Miami

On the corner of North Miami Avenue and 40th street, at the edge of the Design District, stands a "contemporary ruin" of what used to be a playfully pink architectural intervention titled "The Living Room". The project was designed in 2001 by Argentinean architects Roberto Behar and Rosario Marquardt of R&R Studios. The project began as a warehouse renovation, but the main focus is the large public installation at the building's corner, blurring the lines between art, architecture, and monument. The piece is called the Living Room because the architects had inverted the corner of the building, and through exaggerated scale of domestic imagery created a space that opened up to the street as a sort of "home" for the community. It is a home turned inside out with two forty foot walls enveloping oversized stainless steel lamps, a red concrete sofa, and a five-foot tall clock, and a twelve-foot tall window that frames views of the ever-changing Miami sky. An actual fabric curtain hangs down over what looks like floral wallpaper but is actually hundreds of individually hand painted, pink flowers. The Living Room is an example of an architecture that asks questions, that reevaluates the meaning and role of public life and spaces, and that considers the state of American cities. The Living Room and other works by R&R propose "imaginary solutions for a better world".1 by creating work that has a strong basis in creativity, diversity, and inclusion.

Ian Fleming's recently-opened Floridiana Hotel, in Miami Beach, where James Bond's client, Mr Junius du Pont, ‘promise[s] to make [him] comfortable’, was correctly matched in the film adaptation of Goldfinger with Morris Lapidus's Modernist Fontainebleau Hotel (1952–54) rather than with Miami's Mediterranean-style Hotel Floridian. Fleming was not enthusiastic about the architecture of the most expensive hotel in the world (at the time of its opening), nor about its ‘rich and dull’ gardens. He obviously chose it as a representation of the ‘easy, soft, high’ life of 1959 in Miami, and as the perfect setting for a gathering of American millionaires and secret agents, gamblers, gangsters, hitmen and prostitutes. Directly below Bond['s Aloha Suite], the elegant curve of the Cabana Club swept down to the beach – two storeys of changing-rooms below a flat roof dotted with chairs and tables and an occasional red and white striped umbrella. Within the curve was the brilliant green oblong Olympic-length swimming-pool fringed on all sides by row upon row of mattressed steamer chairs on which the customers would soon be getting their fiftydollar-a-day sunburn.The evening before, Bond had ‘the most delicious meal […] in his life’, at the most expensive restaurant of Miami. But the thought of ‘eating like a pig […] the easy life, the rich life revolted him. He felt momentarily ashamed of his disgust […] It was the puritan in him that couldn't take it'. It was also Fleming's nod to his readers, barely out of the grim austerity of postwar Britain, where food was rationed until 1954, bombsites abounded, housing was severely substandard or temporary, smog was thick and yellow, and wartime shortages lingered to the end of the decade. Despite Prime Minister Harold Macmillan's optimistic 1957 assurance to his fellow Conservatives that most of them had ‘never had it so good’, outside lavatories and no central heating were still common. His calls for ‘restraint and common sense’ were hardly answered by Bond's life of oyster-and-champagne dining and air-conditioned vacationing.

Abstract
The ethical problems in American journalism are not a thing of the past. Focusing in our own backyard, the supplement in Spanish of The Miami Herald, El Nuevo Herald, maintains that contentious tradition with what already are not mistakes of copy editors, but express inten-tions to distort the truth and misrepresent the historical facts. For personal gain of publishers, pleasing advertisers or owners express policies? Their actions respond.
Only this month of April 2015, an editorial by El Nuevo Herald the April 16th refers to the invasion to Cuba on Bay of Pigs April 17th, 1960, without that mentioning in the 298 words in Spanish that was an operation funded and sponsored by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
The day after that editorial was printed, The Miami Herald published a report about how the higher direction of the newspaper "killed" in 1960 a history - euphemism for censored - that denounced the invasion seven months before it occurs, under pressure from the director of the CIA, Allen Dulles, pleasing the Government against all the ethics codes of American jour-nalism.
Case specific of this study, the 2006 exposed scandal of journalists of El Nuevo Herald, Spanish version of The Miami Herald and other media in Florida moonlighting of the Voice of America (VOA) service, Radio and TV Martí. We intend to show how far decades the federal government has paid Hispanic journalists in Florida directly or indirectly through different budgets for non-profit organizations and financed publications with the pretext of patriotism and the fight against communism.

