security. I discuss the international and domestic political dynamics exacerbating this international protection gap and highlight the role of civil society actors and intergovernmental organizations, in ameliorating it.
This study investigates the effects of international investment agreements (IIAs) on the internationalization decisions of emerging market multinationals (EMNEs). Drawing on the POLI advantage framework, we argue that bilateral investment... more
This study investigates the effects of international investment agreements (IIAs) on the internationalization decisions of emerging market multinationals (EMNEs). Drawing on the POLI advantage framework, we argue that bilateral investment treaties (BITs) add to the political and institutional capabilities of EMNEs, enhancing their OLI advantages in host countries. We identify two mechanisms through which BITs facilitate EMNEs' internationalization: by offsetting political risk and by mitigating the informational asymmetries and transaction costs associated with investing in unfamiliar destinations. We probe the plausibility of our claims with data from an original survey of firms in four emerging economies and a larger sample of bilateral FDI flows from UNCTAD's FDI/MNEs database. Our findings show a positive association between BITs and FDI from the South, especially in politically unstable and unfamiliar contexts. Apart from adding to the International Business literature on EMNEs, this study contributes to International Political Economy scholarship on FDI by highlighting the growing relevance of South-South IIAs.
Laura Gomez-Mera is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Miami. In this post she gives us a tour of the best bookshops in Buenos Aires. If there’s a bookshop that you think other students and... more
Laura Gomez-Mera is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Miami. In this post she gives us a tour of the best bookshops in Buenos Aires. If there’s a bookshop that you think other students and academics should visit when they’re undertaking research or visiting a city for a conference, find more information about contributing below.
The report is structured in two parts. The first part consists of two chapters (Notes one and two), and provides an assessment of overall trade competitiveness and trade policy options. Note one examines Moldova’s trade competitiveness.... more
The report is structured in two parts. The first part consists of two chapters (Notes one and two), and provides an assessment of overall trade competitiveness and trade policy options. Note one examines Moldova’s trade competitiveness. It assesses Moldova’s export performance over the last 15 years, looking at growth, diversification, sophistication and survival patterns, and benchmarking Moldova’s performance against that of comparator countries. It looks at productivity challenges that firms face, and in particular at how different dimensions of the business climate affect their productivity. Note two looks carefully at Moldova’s different trade policy options. It examines, specifically, the impact of eight alternative trade policy scenarios (including the DCFTA with the EU, the Customs Union (CU) with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, and others) on GDP growth, trade growth, and inequality. It relies on a dynamic computable general equilibrium (DCGE) model for these purposes. The second part of the study consists of two additional notes (Notes three and four), which take sectoral lenses to examine trade competitiveness challenges. Note three examines the challenges of the agricultural sector in Moldova. Note four looks at the role that free economic zones (FEZ) have had on the Moldovan economy as a tool to accelerate industrialization.
This chapter reviews the literature on environmental regime complexes. The first section clarifies the definition of regime complex and distinguishes it from similar concepts. The following three sections look respectively at the... more
This chapter reviews the literature on environmental regime complexes. The first section clarifies the definition of regime complex and distinguishes it from similar concepts. The following three sections look respectively at the emergence, the development, and the consequences of regime complexes. The fifth section surveys the different methods used in the regime complex literature. Finally, the last section discusses future directions for research on environmental regime complexes
A regime complex is an array of overlapping international institutions and agreements that interact to govern in a particular issue area of international relations. International regime complexity refers to the international political... more
A regime complex is an array of overlapping international institutions and agreements that interact to govern in a particular issue area of international relations. International regime complexity refers to the international political dynamics that emerge from the interaction among multiple overlapping institutions within regime complexes. Scholars have identified several factors explaining the emergence of regime complexes and the growing regime complexity in world politics. Some have emphasized the functional rationale for creating institutional linkages to contain negative spillovers across regimes. Others have focused instead on actors’ incentives, pointing to the various expected benefits of governing through regime complexes rather than through separate comprehensive institutions. Scholars have also disagreed about the consequences of regime complexes and, in particular, about the extent to which regime complexity facilitates or hinders international cooperation. The early lit...