Although academic scholarship has addressed how city governments have responded to declining housing affordability in the aftermath of crisis, few studies have done so from a comparative perspective. Filling this gap in the literature, this paper studies two distinctive, but nevertheless commonly 'unaffordable' city contexts: Amsterdam and Miami. First, it reconstructs how both cities responded differently to otherwise common housing challenges by prioritizing public interventionist (Amsterdam) and public entrepreneurial (Miami) housing strategies. Second, it unravels how the underlying logics and market outcomes of both approaches have nevertheless become similar. To varying degrees, both cases reveal a (i) progressive shift in social housing provision from lower income groups towards middle-income groups, and (ii) the increased importance of market logics within the affordable housing sector at large. Despite good intentions, the paper concludes that both cities struggle with addressing affordable housing needs in what are, after all, neoliberal housing contexts. In the absence of greater state commitments, local willingness to contest housing financialization runs into the limits of affordable housing governance.

High Life: Condo Living in the Suburban Century (Yale University Press, 2012), investigates the design, politics, and social characteristics of a very common but overlooked genre of architecture: co-owned congregant housing, primarily in the United States. It examines the emergence and evolution, between the 1860s and 1980s, of co-op, condo, and townhouse-complex living as an alternative to the detached house and to rental tenancy in and around the cities where it first became common in that country: greater New York, Washington, Chicago, Miami, and Los Angeles.

Scholars from across the design professions, humanities, and social sciences have wrestled for more than a century with the question of U.S. urban form. The prevailing explanations emphasize large-scale structural forces like technology, culture, government, and profit motive. These, however, have a difficult time accounting for the rich complexity of the built environment, especially overlooked dwelling types like the suburban apartment and the co-op, condo, and "townhouse" complex.

They also tend to assume that there is relatively little meaningful choice in housing. More important, they imply that there are clear, causal links between these forces and what gets built.

I am suspicious of these assumptions. Freeways may shape metropolitan patterns, but say little about the size and shape of homes or the composition of households. Culture may uphold the single-family detached house as a normative ideal but cannot explain gentrification. Policy may facilitate access to mortgages and limit experimentation in design, but it has never insisted homes be freestanding and designed for a single household. And real-estate considerations may shape consumption of housing, but there is nothing inherent to any particular type (physical form) that makes one more profitable than any other.

Unlike most studies of housing, which focus on specific buildings, places, physical forms, or policies, or which examine elements like zoning, financing, or design in isolation, High Life poses a new question. Using multiple-family homeownership as a lens, it asks how particular forces, both large-scale and small, including personal politics, identity, and changing gender dynamics, are (and are not) tied to specific dwelling practices, building types, and geographies.

The tendency by scholars to classify buildings by type (single- or multiple-family; high- or low-rise), class (market-rate or subsidized ["affordable"]), and metropolitan geography (city or suburb), has engendered explanatory frameworks that conform to these categories, and has encouraged us to overlook "items" in the landscape that do not fit, to borrow a concept from geographer Pierce Lewis. By separating ownership from the suburban house, High Life offers a new paradigm for understanding the metropolis.

In 2013, the Vernacular Architecture Forum awarded High Life the Abbott Lowell Cummings Prize, given annually to the publication that has made the most significant contribution to the study of vernacular architecture and cultural landscapes.

Despite the growing power of finance over cities and housing, the relationships between finance, climate risk management, and urban governance have yet to be examined from a climate gentrification perspective. Putting the practices of a wide array of propertyfinance stakeholders in conversation with the foundational concept of the rent gap, we identify two real estate rent dynamics which are emerging against the prospect of climate-driven urban restructuring: risk rents, or new forms of value capture crafted against future risk, and rent at risk, or the anticipated loss of rent due to risk. We in turn illustrate how climate risk/rent dynamics constitute new or intensified processes of gentrification in Greater Miami, Florida. Through three vignettes, we show how configurations of real estate-finance climate risk management produce variegated yet interrelated opportunities for devaluation and revaluation, displacement, and downgrading. Such strategies push the gentrification frontier into new physical as well as institutional spaces. The Greater Miami story underscores the need for new forms of knowledge, coalition building, and integrated urban climate risk management practices which directly confront underlying financial drivers of housing and spatial injustice in 'risky' real estate markets. 
Keywords: gentrification; real estate; financial institutions; climate risk management; Miami, Florida

The supernaturalism associated with San Martín de Porres places him at the crossroads of institutional Catholicism and the Vodú of the Dominican Republic and its Miami, Florida migrant community. Despite Martín's official May 6, 1962 canonization as an emblem for the Second Vatican Council's updated sensibilities on racial and social justice, Martín's racial heritage and his mystic associations positioned Martín as an emergent folk saint (misterio) for practitioners of Vodú in the 1960s. This uptick of San Martín de Porres "sightings" within Dominican folk religion reveals the dialogic reformations of Dominicanidad (Dominican national-religious identity) in consequence of the momentous changes wrought by the 1960s. The assassination of dictator Rafael Trujillo (1961), the ensuing Dominican Civil War and U.S. occupation (1962–1965), and the abolishment of the U.S.'s national-origins quota system (1965) each worked in tandem to create a mass-exodus of Dominicans to the United States. Within the Church, the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965), the Medellín Conference (1968), and their approach to popular religion and liberation theology further transformed Dominican identity and experience. This study is situated in the Archdiocese of Miami, Florida, a geographic and cultural hub for the Afro-Catholic diaspora. There Dominican Vodú spiritism is a practice that illustrates the sacred and transnational dimensions of Hispaniolan historical experience as worked out between devotees and the agentive personalities of their misterios.

Este artículo es un estudio de la música pop latinoamericana producida en la ciudad de Miami durante los primeros años del siglo veintiuno. La industria miamense transformó no solo los modos de producción y distribución de la música pop, sino que también introdujo una estética nueva. Propongo el término “miamización” para describir esta transformación y argumento que esta nueva estética expresa una latinidad propia de la ciudad de Miami. Para ilustrar el concepto de miamización, realizo un análisis comparativo de la música, imagen y performance de la cantante chilena Myriam Hernández antes y después de emigrar a Miami.

Originating in the late 19th century, the airbrush spray gun was widely used in the mid-20th century as a photo retouch tool in advertising, while it contributed to the introduction of Photorealism in the early 1970s. The “LA scene” of the same decade popularized airbrush art through masterful illustrations. Using a variety of different representations, the 1980s airbrush art became the distinctive postmodern popular style of the decade, especially through the publication and distribution of posters and postcards, as well as in advertising. Although the 1990s saw its decline, in the late 2000s the 1980s airbrush art seems to be resurgent thanks to the Internet, providing an escapist narrative for the post-2007-2008 financial crisis landscape.

Miami is a « swing city » between the North and the South of the American continent : El dorado
for many people from the Caribbean and Latin America it also serves as a fresh concrete slab to
gain for speculators and developers from all walks of life. This city, which recently emerged in the hierarchy of American cities, concentrates heterogeneous populations with a diverse array of urban
practices and representations of the city. Since the 1960s and the victory of Castro’s revolution, Miami is the theater of incessant migrations and a remarkable urban sprawl extending the agglomeration to the South and the West of the county. In this very weakly planned urban area, the rapid urban changes (demographic and economic) question the current processes of urban «distancing»: segregation and fragmentation. In this article, we try to understand how intense circulations that drive the city played in the advent of spatial, social and affective distances characteristic of Miami

I discovered Dexter on bus stops in Paris. Advertisements for the series. I was curious. I got the omnibus, the first three novels. Then I was infested and I ordered the first four seasons or so and all the books and since then the sequels and new seasons.

I have lost some mental weight with him but I think he is becoming slightly too religious in his sixth season, and what’s more very one-sided, or should I say three-sided? I am not sure since the three religions behind it all come from the same melting pot.