As a small, landlocked economy, Nepal’s development prospects are closely tied to its ability to increase integration in the regional and global marketplace. Despite significant changes in Nepal’s trade sector over the past decade, the... more
As a small, landlocked economy, Nepal’s development prospects are closely tied to its ability to increase integration in the regional and global marketplace. Despite significant changes in Nepal’s trade sector over the past decade, the country’s export performance has remained poor, with exports growing at a much slower pace than imports. Nepal’s external vulnerability is deepened by its dependence on remittances to finance growing trade deficits.Achieving greater integration in the global economy and building a competitive export sector will require overcoming various economic and institutional challenges. This paper assesses the performance of these organizations in their role of promoting exports and investment. It has two main objectives. First, we describe the main export and investment promotion institutions in Nepal and examine their mandates, missions, and the services they offer.Second, we look at international best practices in export and investment promotion, to identify ...
This report seeks to shed light on the ways in which the services sector has contributed to Lao PDR’s competitiveness and integration into the global marketplace. It focuses on two complementary roles that the services sector plays:... more
This report seeks to shed light on the ways in which the services sector has contributed to Lao PDR’s competitiveness and integration into the global marketplace. It focuses on two complementary roles that the services sector plays: first, as an avenue for export diversification and growth and, second,by providing inputs into other productive sectors of the economy, such as the manufacturing sector. As economies grow, the importance of the services sector generally increases, but its role as an enabler of other sectors of the economy in moving up the value chain is frequently overlooked. However, the services sector is critical in raising competitiveness of these other sectors to boost growth and create better quality jobs. The main policy recommendations that emerge from this report are aimed at increasing competition in the services sector, reducing distortive regulations, and opening up the sector to foreign participation, building up skills, both at the individual and at the fir...
Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have spread rapidly around the world since the 1990s. In the Americas, the proliferation of trade agreements with countries from within and beyond the region have resulted in a “spaghetti bowl” of... more
Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have spread rapidly around the world since the 1990s. In the Americas, the proliferation of trade agreements with countries from within and beyond the region have resulted in a “spaghetti bowl” of overlapping rules and regulations, some of which address behind-the-border issues such as investment, competition, labor, and environmental standards. Earlier research has linked trade agreements to increased foreign investment inflows. This article argues instead that the effects of PTAs on FDI depend on the domestic institutional capacities of member countries. Domestic institutions condition the benefits and effectiveness of PTAs by influencing governments’ external credibility as well as their ability to implement the agreements they sign. The empirical findings show that weak state capacity exacerbates the spaghetti-bowl effects of multiple, overlapping agreements. Moreover, it is not the quantity but the quality, and more specifically, the depth of trade agreements that matters for attracting FDI. Resumen Los acuerdos de libre comercio se han propagado rapidamente por el mundo a partir de los anos noventa. En las Americas, la proliferacion de acuerdos comerciales con paises dentro y fuera de la region ha resultado en un ‘spaghetti bowl’ de reglas y regulaciones paralelas y que se superponen. En este trabajo, argumentamos que el efecto de los acuerdos preferenciales de comercio (APC) sobre la IED depende de la calidad de las instituciones nacionales en los paises miembros. Las instituciones politicas de cada pais miembro afectan la credibilidad externa, asi tambien como su capacidad para implementar los acuerdos que firman, de esa forma condicionando los beneficios y la efectividad de los APC. De acuerdo con nuestro analisis empirico, la baja capacidad estatal exacerba efectos negativos del ‘spaghetti bowl’ comercial. Ademas, la calidad (o profundidad) de los APC importa mas que la cantidad. Los acuerdos comerciales profundos, que abarcan temas y regulaciones domesticos, tienden a atraer mayores flujos de IED que los acuerdos superficiales.
This collection of essays brings together scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, based on three continents, with different theoretical and methodological interests but all active on the topic of complex systems as applied to... more
This collection of essays brings together scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, based on three continents, with different theoretical and methodological interests but all active on the topic of complex systems as applied to international relations. They investigate how complex systems have been and can be applied in practice and what differences it makes for the study of international affairs. Two important threads link all the contributions: (i) To which extent is this approach promising to understand global governance dynamics? (ii) How can this be implemented in practice?