What is interesting is the idea that some people have a dark passenger who makes them kill, and that dark passenger is a guest that comes in when a child is traumatized in a way or another in his/her very young age. That’s slightly simple minded. But that creates a good character for a thriller, especially when one of these criminals with dark passengers has been trained or retrained – in order to be refrained – into only killing people who deserve to die because they are evil. I have already seen that in Anne Rice’s vampires, witches and recently werewolves.

But what is evil, great master?

Evil is what I consider evil, though killing is what makes me full, gives me happiness, and what’s more it replaces any kind of enjoyment. This darkly-inhabited social protector comes, or should I write cums, by killing and in killing. The rest is nothing but blah blah to feel better, though he will never tell anyone.

And imagine your own sister seeing you in the act ! ! ! Yum, yum, I like that indeed. And pass me the knife over and pass me the salt over and pass me the red blood over.

Unluckily it got short lived on TV with its eighth season when he gets “killed” and in fact escape punishment. But he also gets killed in the eighth book and this time sloppily, rapidly, urgently. Killed, disposed of and liquidated. The author is obviously bored with his character and since a character is expendable, let’s kill him and forget about it

Shame on you! No author gas that divine right of life and death!

Scant academic attention has been paid to intersectional LGBT events.
Miami Beach is home to a women’s circuit party called Aqua Girl and a
Hispanic LGBT Pride called Celebrate Orgullo. This behind-the-scenes
study on their planning challenges the invisibility of intersectional
LGBTs as consumers and demonstrates that they can be targeted as
a profitable niche market. I utilize the homonormativity critique as
a framing. It describes the commercialization and mainstreaming
of LGBT populations as potentially oppressive and normative.
However, I challenge the a-spatial essentialisms that characterize the
literature. For example, the naming of gay white men and gentrified
gayborhoods as the homonormative subject/spaces/places ignores
how others can make use of homonormativity elsewhere. For instance,
the entrepreneurial, tourism-centered government of Miami Beach
targeted both lesbians and Hispanic LGBTs for these events. The
success and sponsorship of these events is due not only to the
popularity of Miami Beach with tourists, and the large local Hispanic
population, but also the scarcity of similar events elsewhere. These
events have homonormative aspects but defy reductive labeling or
accusation. Therefore, it is important to consider the relationality
of local manifestations of homonormativity while avoiding the
essentialism or dismissals of de facto ‘homonormative subjects,
spaces, or events’.

INDICE:

Santarelli Enzo, Ricordando Gabriella, 3-6.
Caballeros Rómulo, Bilancio della crisi degli anni ottanta in Centroamerica, 7-11. Trad. di Giovanna Coni.
Restany Pierre, Mendive e Cuba: una riserva di civiltà per il paese, 13-14.
Corvisieri Valerio, Le speranze del Guatemala. Tra guerra, crisi economica e dialogo nazionale, 15-22.
Manuzzato Nicoletta, Salvador: le posizioni del Farabundo Martí. Intervista a Armando Velázquez, 23-25.
Appello del Fmlm, [Salvador], 25-33. Trad. di Francesco Maraghini.
Il fronte sandinista a congresso, 35-49. Trad. di Francesco Maraghini.
Alonso Aurélio, Cuba: lo sviluppo ed il nuovo contesto internazionale, 51-58. Trad. di Giovanna Coni.
Riccio Alessandra, L'altra Cuba. Viaggio a Miami, 59-66.
Maraghini Francesco, Il tradimento di Fujimori, 67-73.
Nogueira Marco Aurélio, Il governo Collor, lo stato e le democrazia in Brasile, 75-89. Trad. di Angelo Trento.
Loustaunau Braidot Fernando, Noi uruguayani siamo una metastasi del Mediterraneo. Intervista a Rodolfo Tálice, 91-92. Trad. di Rosa M. Grillo.

Culture indigene
Barre Marie Chantal, L'indigenismo di stato in Messico: dalla rivoluzione agraria alla partecipazione, 93-99. Trad. di Paola Franciosi, coll. di Massimo Squillacciotti.
Iaccio Pasquale, Ecuador: vecchio e nuovo a confronto nella provincia Bolívar, 99-105.
Palomino Flores Salvador, La memoria collettiva non è utopia, 105-110. Trad. di Emma Cervone.