In recent years, the Americas have witnessed an unprecedented surge in the number and scope of regional integration agreements, resulting in a complex “spaghetti bowl” of trade and economic relations. What are the consequences of this... more
In recent years, the Americas have witnessed an unprecedented surge in the number and scope of regional integration agreements, resulting in a complex “spaghetti bowl” of trade and economic relations. What are the consequences of this proliferation of overlapping and parallel institutional commitments among countries in the region? How has this increasing regime complexity affected the dynamics of cooperation among Latin American countries? And what does the case of overlapping regional agreements in the Americas tell us about the effects of regime complexity on regional governance? Drawing on the literature on international regime complexity, I identify three mechanisms through which the proliferation of regional agreements have undermined the effectiveness of cooperation in the Americas: by introducing legal fragmentation and rule ambiguity; by facilitating cross-institutional political strategies that allow countries to behave in opportunistic ways; and through competition and other feedback effects th...
ABSTRACT Twenty years ago, international cooperation against trafficking in persons was close to nonexistent. This changed suddenly and irreversibly in 2000, with the signing of the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking... more
ABSTRACT Twenty years ago, international cooperation against trafficking in persons was close to nonexistent. This changed suddenly and irreversibly in 2000, with the signing of the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons (TIP), especially Women and Children. Since then, regional and bilateral cooperation initiatives on TIP have proliferated. In addition to these interstate agreements, recent years have witnessed the emergence and spread of novel forms of soft or voluntary rule making, developed by intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and private actors. As a result, the governance of TIP has evolved from a state-centric regime to a transnational regime complex, in which public and private actors share responsibilities over various global governance tasks, including information sharing, standard setting, and monitoring and evaluation. In seeking to map out and shed light on the different components of this transnational regime complex, the article proposes a typology of transnational governance initiatives and illustrates its usefulness with an original dataset of 58 private, and public–private schemes involved in various aspects of the governance of TIP. The article then considers the implications of this increasing institutional complexity for international efforts to stop human trafficking. I argue that despite these remarkable institutional transformations and the growing role of private actors, the implementation of TIP rules and norms remains uneven and driven by state interests. Notwithstanding the increasing participation of nonstate actors and IGOs in the governance of TIP, states’ security concerns and their reluctance to cooperate on migration issues continue to drive anti-trafficking policies worldwide.
What are the consequences of increasing regime complexity and institutional proliferation on global governance? Does the growing density and overlaps among institutions facilitate or hinder the ability of states to manage transnational... more
What are the consequences of increasing regime complexity and institutional proliferation on global governance? Does the growing density and overlaps among institutions facilitate or hinder the ability of states to manage transnational threats through cooperation? This article argues that the impact of regime complexity on the effectiveness of cooperation depends not only on the nature of spillovers among overlapping regimes, but also on the cross-institutional strategies of states and non-state actors. I distinguish between two types of strategies through which actors can take advantage of institutional overlaps: (1) “opportunistic” or non-cooperative attempts by states to bypass legal commitments, which tend to undermine the goals of cooperation; and (2) “cooperative” strategies by intergovernmental organizations, civil society organizations, and other principled actors. These actors also engage in regime shifting, forum linking, and other cross-forum strategies to promote their i...
If you have any problems with this purchase, please contact us for assistance by email: Support@SSRN.com or by phone: 877-SSRNHelp (877 777 6435) in the United States, or +1 585 442 8170 outside of the United States. We are open Monday... more
If you have any problems with this purchase, please contact us for assistance by email: Support@SSRN.com or by phone: 877-SSRNHelp (877 777 6435) in the United States, or +1 585 442 8170 outside of the United States. We are open Monday through Friday between the hours of 8:30AM and 6:00PM, United States Eastern. ... Abstract: This paper uses a hedonic price model to estimate the value of public parks in the city of Buenos Aires. The main aim is to verify the externalities generated by parks and other green spaces, as reflected in real ...
Since the late 1990s Latin American countries have increasingly relied on rules-oriented mechanisms to adjudicate regional trade disputes. Yet a significant number of controversies continue to be managed and settled through political... more
Since the late 1990s Latin American countries have increasingly relied on rules-oriented mechanisms to adjudicate regional trade disputes. Yet a significant number of controversies continue to be managed and settled through political bargaining and dipl.