Recensioni e schede, 111-122.
Associazione Culturale "Julio Cortázar", Per Fabio Cocchi, 123.
Le illustrazioni del fascicolo sono riprese dal catalogo curato da Pierre Restany e Giorgio Segato, Manuel Mendive, Padova, 1990. In copertina: Manuel Mendive, Coralli, 1986.

Ligados por «vínculos de especial intimidad», el Miami y La Habana de los años 1950 daban rienda suelta a la fantasía y la vanidad de los turistas, cumpliendo los sueños de los consumidores norteamericanos, forjados por la publicidad, Hollywood y la televisión. En el Fontainebleau Hotel, el Eden Roc y el Americana, Morris Lapidus reinventó el hotel de Miami Beach: una experiencia completa en Technicolor, con interiores concebidos como productos de consumo para «Mr y Mrs America». Agentes del «estilo de vida americano», suntuosos hoteles-casinos se alzaban también en La Habana de los 1950. Contaban con el apoyo del gobierno de Fulgencio Batista, los especuladores inmobiliarios y conocidos inversores de la mafia estadounidense. Con el Habana Hilton, Welton Becket & Associates crearon el «ícono de la autoridad económica estadounidense». El cabaret Tropicana de Max Borges Recio representó la cumbre de la vida nocturna de La Habana y su escenario arquitectónico contemporáneo.

Since the election of Hugo Chávez in 1999 and the subsequent growth of Venezuelan immigration to the United States, there has been an explosion of Venezuelan media in South Florida. These media are focused on local issues confronting this expanding immigrant community. However, the mediated communication being produced among its members is also transnational in scope; events taking place in Venezuela heavily inform the content of these outlets. This research analyses 34 interviews with Venezuelan journalists in South Florida in order to further our understanding of the production of immigrant media within a transnational context. The results point to a hybrid form of journalism, one that draws on cultural background and national identity while also relying on ideology and connections to fellow immigrants. The outcome appears to be the production of transnational media spaces that represent new directions for the study of diasporic communication and the formation of transnational networks.

This paper contributes to research on metropolitan gayborhood trajectories and homonormative urban entrepreneurialism by assessing a South Florida case study.
We probe allegations of gay men being displaced from South Beach and the opposing narrative of a sexually diverse city with undiminished appeal. To that end, we present expert informant interviews, participant observation, media archives, and census data showing that the remade gayborhood coexists and competes with other, more affordable LGBT nodes. While socioeconomic, demographic and cultural characteristics differentiate these clusters, exploratory spatial data analysis indicates that the majority of metropolitan same-sex households reside elsewhere. We acknowledge Miami Beach’s recent pro-equality efforts, yet argue that homonormative politics conditions them. Public–private actions adopt corporate
formats, prioritizing tourist-oriented initiatives and spectacular events that promote nonthreatening, market-friendly forms of sexual dissidence. The conclusion discusses implications for queer community-building in metropolitan regions fragmented by socio-spatial inequality and competitive city-marketing catering to heterogeneous yet exclusive global audiences.

In this article I draw on fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in Cuba, the United States, Mexico, Panama, and Guyana to describe a newly emerging transnational network of material circulation, which I call the "Mula ring." I show how Cubans mobilize vast transnational networks to enable their systems of material circulation in the present day. These networks are tantamount to an economy unto itself that is redefining what it means to be Cuban both on and off the island. I show how this informal economy builds on preexisting gendered spheres of circulation and exchange as well as new modalities of power, the effects of which can be felt far from the island itself. Indeed, this network , which arises from a historical material scarcity under socialism, leads to the reification of new class structures, the likes of which the revolution had set out to dismantle.

OF THE THESIS EFFICACY AND IMPLEMENTATION OF AUTOMATED ESSAY SCORING IN INSTRUCTION OF LITERACIES TO HIGH LEVEL ELLs by Aaron J. Alvero Florida International University, 2016 Miami, Florida Professor Eric Dwyer, Major Professor This thesis explored the integration of automated essay scoring (AES) software into the writing curriculum for high level ESOL students (levels 3, 4, and 5 on a 1-5 scale) at a high school in Miami, Fl. Issues for Haitian Creole speaking students were also explored. The Spanish and Haitian Creole speaking students were given the option to write notes, outlines, and planning sheets in their L1. After using AES in the middle of the writing process as a revision assistant tool, 24 students responded to a Likert Scale questionnaire. The students responded positively to the AES based on the results of the Likert scale questionnaire: 71% responded “agree” and “strongly agree” to the question “Other students would benefit from using writing software before handing i...