L'effondrement du marché hypothécaire aux États-Unis en 2007 a été le déclencheur de la dernière crise financière internationale qui s' est répandue, atteignant d'abord les marchés de l'investissement et ensuite... more
L'effondrement du marché hypothécaire aux États-Unis en 2007 a été le déclencheur de la dernière crise financière internationale qui s' est répandue, atteignant d'abord les marchés de l'investissement et ensuite l'économie réelle. L'instabilité des marchés financiers a entraîné une forte baisse des niveaux de consommation et d'investissement, et des attentes concernant la croissance. Bien que les économies industrielles développées d'Amérique du Nord et d'Europe aient été l'épicentre de la crise, les pays latinoaméricains ont commencé ...
La proliferación de acuerdos de cooperación que se superponen (overlapping) y de organizaciones, y la densidad en los regímenes internacionales que de ahí resulta, conducen a la discusión sobre las consecuencias de la creciente... more
La proliferación de acuerdos de cooperación que se superponen (overlapping) y de organizaciones, y la densidad en los regímenes internacionales que de ahí resulta, conducen a la discusión sobre las consecuencias de la creciente complejidad de régimen sobre la política y la efectividad de la gobernanza global. Este artículo analiza si la superposición y la interacción entre varias instituciones en el área de un solo tema afectan la complejidad de los regímenes o las metas de la cooperación internacional. Se discute evidencia empírica sobre la presencia y relevancia de algunos de estos mecanismos en Latinoamérica. Se observa que la dinámica competitiva entre Estados y regímenes con visiones y objetivos divergentes quebranta la cohesión y la solidaridad regionales.
ABSTRACT This article studies the functioning of dispute settlement mechanisms in regional trade agreements (RTAs) and their interaction with multilateral trade institutions. We examine the determinants of formal dispute initiation in... more
ABSTRACT This article studies the functioning of dispute settlement mechanisms in regional trade agreements (RTAs) and their interaction with multilateral trade institutions. We examine the determinants of formal dispute initiation in RTAs among South American countries. Using an original dataset of RTA disputes, we investigate the impact of economic power disparities, domestic political factors, and previous experience on the decision of South American countries to initiate a dispute against a regional trade partner. Our analysis indicates that both power asymmetries and domestic political factors influence the likelihood of dispute initiation at the regional level. We also find strong support for our hypothesis that previous experience in dispute settlement increases the probability that a country will file a complaint against a regional trade partner using regional mechanisms. Perhaps more interestingly, our empirical analysis also uncovers important cross-institutional effects. Prior participation in WTO disputes increases the propensity of states to file complaints at the regional level.
A regime complex is an array of overlapping international institutions and agreements that interact to govern in a particular issue area of international relations. International regime complexity refers to the international political... more
A regime complex is an array of overlapping international institutions and agreements that interact to govern in a particular issue area of international relations. International regime complexity refers to the international political dynamics that emerge from the interaction among multiple overlapping institutions within regime complexes. Scholars have identified several factors explaining the emergence of regime complexes and the growing regime complexity in world politics. Some have emphasized the functional rationale for creating institutional linkages to contain negative spillovers across regimes. Others have focused instead on actors’ incentives, pointing to the various expected benefits of governing through regime complexes rather than through separate comprehensive institutions.

Scholars have also disagreed about the consequences of regime complexes and, in particular, about the extent to which regime complexity facilitates or hinders international cooperation. The early literature tended to emphasize how institutional proliferation and fragmentation contributed to regulatory conflicts, thus undermining global governance outcomes. By contrast, other works provide a more nuanced account of the effects of regime overlaps, showing that under certain conditions regime complexity contributes to the effectiveness of cooperation. A rich body of empirical evidence drawn from the study of regime complexes in several issue areas, including environmental, trade, security, migration, and public health governance, suggests that what matters is not the fragmentation and overlaps per se but how they are managed.

The increasing institutional density and overlaps in international politics in the 21st century has generated significant interest among scholars of international relations (IR). The literature on international regime complexity and regime complexes has evolved theoretically and empirically since the beginning of the 12st century. Three main questions have guided and informed theoretical debates and empirical research on regime complexes. First, what are regime complexes and how are they composed? What is meant by international regime complexity? Second, what causes regime complexity and how do regime complexes emerge? And third, what are the effects and consequences of regime complexity?
Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have spread rapidly around the world since the 1990s. In the Americas, the proliferation of trade agreements with countries from within and beyond the region have resulted in a ‘spaghetti bowl’ of... more
Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have spread rapidly around the world since the 1990s. In the Americas, the proliferation of trade agreements with countries from within and beyond the region have resulted in a ‘spaghetti bowl’ of overlapping rules and regulations, some of which address behind-the-border issues such as investment, competition, labor and environmental standards. Has the increasing number of overlapping agreements helped attract foreign direct investment (FDI) into the region, thus facilitating integration in the global economy?  Earlier research has linked trade agreements to increased foreign investment inflows. We argue, instead, that the effects of PTAs on FDI depend on the domestic institutional capacities of member countries. Domestic institutions condition the benefits and effectiveness of PTAs by influencing governments’ external credibility as well as their ability to implement the agreements they sign. Our empirical findings show that weak state capacity exacerbates the ‘spaghetti bowl’ effects of multiple, overlapping agreements. Moreover, it is not the quantity but the quality, and more specifically, the depth of trade agreements that matters for attracting FDI.
Research Interests:
Twenty years ago, international cooperation against trafficking in persons was close to non-existent. This changed suddenly and irreversibly in 2000, with the signing of the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in... more
Twenty years ago, international cooperation against trafficking in persons was close to non-existent. This changed suddenly and irreversibly in 2000, with the signing of the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons (TIP), especially Women and Children. Since then, regional and bilateral cooperation initiatives on TIP have proliferated. In addition to these interstate agreements, recent years have witnessed the emergence and spread of novel forms of soft or voluntary rule making, developed by intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and private actors. As a result, the governance of TIP has evolved from a state-centric regime to a transnational regime complex, in which public and private actors share responsibilities over various global governance tasks, including information sharing, standard setting and monitoring and evaluation. In seeking to map out and shed light on the different components of this transnational regime complex, the article proposes a typology of transnational governance initiatives and illustrates its usefulness with an original dataset of 58 private, and public-private schemes involved in various aspects of the governance of TIP. The article then considers the implications of this increasing institutional complexity for international efforts to stop human trafficking. I argue that despite these remarkable institutional transformations and the growing role of private actors, the implementation of TIP rules and norms remains uneven and driven by state interests. Notwithstanding the increasing participation of non-state actors and IGOs in the governance of TIP, states' security concerns and their reluctance to cooperate on migration issues continue to drive anti-trafficking policies worldwide.
Research Interests:
What are the consequences of increasing regime complexity and institutional proliferation on global governance? Does the growing density and overlaps among institutions facilitate or hinder the ability of states to manage transnational... more
What are the consequences of increasing regime complexity and institutional proliferation on global governance? Does the growing density and overlaps among institutions facilitate or hinder the ability of states to manage transnational threats through cooperation? This article argues that the impact of regime complexity on the effectiveness of cooperation depends not only on the nature of spillovers among the overlapping regimes but also on the cross-institutional strategies of states and non-state actors. I distinguish between two types of strategies through which actors can take advantage of institutional overlaps: (1) “opportunistic” or non-cooperative attempts by states to by-pass legal commitments, which tend to undermine the goals of cooperation; and (2) “cooperative” strategies by intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), civil society organizations and other principled actors. These actors also engage in regime shifting, forum linking and other cross-fora strategies to promote their institutional mandates and normative agendas. To probe the plausibility of these theoretical claims, I focus on the case of the anti-trafficking in persons (TIP) regime. The overlaps between the anti-TIP regime and the migration, labor, and human rights regimes illustrate the different ways in which IGOs and their allies in society can exploit institutional overlaps to promote greater cooperation and expand the regime complex.