Father of resilience theory C.S. Holling has a useful way of thinking about a time like this. He calls it a “back loop.” This concept refers to the adaptive cycle, the main heuristic used by resilience ecologists to describe the four phases of life experienced by all natural systems–a human being, a city, a society, a civilization, a swamp, a forest, a company. On one hand, the adaptive cycle contains a “front loop” of early rapid “growth,” leading to a “persistence” or “stability” phase dominated by a few species and characterized by rigidity and the capture of earlier energies. Those “stable” states are not permanent. Gradual or sharp disturbance can cause systems to slip into a “back loop,” marked by a “release” phase where energies and elements previously captured in conservation phases are set free, unexpected new combinations emerge, and wild, exuberant experimentation becomes the modus operandi. The most understudied aspect of ecological systems, back loops are also one of the most exciting. As observed in ecological systems, the back loop is the phase of life in which individual organisms or small groups of individual organisms interact across previously unbridgeable divides and in doing create something fundamentally original. In contrast to life in the regimes we are leaving behind, where innovation was stifled and influence limited to a few actors with the greatest power—the stability “trap”—in the back loop beings and things are released and open to new potentials.29 Although most back loops studied by ecologists have been regional in character, in 2004 Holling penned an essay suggesting that “we are at the time of a large-scale back loop,” a global situation in which “each of us must become aware that he or she is a participant.”30 I think Holling’s challenge is important; but it is also an apt description of a phenomenon already underway.

If we accept being in a back loop, the question becomes, how do we respond? Do we try desperately to maintain the old “safe operating space,” freeze a process already in motion? Or could we let go, allow a time of exploration and experimentation, see what becomes of the pieces of us and the world?

But what is evil, great master?

Evil is what I consider evil, though killing is what makes me full, gives me happiness, and what’s more it replaces any kind of enjoyment. This darkly-inhabited social protector comes, or should I write cums, by killing and in killing. The rest is nothing but blah blah to feel better, though he will never tell anyone.

And imagine your own sister seeing you in the act ! ! !

Yum, yum, I like that indeed. And pass me the knife over and pass me the salt over and pass me the red blood over.

Enjoy what I have made with these six books and six TV seasons; But be sure Miami Metro PD is far from Miami Dade PD.

The theoretical focus of this paper is the context of reception experienced by migrants in their new homeland. In particular we examine relations between established residents and newcomers or immigrants from Cuba, Haiti, and other Caribbean and Latin American nations in South Florida. Based upon long term fieldwork among late adolescents and young adults, we develop a framework and give ethnographic examples of established resident-newcomer relations that influence the contexts of reception for immigrants in South Florida. These contexts range from positive to negative, vary between national and local settings, and change over time.

This paper will examine the demographic breakdown of those most vulnerable to poor health within our population, and attempt to analyze the reasons behind the trends found. Social determinants of health frequently have to do with an individual’s socioeconomic status or racial- ethnic profile, further marginalizing already disenfranchised populations.

This paper will attempt to discover some of the underlying factors behind poor health in this population, considering housing and education patterns in addition to effects of poverty on an individual’s mental state.

This paper will further examine the effects that an urban environment, especially one that has a high prevalence of marginalized populations in close proximity to the more mainstream populations, can affect health. In this context, health is certainly considered a biological phenomenon, yet one that is strongly influenced and determined by an individual’s surroundings.
Lastly, this paper will use the HIV/AIDS epidemic to highlight the disparities found in health among various populations. HIV/AIDS, as a disease of the poor and vulnerable, can serve as a good indicator for this.

We conducted a trial to evaluate the impact of medical self-care education on 330 elders whose average age was 71. The test group participated in a 13-session educational intervention with training in clinical medicine, lifestyle , and use of health services. The comparison group received a two-hour lecture-demonstration. Both groups were assessed pre-intervention, post-intervention, and one year after entry.