A broad range of illicit activities, such as drug trafficking, arms trading, money laundering, and human trafficking have flourished in the context of a globalizing economy. The transnational dimension of this phenomenon clearly makes... more
A broad range of illicit activities, such as drug trafficking, arms trading, money laundering, and human trafficking have flourished in the context of a globalizing economy. The transnational dimension of this phenomenon clearly makes interstate cooperation essential. However, international collaboration against illicit trade and transnational crime has been elusive and uneven, particularly in morally contested issues such as human trafficking, forced labor, and organ trade. This paper seeks to contribute to a growing International Relations literature on global prohibition regimes and interstate cooperation against illicit trade by focusing on a significantly neglected issue area: transplant tourism and organ trafficking. Recent reports indicate that organs have become part of an illegal multibillion-dollar industry, ranking tenth in a list of the most profitable illicit activities. Despite widespread condemnation at the international and national levels, concrete steps in the fight against transplant tourism have been very limited, particularly when compared to other forms of human trafficking. The empirical analysis here suggests that both domestic political and economic factors condition the willingness of governments to implement national policies against the international organ trade. But, in addition, to account for the limited attention and success in the construction of a global prohibition regime against international organ trafficking, it is important to look at the cleavages among transnational civil society groups involved in this issue.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In recent years, the Americas have witnessed an unprecedented surge in the number and scope of regional integration agreements, resulting in a complex “spaghetti bowl” of trade and economic relations. What are the consequences of this... more
In recent years, the Americas have witnessed an unprecedented surge in the number and scope of regional integration agreements, resulting in a complex “spaghetti bowl” of trade and economic relations. What are the consequences of this proliferation of overlapping and parallel institutional commitments among countries in the region? How has this increasing regime complexity affected the dynamics of cooperation among Latin American countries? And what does the case of overlapping regional agreements in the Americas tell us about the effects of regime complexity on regional governance? Drawing upon the literature on international regime complexity, I identify three mechanisms through which the proliferation of regional agreements have undermined the effectiveness of cooperation in the Americas: by introducing legal fragmentation and rule ambiguity; by facilitating cross-institutional political strategies that allow countries to behave in opportunistic ways; and through competition and other feedback effects that work to erode regional unity. The article has implications for two broader literatures in International Relations: work on international regime complexity and scholarship on regionalism and regional trade agreements, which has only recently started paying attention to the consequence of institutional overlaps and complexity.
This article studies the functioning of dispute settlement mechanisms in regional trade agreements (RTAs) and their interaction with multilateral trade institutions. We examine the determinants of formal dispute initiation in RTAs among... more
This article studies the functioning of dispute settlement mechanisms in regional trade agreements (RTAs) and their interaction with multilateral trade institutions. We examine the determinants of formal dispute initiation in RTAs among South American countries. Using an original dataset of RTA disputes, we investigate the impact of economic power disparities, domestic political factors, and previous experience on the decision of South American countries to initiate a dispute against a regional trade partner. Our analysis indicates that both power asymmetries and domestic political factors influence the likelihood of dispute initiation at the regional level. We also find strong support for our hypothesis that previous experience in dispute settlement increases the probability that a country will file a complaint against a regional trade partner using regional mechanisms. Perhaps more interestingly, our empirical analysis also uncovers important cross-institutional effects. Prior participation in WTO disputes increases the propensity of states to file complaints at the regional level.
This article seeks to account for the erratic patterns of conflict and cooperation observed in MERCOSUR since 1995. It argues that the marked deterioration of trade and diplomatic relations between Argentina and Brazil in the late 1990s... more
This article seeks to account for the erratic patterns of conflict and cooperation observed in MERCOSUR since 1995. It argues that the marked deterioration of trade and diplomatic relations between Argentina and Brazil in the late 1990s and early 2000s is best explained in reference to domestic political constraints on inter-state cooperation. Two domestic-level dynamics shaped the national preferences for regional cooperation of Argentina and Brazil: state–society relations and intra-state cleavages. The recurrent instances of
defection in the late 1990s reflected not only societal pressure but also the macroeconomic and political calculations of national policymakers. Tension among different state agencies sharing power over regional policy-making further undermined the coherence of member states’ behavior toward their regional commitments. This ‘second-image’ explanation of conflict in MERCOSUR is illustrated with case studies of three major trade disputes between Argentina and Brazil: the 1995 automobile sector crisis, the 1999 footwear industry dispute and the 2001 conflict over the common external tariff.
‘New Regionalism’ (NR) approaches have emphasised the qualitative differences between the more recent wave of regionalism and regional integration attempts in the post Second World War period. This article assesses the extent to which... more
‘New Regionalism’ (NR) approaches have emphasised the qualitative differences between the more recent wave of regionalism and regional integration attempts in the post Second World War period. This article assesses the extent to which these claims to newness are empirically justified in the specific case of MERCOSUR, the largest regional trade bloc in Latin America. It argues that, consistent with New Regionalism perspectives, regionalism in South America since the 1990s has been part of a broader process of national and global economic transformation, which has influenced the character of the process of integration itself. Yet, a careful examination of MERCOSUR suggests that the extent of its newness should not be overstated. MERCOSUR remains a state-led, primarily commercial initiative, and its evolution and sustainability have been fundamentally linked to strategic factors and power configurations at the global and hemispheric levels. Based on these empirical findings, the article challenges the usefulness of the analytical and theoretical separation between NR and mainstream International Relations approaches and illustrates the ways in which their insights can be combined and complemented in the explanation of contemporary regionalism
An increasing number of developing and emerging economies have adopted an inflation targeting framework for monetary policy during the last two decades. This article investigates the politics of inflation targeting by focusing on the case... more
An increasing number of developing and emerging economies have adopted an inflation targeting framework for monetary policy during the last two decades. This article investigates the politics of inflation targeting by focusing on the case of Brazil. I argue that the decision to implement an inflation targeting system in 1999 did not only reflect the concerns of political leaders with maintaining electoral support and external credibility. In addition, the choice of this new policy approach was informed by a shift in the technical consensus among Brazilian economists about the most effective way to tame inflationary pressures in a context of high capital mobility. The shift to inflation targeting thus reflected a process of social learning among technical elites, facilitated not only by the failure of the previous policy but also by the successful experience of other inflation targeting countries. Moreover, the evidence presented here suggests that, as the first country to adopt inflation targets in the context of an IMF-supported program, Brazil became a test case and a natural experiment for the redefinition of IMF conditionality and surveillance mechanisms. The paper thus sheds light on a process of reciprocal learning, whereby the IMF not only contributed to collective learning but also learned from the Brazilian case, subsequently becoming an active promoter of inflation targeting among developing countries.
Abstract: Despite their severity, the implementation problems in regional integration agreements in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) have received relatively limited scholarly attention. This paper seeks to address this gap in the... more
Abstract: Despite their severity, the implementation problems in regional integration agreements in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) have received relatively limited scholarly attention. This paper seeks to address this gap in the literature on LAC regionalism analyzing original data on the implementation records of members of the four main blocs in the region. The empirical evidence presented here suggests that there are indeed important implementation gaps in the four organizations.

And 3 more

Market, State and Society demonstrates the crucial role of differing configurations of domestic actors, interests and institutions in mediating the effects of globalization on welfare regimes, labor politics, and popular contestation.
Research Interests:
One out of every three dollars invested abroad in 2013 originated in multinationals from developing and emerging countries. What explains the impressive rise of emerging market multinationals? Why do these firms decide to invest abroad?... more
One out of every three dollars invested abroad in 2013 originated in multinationals from developing and emerging countries. What explains the impressive rise of emerging market multinationals? Why do these firms decide to invest abroad? In what markets do they concentrate their investments and why?
Research Interests:
We welcome proposals inspired by evolutionary ecology and looking at the structural and systemic characteristics of institutional complexes and their evolution.To submit a proposal, send a one-page summary, a biographical note, and full... more
We welcome proposals inspired by evolutionary ecology and looking at the structural and systemic characteristics of institutional complexes and their evolution.To submit a proposal, send a one-page summary, a biographical note, and full contact information by email to institutional.complexes@gmail.com by January 11th, 2016.
Research Interests:
A rich body of literature has emerged in International Relations (IR) examining the various consequences of the increasing proliferation and overlaps among international institutions. Much of this work, however, has remained narrowly... more
A rich body of literature has emerged in International Relations (IR) examining the various consequences of the increasing proliferation and overlaps among international institutions. Much of this work, however, has remained narrowly focused on state actors and formal intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). While scholars have recently begun acknowledging the participation of non-state actors in regime complexes, their actual behavior and strategies have remained understudied. To address this gap in the literature, this paper incorporates insights from constructivist and sociological institutionalist approaches to examine the ways in which IGOs, nongovernmental organizations, and other actors in transnational advocacy networks (TANs) can use crossinstitutional strategies to promote their normative agendas and thus contribute to more effective cooperation. I distinguish between two types of cross-regime strategies: socialization, and complementary rulemaking and enforcement. I argue that institutional complexity enables boomerang patterns across overlapping fora, which over time, result in a "complexity spiral" of norm socialization and implementation. I use examples from the regime complexes for the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples and refugees and asylum seekers to illustrate these mechanisms empirically.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: